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Industrial units with no permits operate in Gurgaon, flouting green norms

Gurgaon: Scores of industrial units are operating in the city without environmental permits as authorities struggle to control unchecked pollution in areas already burdened by sewage overflows and encroachment. The Haryana State Pollution Control Board (HSPCB) said in a July 2 right to information (RTI) reply that 281 industrial units in Gurgaon have been granted mandatory environmental consent to operate. Activists allege there are hundreds more industrial units that have been functioning without any approvals. These illegal factories are clustered in and around Basai, Kankrola, Badshapur and Dhanwapur. They operate without basic pollution controls such as effluent treatment systems. "Though the official number is 281, ground reality is far more alarming. In areas like Basai and Kankrola, there are several unauthorised industrial units. These are hotspots of unregulated pollution," said Delhi-based activist Varun Gulati. Most of these units are involved in manufacturing garment and textile, milk packaging, snacks, rubber parts, sealants and synthetic glues. Some of them handle metal scrap, or dismantle electronic waste too. "Many of these industries are ghost operators that don't follow basic rules like effluent treatment. When complaints are filed, they can't be traced," Gulati, who tracks violations in the district, said. The unauthorised units often operate in zones not designated for industry or on the fringes of residential areas, worsening health risks for those living nearby. "Pollution stress in these areas is no longer a hidden issue. It's visible in the water, in the air, and in the rising health risks to nearby communities," said Vivek Kamboj, an environmentalist. Despite multiple complaints, action by pollution control authorities has remained limited to show-cause notices or temporary shutdowns. There is no database to track illegal or unregistered units across the district. "The biggest failure is in enforcement. Pollution control isn't just about paperwork, it's about actually going into these industrial pockets and shutting down operations that poison the environment," said said Shubhansh Tiwari, a research associate at the Centre for Science and Environment. Activists demand that district authorities need to carry out ground-level surveys, satellite-based mapping and real-time inspection systems to track compliance in the rapidly growing city. A senior HSPCB official acknowledged the problem and said the board is aware of illegal units in Basai and Kankrola. "Enforcement drives are being intensified, and action will be taken against units operating without valid consent. No industry has the right to pollute unchecked," the official said.

Your makeup isn't safe. Can the government make it safer?

In today’s Finshots, we tell you why the Central Drugs Standard Control Organisation (CDSCO) wants to ban the manufacture and sale of cosmetics that contain mercury and how, despite existing rules, this toxic metal still sneaks its way into your makeup bag. But before we begin, if you’re someone who loves to keep tabs on what’s happening in the world of business and finance, then hit subscribe if you haven’t already. If you’re already a subscriber or you’re reading this on the app, you can just go ahead and read the story. The Story Back in 2014, the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) decided to peek into what really goes into our favourite cosmetics. So they tested a bunch of products for heavy metals. And what they found was startling! Out of 32 fairness creams tested for both men and women, 14 of them or about 44%, contained mercury. And 4 had extremely high levels, way beyond what’s allowed under the Indian law today. For context, India actually banned the manufacture and import of any cosmetics containing mercury way back in 1978. A small exception for eye-area products was added in 1982 (like eyeliners and mascaras, where mercury acts as a preservative to prevent microbial growth around a sensitive area). Yet, despite all this, CSE still found mercury lurking in nearly half the creams they tested. More specific limits were only clearly spelled out in 2020 under the Cosmetics Rules. If a product is meant just for use around the eyes, it can have mercury as a preservative, but the level shouldn’t go above 70 parts per million (ppm). For everything else, mercury is banned outright, except for trace amounts that can’t exceed 1 ppm. And even that has to be unintentional. Sidenote: ppm stands for parts per million — so 1 ppm means 1 part of mercury in a million parts of a product. Now, 4 out of 32 products containing high levels of mercury might not sound catastrophic, until you hear the brands’ names. We’re talking about biggies like Ponds White Beauty, Lotus Herbals Cocofair Cream, Olay Natural White and Aroma Magic Fair Lotion. The kind of brands you’ve probably seen on TV, endorsed by big Bollywood celebrities. Fast forward nearly a decade, and it’s actually hard to tell if things have really improved because CSE hasn’t re-tested these same products. But in 2021, another study by Toxics Link tested 15 skin-whitening creams sold in India. A third of them, all imported from Pakistan, still had mercury levels way above safe limits. The good news though is that none of the Indian made creams in this batch contained mercury. But the not so great news? These were mostly different brands altogether — names like Lotus Herbals White Glow, L’Oréal Paris, VLCC, VCare, Jovees and Himalaya Herbals. So we still don’t really know if those old creams are cleaner now or not, and we probably never will, because mercury doesn’t exactly pop up on a product’s ingredients list. Which makes you wonder — despite all the rules and bans, how do these creams still find their way into your local beauty store and, eventually, your dressing table? Well, before we get to that, let’s shine some light on why manufacturers even bother putting mercury in cosmetics and why traders keep importing them. See, mercury is a weird metal. It behaves like a liquid at room temperature. You’ve probably seen it in those good old thermometers. Once upon a time, it was also used in mirrors and silver fillings in your teeth. Some dentists might still use it today, but the general trend is to phase it out. That’s why modern mirrors are mercury-free, and we mostly use digital thermometers now. The reason is simple. Mercury can be toxic if you get too much of it in your system. And how much is too much? Well, that’s where health authorities step in with something called an Acceptable Daily Intake (ADI). It’s basically the maximum amount of a toxin you can be exposed to every day, over a lifetime, without it messing up your health. But the thing is, we’re already exposed to mercury in other ways like burning coal for electricity, heating or cooking with coal or even eating certain fish. Food standards help keep that in check. To put things in perspective, the FSSAI has set a limit of 0.25 mg/kg for mercury in food products, while the Prevention of Food Adulteration Act caps it at 0.5 ppm in fish and 1 ppm in other foods. But here’s the catch. Some skin whitening creams alone can make up more than 50% of your safe mercury limit. So if you’re slathering them on every day, you could easily cross that line. And once mercury enters your system, it’s bad news. Inorganic mercury in fairness creams can damage your kidneys, cause rashes, skin discolouration or even permanent scarring. It’s also linked to anxiety, depression and nervous system damage. Okay… So if it’s so dangerous, why use it at all? Well, mercury acts as a bleaching agent. It blocks melanin production, making skin look lighter. It’s also used as a preservative in some eye makeup, body lotions and other personal care products. Plus, mercury is cheaper than many safer alternatives. Add to that India’s obsession with fair skin and the massive demand for quick fix whitening products, and you can see why some manufacturers cut corners. Sourcing mercury isn’t rocket science either. You can find chemical suppliers pretty easily, especially in states or regions where checks are weak. So if you’re trying to squeeze out every rupee in profit, using mercury can look pretty tempting. And it’s not just a local problem. Imported products play a big role too. See, the CDSCO (Central Drugs Standard Control Organisation) doesn’t inspect every single batch of cosmetics coming into India. Brands have to register and self-declare their ingredients and toxicity test results. But that’s about it. After that, samples are only randomly checked or if there are complaints. And shopkeepers rarely lose sleep over stocking these products because in an industry worth over $20 billion, the penalty for selling unsafe cosmetics is just ₹20,000 or up to a year in jail. And even that’s rarely enforced. So why worry? Add the boom in e-commerce to the mix, and it’s even easier for shady sellers to deliver banned or unregulated products straight to your doorstep. The Drugs and Cosmetics Act, in its current form, doesn’t even properly cover online cosmetics sales. So there’s a big, convenient loophole for illegal products to slip through. But now, the Drugs Controller General of India (DCGI) — who heads the CDSCO, wants to crack down on this mess once and for all. He wants to enforce strict limits and finally ban the manufacture, sale and import of any cosmetics containing more than 1 ppm of mercury. And, if you’re wondering why the urgency now, it’s because of something we didn’t tell you earlier. India signed an international treaty called the Minamata Convention on Mercury back in 2017. It’s meant to protect human health and the environment from human-caused mercury emissions and releases. And under the agreement, countries had until the end of 2020 to ban these products. But India asked for a five-year extension till 2025. And well… we’re already halfway through 2025, and things still aren’t quite on track. And repeating the same old rules and bans may not fix the problem this time either. So what could actually work? For starters, we could do with better monitoring. Since authorities already know that contaminated products often come from neighbours like Pakistan, Bangladesh and China, why not test them more often?

