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Cse In News

Cse In News

India, a major user of coal power, is making large gains in clean energy adoption. Here is how

The share of solar, wind, small hydro power and biomass in India's electricity generation mix stood at 12%, double what it was in 2014 but still lower than expectations by this time, according to a report by New Delhi-based think-tank, the Centre for Science and Environment. One of the most carbon-polluting countries, India is also making huge efforts to harness the power of the sun, wind and other clean energy sources. Most of the electricity in India, the world's most populous nation, still comes from coal, one of the dirtiest forms of energy. But coal's dominance is dropping, going from 60% of installed power capacity 11 years ago to less than 50% today, according to India's power ministry.

62% cut in PM2.5 needed to meet national standards

Delhi requires another 62% cut in PM2.5 levels to meet the national clean air standards, reveals a new report by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) released on Thursday. The air quality trend since 2018, when most of the monitoring stations were set up, shows that the average annual PM2.5 levels (based on 38 stations) show a 10% increase since 2018 overall. However, after the pandemic year of 2020–21, the levels increased, stayed elevated, and the curve turned upward in 2023–24. "The maximum values in 2024 were the highest in the past few years. Delhi requires as much as a 62% reduction in its annual PM2.5 average level to meet the national ambient air quality standard," the report says. Anumita Roychowdhury, CSE's executive director, said: "What is needed here is more aggressive upscaling of mobility strategies, zero-emission vehicle transition, robust waste management, action on unregulated industry and the use of solid fuels in households, and regional airshed level interventions." The report highlighted that though Delhi has a large number of air quality monitoring stations, these are not well distributed to cover the population in all land uses, and there are still some "shadow zones" with low station density. "Currently, the monitoring stations in Delhi are mainly centred in and around the southern and central parts of Delhi. The southwest and northwest peripheries have minimal monitoring stations, leading to gaps in air quality monitoring. The stretch between Mundka, Bawana and Narela should have more monitoring stations as these are the areas that record some of the highest PM2.5 levels," the report said. CSE, which analysed the data of the Decision Support System (DSS), which is the dynamic forecasting of IITM, identified the top concerns among local sources as vehicles, industries in Delhi and its periphery, construction, waste burning and residential fuel. "Post crop burning season, the share of crop fire is less than 1%, the share of NCR and other districts is 64%, and the contribution of local pollution sources in Delhi increases further to 36.54%. At 30%, the contribution of local sources is significant, especially when it is considered that the city needs to reduce PM2.5 levels by 62% from a very high annual level of 105 micrograms per cubic metre," the report said. CSE said that between 2019–20 and 2024–25 financial years, Delhi received Rs 42.69 crore under the NCAP programme of the ministry of environment, forests and climate change (MoEFCC), out of which Rs 13.94 crore or 32.64% was spent.

Valmik Thapar, wildlife conservationist and author, passes away at 73

In 2005, Thapar was appointed a member of the Tiger Task Force, set up by the UPA government to review the management of tiger reserves following the disappearance of tigers from Sariska Tiger Reserve. When the task force, chaired by environmentalist Sunita Narain, concluded its report, Thapar submitted a dissent note. Valmik Thapar, one of India’s most eminent wildlife conservationists and authors, died at his residence in New Delhi on Saturday (May 31, 2025) morning. He was 73. Born in New Delhi in 1952, Thapar dedicated his life to the study and conservation of wild tigers, especially in Rajasthan’s Ranthambore National Park. He co-founded the Ranthambhore Foundation in 1988, a non-governmental organisation focused on community-based conservation efforts. Congress leader Jairam Ramesh termed his death a great loss. “Today’s Ranthambore, particularly, is a testimony to his deep commitment and indefatigable zeal. He was uncommonly knowledgeable on a variety of issues relating to biodiversity, and not a day passed during my Ministerial tenure without our talking to each other, with me almost always at the receiving end,” Mr. Ramesh posted on X. He said that during his tenure as chairman of the Standing Committee, Thapar was a constant source of valuable suggestions and advice. Family and early years Thapar’s father, Romesh Thapar, was a well-known journalist. His aunt is historian Romila Thapar, and his cousin, journalist Karan Thapar. He studied at The Doon School and later graduated with a gold medal in sociology from St Stephen’s College, Delhi University. Thapar married theatre artist Sanjana Kapoor, daughter of actor Shashi Kapoor, and they have a son. Thapar was mentored by Fateh Singh Rathore, a legendary figure in Indian conservation and a key member of the original Project Tiger team. Tiger Task Force Over his five-decade-long career, Thapar strongly lobbied for tougher anti-poaching rules and efforts to protect tiger habitats. He was part of more than 150 government panels and task forces, including the National Board for Wildlife, which is led by the prime minister. In 2005, Thapar was appointed a member of the Tiger Task Force, set up by the UPA government to review the management of tiger reserves following the disappearance of tigers from Sariska Tiger Reserve. When the task force, chaired by environmentalist Sunita Narain, concluded its report, Thapar submitted a dissent note. He expressed concern that the report was overly optimistic about the coexistence of tigers and humans. Thapar argued that for tigers to survive in the long run, certain areas needed to be kept free from human interference. He said that a minimum area should be managed exclusively in its natural form for a tiger.

ସିଏସ୍‌ଇର ଜାତୀୟ ସମ୍ମିଳନୀ : ସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛ ବାୟୁ ଜୀବମଣ୍ଡଳର ଆତ୍ମା, ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣ ଏହାକୁ ପ୍ରତି ମୁହୂର୍ତ୍ତରେ କ୍ଷତବିକ୍ଷତ କରୁଛି