A true crisis of the commons: Climate change demands global consensus

It’s been a surreal few months; my (our) world is spinning like a top and seems completely out of control. Nothing seems to make sense anymore. It is a strange time, and I say this particularly for the half-a-century people like me who grew up in the post-colonial era and witnessed a world order that was intensely inequitable but still seemed capable of reform. Maybe it was the age of innocence. But we had hope in the global rule of law, even if it was led by powerful global players; we believed that voices of reason would prevail. The United Nations (UN) had a role — even though the Security Council, then and now, was a body that mirrored an inequitable and unfair global power order — but it still stood with the right, against the wrong. There was something to hold on to; something to believe in. As I write this today — forgive me for sounding so dejected — it feels as though the ground has collapsed beneath our feet, and we are lost. Certainly, I cannot comprehend this world order, where countries can take unilateral action to bomb another, regardless of the provocation, and the world stands by, helpless and silent. We hear talk of regime change in another country and brush it off as normal; we ignore large-scale starvation and the massacre of entire peoples. At best, we change the channel because we cannot bear to see it anymore. Our helplessness is complete. This attack on Iran is not just about the rightness or wrongness of the United States (US) or Israel, but about the future of a world order built on rules — agreed upon by the community of nations and then enforced through global institutions. In this case, Iran is a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an international agreement against nuclear armaments. The treaty, which came into force in 1970, is widely viewed as a success, with 191 countries as parties accepting that “the proliferation of nuclear weapons would seriously enhance the danger of nuclear war”. As a signatory, Iran is banned from acquiring nuclear weapons. The Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is mandated to ensure compliance with these rules. Iran was under the IAEA’s safeguard system — in fact, given the geopolitics of the region, it had what is widely regarded as the most stringent inspection regime. Under the NPT —and you can argue that this is discriminatory — there are five states recognised as nuclear weapon nations: The US, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, and China. All of them are also permanent members of the UN Security Council. India and Pakistan have declared their nuclear-weapon capability and not signed the NPT, while North Korea has walked out. But what makes this situation even more “surreal” is that Israel, which has called Iran’s nuclear ambitions an existential threat to itself, has never signed the NPT. It is also widely accepted that Israel has a covert nuclear-weapon programme. So, here is one country that is bound by global rules, being attacked by another that openly shuns global rules and institutions. What then does this say for the future of multilateralism or a world order built on order, not disorder? In the IAEA report on Iran in May, its director-general flagged concerns of his inspectors on certain issues, including what it describes as the “rapid accumulation of enriched uranium”. But nowhere does the report say it has evidence that Iran possesses nuclear weapons — those which require countries to enrich uranium to 90-95 per cent. The next step should have been to hold discussions with the party involved and, if necessary, take this matter to the UN Security Council. It cannot be to bomb the country’s nuclear power and other sites, to the extent of jeopardising catastrophic leaks. In all this, we have to ask: Where does this leave the credibility of the IAEA? How can it play the role of ensuring safeguards are maintained across all countries? If all it takes is to use might and brute power to bomb another, then why should countries bother maintaining the niceties of rule of law? The role of the UN and its secretary general is in tatters — reduced to issuing press releases and advice that nobody listens to. We really need to ask why these institutions are not standing their ground and pushing back. Are they so compromised, or have they given up in the face of the aggressive behaviour of some? This is not the way forward for an interdependent world order. I ask this because there is much more at stake here. We know that the threat of climate change is real, and it requires the world to act together. It is a true crisis of the commons — it cannot be solved without the participation of all, and it requires a consensus and trust. A broken world order, with decimated and tarnished global institutions, will not work towards finding a resolution to this and other such global issues. We know that currently might is right, but this macho and belligerent world disorder will not make peace with humans or nature — not one that lasts. The author is at the Centre for Science and Environment. sunita@cseindia.org. X: @sunitanar

What was the rationale for the fuel ban on End-of-Life Vehicles (ELVs) in Delhi | In Focus podcast