ନୂଆଦିଲ୍ଲୀ : ସାମ୍ପ୍ରତିକ ପରିସ୍ଥିତିରେ ବାୟୁ ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣ ଏକ ସାଂଘାତିକ ସମସ୍ୟା ଭାବରେ ଉଭା ହୋଇଛି । କେନ୍ଦ୍ର ସରକାରଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ପ୍ରଚଳିତ ଜାତୀୟ ସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛ ବାୟୁ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟକ୍ରମ (ଏନ୍‌ସିଏପି) ୫ ବର୍ଷ ପୂରଣ କରିଛି । ଏହି ଅବସରରେ ସେଣ୍ଟର ଫର ସାଇନ୍ସ ଏଣ୍ଡ ଏନ୍‌ଭୟରମେଣ୍ଟ (ସିଏସ୍‌ଇ) ପକ୍ଷରୁ ଦେଶର ପ୍ରମୁଖ ସହରଗୁଡ଼ିକର ବାୟୁ ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣକୁ ନେଇ ଏକ ସମୀକ୍ଷା ରିପୋର୍ଟ ପ୍ରକାଶ କରାଯାଇଛି । ମଇ ୨୯ ତାରିଖରେ ଏକ ଜାତୀୟ ସମ୍ମିଳନୀରେ ଏହି ରିପୋର୍ଟକୁ ସିଏସ୍‌ଇର ମହାନିର୍ଦ୍ଦେଶକ ସୁନୀତା ନାରାୟଣ, କାର୍ଯ୍ୟନିର୍ବାହୀ ନିର୍ଦ୍ଦେଶକ ଅନୁମିତା ରାୟ ଚୌଧୁରୀ ଉନ୍ମୋଚନ କରିଛନ୍ତି । ସାରା ଦେଶର ବିଭିନ୍ନ ସହରରେ ଅସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛ ହୋଇ ପଡ଼ୁଥିବା ବାୟୁ ଉପରେ ସିଏସ୍‌ଇ ପକ୍ଷରୁ କରାଯାଇଥିବା ଅଧ୍ୟୟନକୁ ବିସ୍ତୃତ ଭାବରେ ରିପୋର୍ଟରେ ପ୍ରକାଶ କରାଯାଇଛି। ଦିଲ୍ଲୀ, କୋଲକାତା, ନୋଏଡା, ସୁରଟ, କୋଚି,ଇଣ୍ଡୋର, ଶ୍ରୀନଗର, ବେଙ୍ଗାଲୁର ଓ ଭୁବନେଶ୍ୱର ଆଦି ସହରକୁ ଏଥିରେ ସାମିଲ କରାଯାଇଛି। ତତ୍‌କାଳୀନ ସରକାରଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ଭୁବନେଶ୍ୱରରେ ପ୍ରଚଳନ କରାଯାଇଥିବା ସହରାଞ୍ଚଳ ପରିବହନ ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା କିପରି ବାୟୁ ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣ ରୋକିବାରେ ମହତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ପରିବର୍ତ୍ତନ ଆଣି ପାରିଛି ତାହା ଉପରେ ସମୀକ୍ଷା ରିପୋର୍ଟରେ ଆଲୋକପାତ କରାଯାଇଛି । ପ୍ରାରମ୍ଭିକ ଅଧିବେଶନରେ ସିଏସ୍‌ଇର ମହାନିର୍ଦ୍ଦେଶକ ସୁନିତା ନାରାୟଣ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟକ୍ରମରେ ଯୋଗ ଦେଇ କହିଛନ୍ତି ଯେ ସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛ ବାୟୁ ମଣିଷର ଆତ୍ମା । ମାତ୍ର ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣ ଆମର ଆତ୍ମାକୁ ପ୍ରତି ମୁହୂର୍ତ୍ତରେ କ୍ଷତବିକ୍ଷତ କରୁଛି । ଏଥିପାଇଁ ପ୍ରତିସ୍ତରରେ ଓ ପ୍ରତି କ୍ଷେତ୍ରରେ ସତର୍କରହିବାର ଆବଶ୍ୟତା ରହିଛି । ପରିବର୍ତ୍ତନମୂଳକ ପଦକ୍ଷେପ ବିନା ଏହା ସମ୍ଭବ ନୁହେଁ । ସମ୍ପ୍ରତି ସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛ ବାୟୁ ନିମନ୍ତେ ଯେତିକି ପଦକ୍ଷେପ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରାଯାଇଛି, ତାହା