Anumita Roychowdhury from CSE joins us to talk about Delhi’s fuel ban, the science behind retiring older vehicles, and whether this policy truly balances public health with everyday realities on the ground. From July 1st onwards, Delhi started enforcing a fuel ban on End-of-Life Vehicles or ELVs. In Delhi, this means diesel vehicles older than 10 years and petrol vehicles older than 15 years. This enforcement drive followed an order from the Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM) stipulating no fuel for ELVs from July 1. But now, following a public outcry, the Delhi government has written to CAQM asking for this fuel ban to be put on hold “with immediate effect”. The reasons it has cited include “critical operational and infrastructural challenges” and ‘public discontent and outcry”. While the enforcement drive raising a public outcry is understandable, it cannot be denied that Delhi’s air quality has become a year-round emergency which needs counter-measures. How was this decision to ban 10-year-old diesel cars and 15-year-old petrol cars arrived at? Is this a practical policy in a poor country like India where for many, their vehicle is linked to their livelihood? Are there better ways to weed out polluting vehicles? What about retro-fitting older vehicles to make them less polluting? Guest: Anumita Roychowdhury, Executive Director, Research and Advocacy, Centre for Science and Environment, Delhi. Host: G Sampath, Social Affairs Editor, The Hindu Produced and Edited by: Jude Francis Weston Camera & Post-Production Assistance: Manushree Swami

Jaipur Workshop Urges National Marine Litter Policy Tackle Inland Plastic Waste

India’s ambitious stride towards a comprehensive National Marine Litter Policy is gaining crucial momentum, yet a recent workshop hosted by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) underscored a critical imperative: the policy must decisively address the rampant flow of plastic waste from inland sources into the nation’s waterways. Convening officials from urban development departments, marine researchers, and global plastic experts from June 24-26, 2025, the Coalition of Coastal Cities workshop highlighted that the battle against marine litter must begin far from the coastlines, within India’s cities and rivers, to truly foster zero net carbon, eco-friendly, and equitable urban landscapes. The pervasive challenge of marine litter, overwhelmingly dominated by plastics, was a consistent theme throughout the deliberations. Global characterisation studies estimate plastics constitute 60-80 percent of marine litter, and India is a significant contributor. While discussions explored the nuances between marine litter and marine pollution, the core understanding reaffirmed that mismanaged municipal solid waste, alongside contributions from shipping, industries, tourism, and fishing, are primary conduits for plastic entering the aquatic environment. This necessitates a holistic approach that integrates robust waste management practices across various sectors, extending the focus beyond coastal zones to the very heart of the country’s waste generation. A stark case study from Agra city in Uttar Pradesh vividly illustrated the alarming scale of plastic leakage into inland water bodies. An examination of macro- and microplastic pollution in the Yamuna River revealed how banned single-use plastic items and multilayered packaging, particularly polypropylene, contribute significantly to riverine contamination. The study further exposed critical inefficiencies in existing infrastructure, such as basic iron meshes, which allow massive volumes of plastic debris to flow unimpeded into the Yamuna, especially during periods of high river flow. This underscores the dire need for immediate infrastructural upgrades and more stringent enforcement of plastic waste regulations in urban areas. The Agra study presented a replicable methodology for local governments to establish baselines and monitor the quantum of mismanaged plastic waste entering natural ecosystems via urban drainage networks. Participants advocated for the integration of marine litter indicators into national frameworks like Swachh Survekshan and pressed for the institutionalisation of periodic leakage audits to meticulously track plastic flow into water bodies. The microplastic analysis further complicated the picture, identifying packaging waste, textiles, and tyre wear as dominant sources of microplastic pollution in the Yamuna, stressing the complex and diverse origins of plastic contamination in inland riverine systems. The concluding day of the workshop shifted to the economic dimensions of managing plastic waste, particularly plastic packaging, which accounts for approximately 46 percent of the total plastic waste stream. Discussions scrutinised India’s Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) framework, focusing on the Central Pollution Control Board’s centralised EPR portal and compliance mechanisms for producers, importers, and brand owners. Concerns were raised regarding the efficacy of certificate-based compliance under EPR, highlighting gaps in ground-level implementation. A detailed cost analysis across varied geographies – plains, coastal zones, islands, and mountainous regions – further revealed how regional characteristics critically influence the logistics and economic viability of effective plastic waste management, demanding tailored policy solutions. The Coalition of Coastal Cities workshop successfully underscored that a comprehensive National Marine Litter Policy for India must intrinsically link coastal protection with inland waste management. It provided a holistic view, from the identification of plastic sources and pathways to the ultimate sinks of mismanaged waste in the marine environment. While significant strides have been made in understanding this multifaceted problem, the collective recognition from the workshop was clear: robust, government-supported data, coupled with sustained inter-sectoral collaboration and a firm commitment to infrastructural enhancement, are not merely desirable but absolutely essential to forge a truly effective policy for a cleaner, healthier, and more sustainable India.

WhyDelhiʼs clean air fight needs more than a blanket ban on old vehicles

Starting July 1, refuelling of old vehicles (15-year-old petrol and 10-year-old diesel models) has been banned in Delhi to implement the mandate from the Commission for Air Quality Management. However, in the face of public fury, the Delhi government has put this programme on hold, citing “operational and infrastructural challenges”. While the fate of 62 lakh overage vehicles remains uncertain, questions have emerged around the purpose and the method of enforcing such measures for clean air. Why is it necessary to phase out old vehicles — especially old private vehicles? And is a sweeping age-based ban the only answer? Why ageing eets are a concern There is a reasonably strong case for replacing older vehicles with clean and near-zero emissions vehicles. The older vintages were designed under signicantly weaker emission norms and emit far more pollution than those complying with the current Bharat Stage VI (BS VI) emissions standards. For instance, a BS III diesel car — over a decade old in Delhi — emits up to 11 times more particulate matter (PM) than a BS VI vehicle. A very old heavyduty diesel truck meeting BS I norms can spew 36 times more PM than one meeting BS VI norms. Wear and tear only worsen these emissions. This is not fully captured by the current Pollution Under Control (PUC) certication system which relies on idle engine emissions. This method fails to measure pollutants under varied real-world conditions such as acceleration or variable speed of driving. Evidence also shows that a small fraction of vehicles is responsible for a disproportionate share of emissions. For instance, a national estimate by the International Council on Clean Transportation shows that pre-2003 vehicles constituted less than 20% of total vehicles but accounted for nearly half of all vehicular particulate emissions and a third of nitrogen oxide emissions in 2011. The accumulating old eet can thus lock in enormous pollution. A rigorous emissions monitoring system should target such vehicles. That said, even newer vehicles can become high emitters if poorly maintained or malfunctioning. These too must be identied and addressed. There are also material benets to retiring End-ofLife Vehicles (ELVs). A joint report by theInternational Energy Agency and NITI Aayog found that recycling ELVs and recovering critical materials can reduce raw material costs by up to 40%. However, Indiaʼs current recovery rate stands at 70- 75%, well below the global benchmark of 85-95%. Moving beyond age-based bans While the clean-air benets of eet renewal are clear, a standalone and a blanket age-based ban is not a scalable and sustainable strategy. A more eective strategy would combine vehicle age with other indicators such as tness, maintenance, and emissions performance. This can be complemented by targeted age-based bans as needed. The 2021 scrappage policy by the ministry of road transport and highways (MoRTH) denes ELVs as those without valid registration or deemed unt through Automated Testing Stations (ATS). While all commercial vehicles have been mandated to undergo tness tests only in the ATS nationwide, the deadline has been extended. But Delhi can lead by enforcing ATS testing for commercial vehicles. However, stricter ELV criteria and better emissions tracking are also needed for private vehicles. More advanced on-road monitoring, like remote sensing, is needed to go beyond the PUC programme. Emission monitoring machines placed by the roadside can eciently identify the worst polluters. Central rules need to be notied immediately to implement this. The scrappage policy can start with the worst polluters — like old diesel trucks and commercial vehicles — and gradually include other ELVs. To make this work, nancial incentives will be required. The MoRTH policy allows for tax concessions, which states like Delhi have begun using. These can be strengthened with manufacturer buyback schemes and linked to cleaner or electric vehicle purchases to maximise emission gains. It is, however, clear that if tness testing, emissions performance, selective bans with nancial incentives are to serve as viable alternatives to blanket age-based bans, then emissions monitoring must be both advanced and stringent to identify ELVs eectively. Smart on-road monitoring and disclosure mechanisms must be part of the solution. Currently, it is evident from the VAHAN database of MoRTH, that as of July, out of 8.7 lakh vehicles tested in the ATS nationally, only 304 vehicles have been ocially declared as ELVs. Finally, the public outcry over age-based bans also reects a deeper issue: the lack of adequate mass transport options. Delhi needs massive augmentation of public transport and mobility systems, along with vehicle restraint measures like parking management area plans with increased parking pricing, to restrain personal vehicle usage. Roychowdhury is executive director, research and advocacy, Centre for Science and Environment

दिल्ली में पुरानी गाड़ियों पर पूरी तरह बैन से खत्म नहीं होगा प्रदूषण, जानें फिर कैसे मिलेगी साफ हवा