ପର୍ଯ୍ୟାପ୍ତ ନୁହେଁ । ଏହା ଉପରେ ଅଧିକ ଚିନ୍ତନ ଓ ଅଧିକ କଠୋର ନିଷ୍ପତ୍ତି ନେବାର ଆବଶ୍ୟକତା ରହିଛି । ଏହା ଏକମାତ୍ର ବିକଳ୍ପ ଓ ଏଥିରେ କୌଣସି ସାଲିସ ସମଗ୍ର ମାନବ ସମାଜର ଭବିଷ୍ୟତ ପାଇଁ କ୍ଷତିକାରକ ସାବ୍ୟସ୍ତ ହେବ ବୋଲି ସେ ମତପ୍ରକାଶ କରିଛନ୍ତି । ଏନ୍‌ସିଏପି ସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛ ବାୟୁ ଓ ଗୁଣବତ୍ତା ପରିଚାଳନାର ଢ଼ାଞ୍ଚା ପ୍ରତିଷ୍ଠାରେ ଯଦିଓ ସହାୟକ ହୋଇଛି, ତାହା ପର୍ଯ୍ୟାପ୍ତ ନୁହେଁ । ସହରଗୁଡ଼ିକରେ ବାୟୁ ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣ ନିମନ୍ତେ ଯେଉଁ ପ୍ରମୁଖ କ୍ଷେତ୍ରଗୁଡ଼ିକ ରହିଛି ସେଥିରେ ଯାନବାହନ ଚଳାଚଳ, ନିର୍ମାଣ ବର୍ଜ୍ୟର ଉପଯୁକ୍ତ ପରିଚାଳନାର ଅଭାବ ପ୍ରମୁଖ ଭୂମିକା ଗ୍ରହଣ କରିଛି । ତେଣୁ ଏହାକୁ ନେଇ ଦେଶର ବିଭିନ୍ନ ସହରଗୁଡ଼ିକରେ ଯେଉଁ କେସ ଷ୍ଟଡ଼ି ଗ୍ରହଣ କରାଯାଇଛି ତାହାର ସମୀକ୍ଷା ଓ ସମାଧାନ ଏକାନ୍ତ ଅପରିହାର୍ଯ୍ୟ । ସିଏସ୍‌ଇ ଭଲ ପଦକ୍ଷେପ ଓ ଖରାପ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟଗୁଡ଼ିକୁ ଅତ୍ୟନ୍ତ ନିରପେକ୍ଷ ଭାବରେ ବିଶ୍ଲେଷଣ କରି ଏହି ରିପୋର୍ଟ ପ୍ରକାଶ କରିଛି । କୋଚି ସହରରେ ମେଟ୍ରୋ ରେଳ ପ୍ରଚଳନ ଓ ନବୀକୃତ ସୌର ଶକ୍ତିରେ ଏହାର ପରିବହନ ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା ପ୍ରଚଳନ ସହରର ବାୟୁ ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣକୁ ରୋକିବାରେ ସକ୍ଷମ ହୋଇଛି। ଶ୍ରୀନଗର ଏହାର ପରିବହନ ଏବଂ ଗତିଶୀଳତା ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥାକୁ ଅପଗ୍ରେଡ୍‌ ଏବଂ ଉନ୍ନତ କରିବା ପାଇଁ ଏହାର ସ୍ମାର୍ଟ ସିଟି କାର୍ଯ୍ୟକ୍ରମ ପାଣ୍ଠି ବ୍ୟବହାର କରିଛି ଓ ସହର ସାରା ପଦଯାତ୍ରା ଭିତ୍ତିଭୂମିକୁ ବିକଶିତ କରି ନୂତନ ଉଦାହରଣ ସୃଷ୍ଟି କରିଛି । ଉଦୀୟମାନ ସହର ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଭୁବନେଶ୍ୱର ଏକ ଅନନ୍ୟ ଉଦାହରଣ ସୃଷ୍ଟି କରିଛି । ସହରର ଏକ ନୂତନ ବସ୍‌ ପ୍ରଚଳନ ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା ସହରୀ ଜୀବନ ଓ ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣ କ୍ଷେତ୍ରରେ ଉଲ୍ଲେଖନୀୟ ପରିବର୍ତ୍ତନ ଆଣି ପାରିଛି। ଅନୁରୂପ ଭାବରେ ଚେନ୍ନାଇରେ ପଦଚାରୀଙ୍କ ପାଇଁ ଶୃଙ୍ଖଳିତ ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା ଓ ସାଇକେଲିଂ ଭିତ୍ତିଭୂମିକୁ ବିକଶିତ କରାଯାଇ ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣକୁ ହ୍ରାସ କରାଯାଇ ପାରିଛି । କୋଲକାତାରେ ନିର୍ମାଣ ବର୍ଜ୍ୟର ଉପଯୁକ୍ତ ପରିଚାଳନା ସହରରେ ବର୍ଦ୍ଧିତ ବାୟୁର ଅସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛତାକୁ ରୋକିବାକୁ ସମର୍ଥ ହୋଇଛି । ଅନ୍ୟପକ୍ଷରେ ଶିଳ୍ପ ବାୟୁ ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣ ରୋକାଯିବା ପ୍ରମୁଖ ସହର ପାଇଁ ଆହ୍ୱାନପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ହୋଇଛି । ଅଧିକାଂଶ ଶିଳ୍ପ ସହର କ୍ଷେତ୍ର ବାହାରେ ହୋଇଥିଲେ ହେଁ ଏହାର ବାୟୁ ସହର ପାଇଁ ବିପଦ ପାଲଟିଛି। ପୁନଶ୍ଚ ସହରାଞ୍ଚଳରେ କଠିନ ବର୍ଜ୍ୟ ଅର୍ଥାତ୍‌ ନିର୍ମାଣ ବର୍ଜ୍ୟ ସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛ ବାୟୁ ପାଇଁ ବିପଦ ସୃଷ୍ଟି କରିଛି । ଏହି ସ୍ଥିତିରେ କଠିନ ବର୍ଜ୍ୟବସ୍ତୁ ପରିଚାଳନା କ୍ଷେତ୍ରରେ ହାଇଦ୍ରାବାଦ ବିକେନ୍ଦ୍ରୀକରଣ ପରିଚାଳନାର ଏକ ଅନନ୍ୟ ମଡେଲ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରିଛି, ଯେଉଁଠାରେ ସାର୍ବଜନୀନ-ଘରୋଇ ସହଭାଗୀତା ମଡେଲ ଅଧୀନରେ ଚାରୋଟି ପ୍ଲାଣ୍ଟ ସହରାଞ୍ଚଳରେ ସ୍ଥାପନ କରାଯାଇଛି। ଏହି ରିସାଇକ୍ଲିଂ ପ୍ଲାଣ୍ଟଗୁଡ଼ିକ ସହରର ନିର୍ମାଣ ବର୍ଜ୍ୟକୁ ପୁନଃବ୍ୟବହାରକ୍ଷମ ସାମଗ୍ରୀରେ ପରିବର୍ତ୍ତନ କରି ସହରକୁ ସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛ ବାୟୁ ପ୍ରଦାନରେ ସହାୟକ ହୋଇଛି । ଏହି ପରିପ୍ରେକ୍ଷୀରେ ସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛ ବାୟୁ ନିମନ୍ତେ ସ୍ମାର୍ଟ ସିଟି ମିଶନ, ବୈଦ୍ୟୁତିକ ଯାନବାହନ ପାଇଁ ଜାତୀୟ ଚାହିଦା ପ୍ରୋତ୍ସାହନ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟକ୍ରମ, ଅନ୍ୟାନ୍ୟ ସମାନ୍ତରାଳ କ୍ଷେତ୍ରୀୟ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟକ୍ରମ ଅଧୀନରେ ଅଧିକ ପ୍ରୟୋଗତ୍ମକ ପଦକ୍ଷେପ ଗ୍ରହଣ ଜରୁରୀ ହୋଇ ପଡ଼ିଛି ବୋଲି ସମୀକ୍ଷା ରିପୋର୍ଟରେ ପ୍ରକାଶ କରାଯାଇଛି । ଏହି ଅବସରରେ ଦିବସବ୍ୟାପୀ ବିଭିନ୍ନ ପ୍ୟାନେଲ ଆଲୋଚନା ଅନୁଷ୍ଠିତ ହୋଇଥିଲା । ଏଥିରେ କେନ୍ଦ୍ର ସରକାରଙ୍କ ବାୟୁ ଗୁଣବତ୍ତା ପରିଚାଳନା ବିଭାଗର ସଦସ୍ୟ ସଚିବ ଅରବିନ୍ଦ ନୌଟିଆଲ, ସ୍ୱଚ୍ଛଭାରତ ମିଶନର ଜାତୀୟ ନିର୍ଦ୍ଦେଶକ ବିନୟ କୁମାର ଝା, ବିଶ୍ୱବ୍ୟାଙ୍କ ପରିବେଶ ବିଶେଷଜ୍ଞ ସାୟନ୍ତନ ସରକାର, କେନ୍ଦ୍ର ପ୍ରଦୂଷଣ ନିୟନ୍ତ୍ରଣ ବୋଡର଼୍ର ବୈଜ୍ଞାନିକ ଅନାମିକା ସାଗର ଓ ବିନୟ ପ୍ରଭାକର, ଇଣ୍ଡିଆନ ଫେଡେ଼ରେସନ୍‌ ଅଫ୍‌ ଗ୍ରୀନ୍‌ ଏନର୍ଜିର ମହାନିର୍ଦ୍ଦେଶକ ସଞ୍ଜୟ ଗଞ୍ଜୋ, ଆସୋଚାମ୍‌ର ବରିଷ୍ଠ ପରାମର୍ଶଦାତା ପିନାକୀ ଦାସଗୁପ୍ତାଙ୍କ ସହ କୋଚି ମେଟ୍ରୋ, ଶ୍ରୀନଗର ସ୍ମାର୍ଟ ସିଟି, ବୃହନ୍ମୁମ୍ବାଇ ବୈଦୁତିକ ପରିବହନ ସଂସ୍ଥା, ଚେନ୍ନାଇ ସ୍ମାର୍ଟ ସିଟି, ଦିଲ୍ଲୀ ମହାନଗର ନିଗମ, ହାଇଦ୍ରାବାଦ ଏସ୍‌ଏସ୍‌ଆର୍‌ସି, ଚଣ୍ଡୀଗଡ଼ ମହାନଗର ନିଗମ, ଜୟପୁରର ଏମ୍‌ଏନ୍‌ଆଇଟିର ବରିଷ୍ଠ ଅଧିକାରୀମାନେ ଅଂଶଗ୍ରହଣ କରିଥିଲେ।

CSE releases nation-wide review of good practice in clean air action

India’s National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) has completed five years. A new nation-wide review of the Programme by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has shown that it has notched up hits as well as misses. The review report – titled Driving Clean Air Action under NCAP – was released here today at a national conference. The CSE review focuses on selected case studies from across India that showcase emerging good practices in clean air action in four different sectors: vehicles, industries, solid waste and construction and demolition (C&D) waste. But it also lays bare some of the systemic drawbacks that have kept the Programme from reaching its full potential. The urban centres which the review has covered include Delhi, Kolkata, Noida, Surat, Kochi, Indore, Srinagar and Bengaluru, among others. Speaking at the conference, CSE director general Sunita Narain said: “Clean air action needs to be taken sector by sector and within a sector we need game changers. Incremental action will not solve the pollution problem. We need transformational measures.” Releasing the study report, CSE’s executive director Anumita Roychowdhury said: “Our review shows that while NCAP has helped establish the national air quality management framework with clean air targets, identified the non-attainment cities and adopted the first-ever performance-linked funding strategy, its interventions have been largely confined to road dust control, especially in the Indo-Gangetic Plains. Funding that is available under the Programme is not equitably spread across priority measures in the combustion sectors.” Roychowdhury emphasises: “This review is not a report card on what all cities have done and how they have progressed under NCAP. This is simply an assessment of some – not all — of the good practices to cut toxic emissions that are being initiated and followed in a few cities across the country.” The criteria for selection of the case studies, say CSE researchers, has considered alignment with national policies, guidelines, regulations and standards, service-level benchmarks, targets and mandates. It has also recognised innovation in approaches, technology adoption, institutional reforms, fiscal strategy, process changes and system development.

India, a major user of coal power, is making large gains in clean energy adoption. Here is how