दिल्ली में एयर पॉल्यूशन का मुद्दा हमेशा से उठता रहा है। यही वजह है कि सरकार और प्रशासन लगातार साफ हवा के लिए जरूरी कदम उठाते रहे हैं। ऐसा ही फैसला लिया गया कि एक जुलाई, 2025 से 15 साल पुरानी पेट्रोल और 10 साल पुरानी डीजल गाड़ियों को पेट्रोल नहीं मिलेगा। हालांकि, अब इस फैसले को होल्ड किया गया है। अनुमिता रॉयचौधरी दिल्ली में पुरानी गाड़ियों पर लगने वाला बैन फिलहाल टल गया है। लेकिन हवा को साफ करने के लिए पुरानी गाड़ियों को हटाने का मुद्दा अभी भी चर्चा का विषय बना हुआ है। एक जुलाई 2025 से दिल्ली में 15 साल पुरानी पेट्रोल और 10 साल पुरानी डीजल गाड़ियों में फ्यूल भरवाने पर रोक लगने वाली थी। यह फैसला कमीशन फॉर एयर क्वालिटी मैनेजमेंट (CAQM) के आदेश पर लिया गया था। हालांकि, लोगों के विरोध को देखते हुए दिल्ली सरकार ने इस फैसले पर फिलहाल रोक लगा दी है। सरकार का कहना है कि अभी इसे लागू करने में दिक्कतें हैं। अभी यह तय नहीं है कि 62 लाख पुरानी गाड़ियों का क्या होगा। लेकिन, इस बात पर सवाल उठ रहे हैं कि क्या पुरानी गाड़ियों को हटाने का यह तरीका सही है? क्या सिर्फ गाड़ियों की उम्र देखकर उन्हें बैन कर देना ही सही है? क्या सिर्फ पुरानी गाड़ियों को हटाने से ही हवा साफ हो जाएगी? पुरानी गाड़ियां क्यों हैं चिंता का विषय? पुरानी गाड़ियों को हटाने और उनकी जगह नई गाड़ियां लाने की बात इसलिए हो रही है क्योंकि पुरानी गाड़ियां ज्यादा प्रदूषण करती हैं। पुराने मॉडल की गाड़ियां जब बनी थीं, तब प्रदूषण के नियम उतने सख्त नहीं थे। ऐसे में वे आज के Bharat Stage VI (BSVI) मानकों वाली गाड़ियों से ज्यादा धुआं छोड़ती हैं। उदाहरण के लिए, एक BS III डीजल कार (जो दिल्ली में 10 साल से ज्यादा पुरानी है) BS-VI गाड़ी के मुकाबले 11 गुना ज्यादा पार्टिकुलेट मैटर (PM) छोड़ती है। PM हवा में मौजूद छोटे-छोटे कण होते हैं जो सांस लेने में दिक्कत करते हैं। इसी तरह एक बहुत पुराना डीजल ट्रक BS-I मानकों का है, वह BS-VI ट्रक के मुकाबले 36 गुना ज्यादा PM छोड़ सकता है। पुरानी गाड़ियों के इंजन कमजोर हो जाते हैं, जिससे वे और भी ज्यादा प्रदूषण करने लगते हैं। गाड़ियों से पॉल्यूशन पर कितना असर अभी जो पॉल्यूशन अंडर कंट्रोल (PUC) सर्टिफिकेट मिलता है, उससे यह सही पता नहीं चल पाता कि गाड़ी कितना प्रदूषण कर रही है। PUC टेस्ट में सिर्फ यह देखा जाता है कि गाड़ी का इंजन धीरे-धीरे चलने पर कितना धुआं छोड़ रहा है। इससे यह पता नहीं चलता कि गाड़ी चलाते समय, जैसे कि तेज रफ्तार में या अलग-अलग स्पीड पर, वह कितना प्रदूषण करती है। किन गाड़ियों पर हो एक्शन कुछ गाड़ियां बहुत ज्यादा प्रदूषण करती हैं। इंटरनेशनल काउंसिल ऑन क्लीन ट्रांसपोर्टेशन के एक अनुमान पर गौर करें तो 2003 से पहले की गाड़ियां कुल गाड़ियों का 20 फीसदी से भी कम थीं। हालांकि, उनसे 2011 में लगभग आधा पार्टिकुलेट मैटर (PM) और एक तिहाई नाइट्रोजन ऑक्साइड का उत्सर्जन होता था। इसलिए पुरानी गाड़ियां ज्यादा प्रदूषण का एक कारण बन सकती हैं। ऐसा नहीं हो इसके लिए एक अच्छा सिस्टम होना चाहिए जो ऐसी गाड़ियों को पहचान सके। यह भी सच है कि नई गाड़ियों की ठीक से मेंटेनेंस नहीं की जाए तो ये भी ज्यादा प्रदूषण कर सकती हैं। खास तौर पर उस समय जब उनकी देखभाल ठीक से न की जाए या उनमें कोई खराबी आ जाए। ऐसी गाड़ियों को भी पहचानना और ठीक करना जरूरी है। पुरानी गाड़ियों को हटाने के फायदे जो गाड़ियां बेकार हो चुकी हैं, ऐसी गाड़ियों स्क्रैप करने से कई फायदे हैं। इंटरनेशनल एनर्जी एजेंसी और नीति आयोग की एक रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, पुरानी गाड़ियों को रीसायकल करके और उनमें से जरूरी चीजें निकालकर कच्चे माल की लागत को 40 फीसदी तक कम किया जा सकता है। हालांकि, भारत में अभी सिर्फ 70-75 फीसदी पुरानी गाड़ियां ही रीसायकल होती हैं, जबकि दुनिया में यह आंकड़ा 85-95 फीसदी है। सिर्फ उम्र के आधार पर बैन लगाना सही नहीं पुरानी गाड़ियों को बदलने से हवा साफ होती है, लेकिन सिर्फ उम्र देखकर गाड़ियों पर बैन लगाना सही नहीं है। यह एक अच्छा तरीका नहीं है। एक बेहतर तरीका यह होगा कि गाड़ी की उम्र के साथ-साथ उसकी फिटनेस, मेंटेनेंस और प्रदूषण की जांच भी की जाए। इसके साथ ही, जरूरत पड़ने पर कुछ खास गाड़ियों पर उम्र के आधार पर बैन लगाया जा सकता है। 2021 में मंत्रालय ने बनाई स्क्रैपेज पॉलिसी 2021 में सड़क परिवहन और राजमार्ग मंत्रालय (MoRTH) ने एक स्क्रैपेज पॉलिसी बनाई थी। इस पॉलिसी के अनुसार, End-of-Life व्हीकल्स (ELV) वे हैं जिनका रजिस्ट्रेशन नहीं है या जो ऑटोमेटेड टेस्टिंग स्टेशन (ATS) में अनफिट पाई जाती हैं। अभी सभी कमर्शियल गाड़ियों को ATS में फिटनेस टेस्ट कराना जरूरी है, लेकिन इसकी आखिरी तारीख आगे बढ़ा दी गई है। दिल्ली सरकार कमर्शियल गाड़ियों के लिए ATS टेस्टिंग को लागू करके इसकी शुरुआत कर सकती है। प्राइवेट गाड़ियों के लिए भी ELV के नियम सख्त होने चाहिए और प्रदूषण की निगरानी बेहतर होनी चाहिए। सरकार को कुछ सख्त कदम उठाना जरूरी PUC प्रोग्राम के अलावा, सड़कों पर चलने वाली गाड़ियों की निगरानी के लिए और भी बेहतर तरीके होने चाहिए। इसके लिए रिमोट सेंसिंग जैसी तकनीक का इस्तेमाल किया जा सकता है। सड़क के किनारे प्रदूषण की जांच वाली मशीनें लगाकर भी ज्यादा पॉल्यूशन करने वाली गाड़ियों को आसानी से पकड़ा जा सकता है। सरकार को इसके लिए जल्द ही नियम बनाने चाहिए। ऐसे शुरू हो गाड़ियों पर बैन की कार्रवाई स्क्रैपेज पॉलिसी की शुरुआत सबसे ज्यादा प्रदूषण करने वाली गाड़ियों से की जा सकती है, जैसे कि पुराने डीजल ट्रक और कमर्शियल गाड़ियां। धीरे-धीरे इसमें दूसरी End-of-Life व्हीकल्स (ELV) को भी शामिल किया जा सकता है। इसे सफल बनाने के लिए लोगों को पैसे देने होंगे। MoRTH की पॉलिसी में टैक्स छूट देने की बात कही गई है, जिसका इस्तेमाल दिल्ली जैसे राज्य कर रहे हैं। इसके साथ ही, गाड़ी बनाने वाली कंपनियां भी पुरानी गाड़ियों को वापस खरीद सकती हैं और नई गाड़ियां खरीदने पर छूट दे सकती हैं। इससे प्रदूषण को कम करने में मदद मिलेगी। स्मार्ट तरीके से व्हीकल्स की निगरानी जरूरी अगर फिटनेस टेस्टिंग, प्रदूषण की जांच और कुछ खास गाड़ियों पर बैन लगाने जैसे तरीकों को अपनाना है, तो प्रदूषण की निगरानी को बेहतर और सख्त करना होगा। ELV को पहचानने के लिए सड़कों पर चलने वाली गाड़ियों की स्मार्ट तरीके से निगरानी करनी होगी और इसकी जानकारी लोगों को देनी होगी। MoRTH के VAHAN डेटाबेस के अनुसार, जुलाई 2025 तक ATS में 8.7 लाख गाड़ियों का टेस्ट हुआ, जिनमें से सिर्फ 304 गाड़ियों को ही ELV घोषित किया गया। गाड़ी बैन पर लोगों का विरोध क्यों? उम्र के आधार पर गाड़ियों पर बैन लगाने का लोग विरोध कर रहे हैं, क्योंकि उनके पास पब्लिक ट्रांसपोर्ट के अच्छे विकल्प नहीं हैं। दिल्ली में पब्लिक ट्रांसपोर्ट को बेहतर बनाना होगा। इसके लिए ज्यादा गाड़ियां चलाने की जरूरत है। इसके साथ ही, पार्किंग की व्यवस्था को भी ठीक करना होगा और पार्किंग की फीस बढ़ानी होगी, ताकि लोग अपनी गाड़ियों का इस्तेमाल कम करें। (अनुमिता रॉयचौधरी, कार्यकारी निदेशक, अनुसंधान और वकालत, सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट)

Delhi government’s Air Pollution Mitigation plan could fall short on several parameters: Environmental expert

The ambitious Air Pollution Mitigation Plan 2025 launched last month by the BJP-led Delhi government in one of the world’s most polluted cities may fall short on several parameters despite some redeeming features, says a leading environmental activist. Reflecting on the putting on 'hold’ the fuel ban on end-of-life vehicles amid public pressure, which came into effect this week, Shambhavi Shukla of the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) told this reporter: “In its decades-long campaign on the right to clean air, CSE has never recommended the phase-out of personal vehicles based on age. Instead, we have recommended the improvement of fuel and emission standards for vehicles – from BS-0 in the mid-1990s to BS-6 introduction in 2020.” Of the multi-pollutants that have turned the national capital into a living hell, vehicular pollution is right at the top. The Delhi government said that only BS-VI vehicles, CNG vehicles, and electric vehicles will be allowed entry into the Union territory after November 1, 2025. This feature will not apply to vehicles already registered in Delhi, but would apply to commercial vehicles—large, medium, and heavy goods vehicles.

Delhi Government's Air Pollution Mitigation Plan Could Fall Short On Several Parameters: Environmental Expert

The ambitious Air Pollution Mitigation Plan 2025 launched last month by the BJP-led Delhi government in one of the world's most polluted cities may fall short on several parameters despite some redeeming features, says a leading environmental activist. Reflecting on the putting on 'hold' the fuel ban on end-of-life vehicles amid public pressure, which came into effect this week, Shambhavi Shukla of the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) told this reporter:“In its decades-long campaign on the right to clean air, CSE has never recommended the phase-out of personal vehicles based on age. Instead, we have recommended the improvement of fuel and emission standards for vehicles – from BS-0 in the mid-1990s to BS-6 introduction in 2020.”

Is your car next? End-of-life vehicle’s age not just a number, it’s a bigger debate in Delhi-NCR; what owners need to know

NEW DELHI: The debate among scientists and environment policy experts over what really drives vehicle pollution has heated up in Delhi after the Commission for Air Quality Management's (CAQM) directive of denying fuel and impounding end-of-life vehicles from July 1 onwards. Petrol vehicles that are over 15 years old and diesel vehicles that are over 10 years old are in the direct line of fire of CAQM's Direction 89. The policy's aim is to reducing emissions, but environmentalists and automotive experts have questioned whether a vehicle's age should be the only parameter for such an action. The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), which has been part of several scientific studies on pollution in Delhi-NCR, said that it does not recommend phasing out vehicles based on age. Rather, improving fuel and emission standards was what it seeks. Experts at CSE, along with researchers at IIT-Delhi and Delhi Technological University (DTU), advocated for improving the pollution under control (PUC) regime to ensure that vehicles on the road are well-maintained. "In its decades-long campaign on the right to clean air, CSE has never recommended the phase-out of personal vehicles based on age. Instead, we have recommended the improvement of fuel and emission standards for vehicles — from BS-0 in the mid-1990s to BS-6 introduction in 2020," a statement from CSE said. It added that it recommended the use of technology such as remote sensing to monitor emissions and identifying polluters while advocating an improved and stringent PUC regime to ensure that on-road vehicles are better maintained. "We know that vehicles, including personal vehicles, contribute the bulk of toxic air emissions, and therefore, we have also recommended massive augmentation of public transport and mobility systems, and vehicle restraint measures like increased parking rates and parking management area plans. It is only in the case of commercial vehicles, like trucks, that CSE has researched and recommended targeted fleet renewal and scrappage, but this also with incentives for commercial vehicle owners to replace fleets," CSE said. Some other experts, however, pointed out that the age of the vehicle was a telling factor on the possibility of higher emissions. Deepty Jain, assistant professor at the Transportation Research and Injury Prevention Centre in IIT Delhi, said that the tail-pipe emission of a vehicle depends on the vehicle's age, make, model, kilometres driven, and fitness. "If the annual average kilometres driven is high, one can expect its average emissions per kilometre to be higher than newer vehicles," she said. She added that age becomes one of the benchmarks to omit the emitting vehicles. "The problem is that for vehicles, a baseline must be made. Obtaining a PUC certificate is not difficult, so also the fitness certificate. So how do I really discourage people from using older vehicles? I cannot do anything else but look at the age," Jain said. A 2018 TERI-ARAI study said that approximately 40% of PM2.5 was generated by the transport sector. A recent CSE study based on data from the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology said that around 50% of Delhi's air pollution was caused by vehicle emissions. Experts also pointed out that the existing PUC system was faulty and outdated. A study by DTU even proposed an air quality measure such as an exhaust emission index (EEI) to replace the current PUC system. This EEI would largely rely on the idle testing of carbon monoxide (CO) and hydrocarbons (HC) emission for petrol vehicles and smoke density for diesel vehicles. Dr Rajeev Kumar Mishra, associate professor of environmental engineering at DTU, said maintenance records of vehicles could be identifiers. "Identifying vehicles for phasing out should be based on accumulated mileage, maintenance records and performance by emission norms, not just by age," he said. In 2024, three armoured vehicles used in the Prime Minister's security were denied registration extension by NGT on the grounds of vehicle pollution in Delhi-NCR. The Special Protection Group (SPG) pointed out that the specialised vehicles had only covered 6000, 9500, and 15,000km. However, the BS-III vehicles, then set to de-register in December 2024, were denied extension up to 2029. Green activist Bhavreen Kandhari also called the current no-fuel policy "troubling". The policy encourages people to scrap older cars and buy new ones, which would refresh the vehicle fleet and increase the total number of vehicles on the road. "Clean air won't come from just newer vehicles. It will come with fewer vehicles. That means shifting the focus towards reducing private car dependency," she said. "Age-based bans ignore real-world emissions. An old well-maintained car may emit less than newer, poorly maintained vehicles," she said.

Delhi’s vehicle ban sparks debate: Is scrapping old cars the answer to pollution?

The Delhi-NCR’s crackdown on older vehicles to curb pollution has reignited a fierce debate among scientists, environmentalists and transport experts. While the Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM) has barred petrol cars older than 15 years and diesel vehicles over 10 years from refuelling or plying on roads from July 1, critics argue that age alone shouldn’t dictate a vehicle’s fate. According to a TOI report, the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has long opposed phasing out vehicles based solely on age. Instead, the organisation advocates stricter emission norms and better pollution checks. "In its decades-long campaign on the right to clean air, CSE has never recommended the phase-out of personal vehicles based on age," the group said in a statement. Instead, it pushes for improved fuel standards, remote emission monitoring and stronger public transport. Experts highlight that the current Pollution Under Control (PUC) certification is flawed. A Delhi Technological University (DTU) study even proposed replacing it with an Exhaust Emission Index (EEI), which would assess idle emissions more accurately. Dr Rajeev Kumar Mishra of DTU argued that maintenance records and mileage, not just age, should determine a vehicle’s roadworthiness. However, IIT-Delhi’s Deepti Jain countered that age remains a practical benchmark. "Obtaining a PUC certificate is not difficult... So how do I really discourage people from using older vehicles? I cannot do anything else but look at the age," she was quoted by TOI. Studies show transport contributes heavily to Delhi’s toxic air, up to 50%, as per a CSE analysis. Yet, activists like Bhavreen Kandhari argue that replacing old cars with new ones won’t solve the crisis. "Clean air won’t come from just newer vehicles. It will come with fewer vehicles," she reportedly said, urging policies that reduce private car dependency. As per TOI, even government vehicles haven’t been spared - three BS-III armoured cars used for the Prime Minister’s security were denied registration extensions by the NGT last year due to pollution concerns, despite low mileage.

Flying 40-year-old planes, yet banning ‘old’ cars?’ Ex-IAF Officer calls out Delhi fuel ban

Delhi kicked off July with a lot of controversy thanks to the fuel ban on old vehicles. A former Indian Air Force officer has criticised the Delhi government’s decision to ban fuel sales to End-of-Life (EoL) vehicles, petrol cars over 15 years old and diesel vehicles over 10 years old, questioning the logic of restricting older cars while the country continues to operate aircraft more than 40 years old. Ex-IAF questions rationality behind End-of-Life vehicle ban Former Indian Air Force officer Sanjeev Kapoor questioned the policy’s selective enforcement by targeting personal vehicles. He raised eyebrows by stating that 40-year-old aircraft and 30-odd-year-old other commercial transport are okay, but a 10-year-old diesel and a 15-year-old petrol vehicle are illegal to ply on the streets of Delhi. He posted on social media, “We are still flying aircraft that are over 40 years old & many of our trains, buses, boats, ferries & commercial planes in daily use are more than three decades old. So why are restrictions being imposed only on personal vehicles? With fuel no longer available at gas stations, this will only create a parallel ecosystem, which is neither sustainable nor desirable. That’s my take.” Why the Govt cracked down on 62 lakh vehicles? According to a November 2024 analysis report by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), automobiles are the largest source of pollution in Delhi, contributing over 51% of emissions from local sources. Despite initiatives such as the CNG programme, the gradual phase-out of older diesel and petrol vehicles, and the implementation of stricter emission standards, etc, the air quality continues to degrade, especially in winters.

‘Why ban old cars when jets fly at 40?’: Air Force veteran blasts Delhi’s fuel carbs over ageing vehicles

Barely two days after rolling out its strict fuel ban for end-of-life vehicles, the Delhi government has pressed pause on its impounding drive, bowing to a tide of public outrage and sharp criticism from opposition leaders. In one such criticism, a former Indian Air Force officer has criticised the Delhi government’s decision to ban fuel sales to End-of-Life (EoL) vehicles. Former Indian Air Force officer Sanjeev Kapoor questioned the policy’s selective enforcement by targeting personal vehicles. He questioned why operating 40-year-old aircraft and 30-odd-year-old other commercial transport are okay, but 10-year-old diesel and a 15-year-old petrol vehicles are illegal to ply on the streets of Delhi. In a post on X (formally Twitter), he wrote, “We are still flying aircraft that are over 40 years old & many of our trains, buses, boats, ferries & commercial planes in daily use are more than three decades old. So why are restrictions being imposed only on personal vehicles? With fuel no longer available at gas stations, this will only create a parallel ecosystem, which is neither sustainable nor desirable. That’s my take.” According to a November 2024 analysis report by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), automobiles are the largest source of pollution in Delhi, contributing over 51% of emissions from local sources. Despite initiatives such as the CNG programme, the gradual phase-out of older diesel and petrol vehicles, and the implementation of stricter emission standards, the air quality continues to degrade, especially in winters. The Delhi government from July 1, banned fuel for end-of-life vehicles — 10 years or older for diesel vehicles and 15 years or older for petrol vehicles — that are deregistered and not allowed to ply on the roads as per the court’s orders. Only seven overage vehicles were impounded by authorities on the second day.

पुरानी गाड़ियों पर फ्यूल बैन खत्म होगा... जब्त नहीं होंगी पुरानी गाड़ियां? दिल्ली सरकार का रुख, क्या कह रहे एक्सपर्ट, समझें पूरी बात

दिल्ली में पुरानी गाड़ियों पर फ्यूल बैन को लेकर मामला गर्माया हुआ है। सरकार ने 1 जुलाई से 15 साल पुराने पेट्रोल और 10 साल पुराने डीजल वीकल को फ्यूल देने पर रोक लगाई थी। इसके साथ ही पेट्रोल पंप पर ही पुरानी गाड़ियों को जब्त किया जा रहा था। सरकार के इस फैसले की व्यापक आलोचना होने लगी। इस मुद्दे पर लोगों की नाराजगी भी देखने को मिली। इन सब को देखते हुए दिल्ली सरकार बैकफुट पर आ गई है। सरकार ने इस आदेश पर रोक के लिए कमीशन फॉर एयर क्वालिटी मैनेजमेंट को लेटर लिखा है। दिल्ली सरकार ने एक बड़ा यू-टर्न लेते हुए पेट्रोल पंपों पर पुराने वाहनों को फ्यूल बैन वाला फैसला वापस लेने का मूड बना चुकी है। 1 जुलाई को लागू हुए इस विवादास्पद आदेश में 10 साल पुराने डीजल और 15 साल पुराने पेट्रोल वाहनों को ईंधन मिलने पर रोक लगा दी गई थी, जिसकी व्यापक आलोचना और भ्रम की स्थिति पैदा हो गई थी। दिल्ली के नागरिकों को हो रही कठिनाइयों को देखते हुए, हमारी सरकार ने कमीशन फॉर एयर क्वालिटी मैनेजमेंट को पत्र लिखकर अनुरोध किया है कि एन्ड-ऑफ-लाइफ वाहनों को फ्यूल न देने के निर्णय पर पुनर्विचार किया जाए। यह निर्णय लाखों परिवारों की रोजमर्रा की जिंदगी और आजीविका को प्रतिकूल रूप से प्रभावित कर रहा है। क्या कह रहे एक्सपर्ट्स दिल्ली में वाहनों से होने वाले प्रदूषण के वास्तविक कारणों पर वैज्ञानिकों और पर्यावरण नीति विशेषज्ञों के बीच बहस तेज हो गई है। दिल्ली-एनसीआर में प्रदूषण पर कई वैज्ञानिक अध्ययनों का हिस्सा रहे सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (सीएसई) ने कहा कि वह उम्र के आधार पर वाहनों को चरणबद्ध तरीके से हटाने की सिफारिश नहीं करता है। बल्कि, उसने ईंधन और उत्सर्जन मानकों में सुधार करने की सलाह दी थी।

'40 साल पुराने जहाज उड़ा सकते हैं, 10 साल पुरानी कार नहीं चला सकते?', पूर्व वायुसेना अधिकारी ने उठाए बड़े सवाल

दिल्ली ने जुलाई की शुरुआत में पुरानी गाड़ियों पर फ्यूल बैन के कारण काफी विवाद खड़ा कर दिया. भारतीय वायुसेना के एक पूर्व अधिकारी ने दिल्ली सरकार के इस फैसले की आलोचना की है, जिसमें 15 साल से अधिक पुरानी पेट्रोल कारों और 10 साल से अधिक पुरानी डीजल गाड़ियों को ईंधन बेचने पर प्रतिबंध लगाया गया है. उन्होंने सवाल उठाया कि जब देश 40 साल से अधिक पुराने विमान चला रहा है, तो पुरानी कारों पर प्रतिबंध लगाने का क्या तर्क है? पूर्व भारतीय वायुसेना अधिकारी संजीव कपूर पूर्व भारतीय वायुसेना अधिकारी संजीव कपूर ने व्यक्तिगत वाहनों को निशाना बनाने वाली नीति की आलोचना की. उन्होंने सोशल मीडिया पर पोस्ट किया, “हम अभी भी 40 साल से अधिक पुराने विमान उड़ा रहे हैं और हमारे कई ट्रेन, बसें, नावें, फेरी और वाणिज्यिक विमान दैनिक उपयोग में तीन दशक से अधिक पुराने हैं. तो फिर केवल व्यक्तिगत वाहनों पर ही प्रतिबंध क्यों लगाया जा रहा है? CSE की रिपोर्ट सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) की नवंबर 2024 की विश्लेषण रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, दिल्ली में प्रदूषण का सबसे बड़ा कारण ऑटोमोबाइल हैं, जो स्थानीय स्रोतों से 51% से अधिक उत्सर्जन में योगदान करते हैं. CNG कार्यक्रम, पुराने डीजल और पेट्रोल वाहनों का धीरे-धीरे चरणबद्ध तरीके से हटाना, और सख्त उत्सर्जन मानकों को लागू करने जैसी पहलों के बावजूद, हवा की गुणवत्ता विशेष रूप से सर्दियों में खराब होती जा रही है.

प्राइवेट गाड़ियों को उम्र के आधार पर बैन करना सही नहींः सीएसई ने कहा

उम्र के आधार पर गाड़ियों को फ्यूल न देने से बढ़ रहे विवाद के बीच थिंकटेक सीएसई (सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरमेंट) ने साफ किया है कि निजी गाड़ियों को उम्र के आधार पर बैन करना सही नहीं है। हम इसके पक्ष में नहीं है। सीएसई ने सुझाव दिया है कि पीयूसी सिस्टम में व्यापक सुधार किए जाने चाहिए, ताकि सड़कों पर वही गाड़ियां चलें जो पूरी तरह मैनटेन हो। पीयूसी स्टम को रिमोट सेंसिंग टेक्नालॉजी और इमिशन मॉनिटर से जोड़ा जाना चाहिए। साथ ही अधिक पल्यूशन फैलाने वाली गाड़ियों की सड़कों पर पहचान जरूरी है। पब्लिक ट्रासंपोर्ट और मोबिलिटी सिस्टम को मजबूत करें सीएसई ने कहा कि यह सही है कि गाड़ियां हवा को काफी प्रदूषित कर रही है। इसलिए हम हमेशा पब्लिक ट्रासंपोर्ट और मोबिलिटी सिस्टम को मजबूत करने की हमेशा बात करते रहे हैं। प्राइवेट गाड़ियों को कम करने के लिए पार्किंग रेट बढ़ाने और पार्किंग मैनेजमेंट एरिया प्लान बनाने जरूरी है। गाड़ियों को स्क्रैप करने और उसकी फ्लीट रिन्यू करने का सुझाव कमर्शल वीकल जैसे ट्रक आदि पर सही है। लेकिन, इसमें भी वीकल ओनर को अपनी गाड़ी बदलने पर इंसेटिव दिया जाना चाहिए। सीएसई के सुझाव स्टेट और नैशनल पॉलिसी के आधार पर एंड ऑफ लाइफ वीकल के मानक तय हो। ऑटोमेटेड और एडवाइंस वीकल टेस्टिंग सिस्टम, एंड ऑफ लाइफ वीकल की पहचान कर अनफिट करार दे। सड़कों पर चलते हुए गाड़ी कितना पल्यूशन कर रही है, इसके लिए रिमोट सेसिसंग मॉनिटरिंग अपनाई जाए। एंड ऑफ लाइफ वीकल को फेजआउट करने के लिए इंसेंटिव दिए जाएं। पीयूसी सिस्टम सुदृढ़ हो और इसका एनफोर्समेंट भी प्रभावी हो। दिल्ली समेत सभी राज्य अनफिट और एंड ऑफ लाइफ वीकल की लिस्ट जारी करें और इसके लिए ऑटोमेटेड टेस्टिंग सेंटर बनें।