The share of solar, wind, small hydro power and biomass in India's electricity generation mix stood at 12%, double what it was in 2014 but still lower than expectations by this time, according to a report by New Delhi-based think-tank, the Centre for Science and Environment. One of the most carbon-polluting countries, India is also making huge efforts to harness the power of the sun, wind and other clean energy sources. Most of the electricity in India, the world's most populous nation, still comes from coal , one of the dirtiest forms of energy. But coal's dominance is dropping, going from 60% of installed power capacity 11 years ago to less than 50% today, according to India's power ministry. At the same time, India had its largest ever addition of clean power in the fiscal year between April 2024 and April of this year, adding 30 gigawatts — enough to power nearly 18 million Indian homes. With a growing middle class and skyrocketing energy needs, how fast India can move away from coal and other fossil fuels, such as gasoline and oil, could have a large impact on global efforts to confront climate change. Here is a snapshot of India's clean energy transition and some of the challenges. Renewable energy is now the most economical option Solar is now half the cost of power from new coal-powered plants. Availability of cheap components and many sunny days each year in India are some reasons experts say installed solar power increased 30 times in the last decade. “Solar power is the cheapest it's ever been,” said Ruchita Shah, an energy analyst at climate think-tank Ember. Shah added that dropping costs for energy storage, in the form of batteries, means that renewable power will be the “new normal," even when the sun doesn't shine or the wind doesn't blow. India has nearly 170 gigawatts of renewable energy projects in the pipeline, which are expected to be completed in the next few years. “I have no doubt that India will reach its target of 500 gigawatts by 2030,” said Raghav Pachouri, an energy expert at Vasudha Foundation, a New Delhi-based think-tank. Government policies and private investments push renewables Experts say the growth in renewables is being spurred by India's plans to add approximately 50 gigawatts of non-fossil fuel power capacity every year for the next five years and for clean power to provide 50% of the nation’s energy by the decade. When burned, fossil fuels let off greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide, the main driver of climate change. A 2022 law that made electricity cheaper for companies choosing to buy clean power, the federal government's recommendation that state utilities buy more renewable power and a 2023 government plan to invest $452 million have all catalyzed investments in renewables. India has the fourth highest amount of clean power installed in the world and government officials said $81 billion has been invested in the renewable energy sector in the last decade. Multiple large-scale renewable power projects have begun operations or are under construction, including one of the world’s largest wind and solar power farms. “We’ve seen domestic manufacturing capacity, at least when it comes to modules for solar panels, increasing,” said Madhura Joshi, a senior energy analyst at the European think-tank E3G. Still, renewables are underutilized Despite the rapid growth, challenges persist. While non-fossil fuel sources now comprise 45% of India’s total installed capacity, their share in actual electricity generation stood at 24% last year. Coal remains the dominant source, accounting for 75% of electricity generation. The share of solar, wind, small hydro power and biomass in India's electricity generation mix stood at 12%, double what it was in 2014 but still lower than expectations by this time, according to a report by New Delhi-based think-tank, the Centre for Science and Environment. Installed capacity is growing, but power generation from renewables needs to be optimized and integrated effectively into the grid, the report found. At a clean energy crossroads A recent report by the nonprofit clean energy think-tank, RMI, found that electricity demand is expected to triple by 2050 — driven by more electric vehicles, air conditioners and industrial growth. Acquiring land for clean energy projects remains a challenge. India also needs to rapidly build robust electricity transmission infrastructure and energy storage facilities to continue increasing clean power capacity. “India is expected to become the world's third-largest economy in a few years, and I think we will need to adopt renewable energy to do this. There is no option for us because fossil fuels can’t keep pace" with energy needs, said Deepak Thakur, chief executive officer of Mumbai-based renewable energy company, Mahindra Susten.

Backstory: The Disappearance of Media Stories on the Disappeared Points to a Cruel Future

Anil Agrawal and Sunita Narain from the Centre for Science and Environment Delhi observed: “Can we really equate the CO2 contributions of gas-guzzling automobiles in Europe and North America or, for that matter, anywhere in the Third World with the methane emissions of draught cattle and rice fields of subsistence farmers in West Bengal or Thailand? Do these people not have a right to live? But no effort has been made in WRI’s report to separate out the ‘survival emissions’ of the poor, from the ‘luxury emissions’ of the rich.” Earlier this year, the sight of Indians deemed “illegal” by the US government under President Donald Trump and peremptorily sent back in a US military aircraft to India, manacled and shackled, created widespread outrage in the country. Headlines like ‘Indian Illegal Migrants Deported From US Tell Their Tales Of Abuse’ marked the accompanying flood of media coverage. In sharp contrast, the Indian government’s renewed attempts to push out Rohingya and Bangladeshis who have fled to India, into the shadow lands and waters bordering neighbouring countries, have been met by a conspicuous media silence. So rarely has there been any incisive, or even just plain, reportage on the issue, that when the Indian Express carried a front page report on May 20, headlined ‘In last 6 months, at least 770 from Delhi alone deported to Bangladesh as part of crackdown’, it came as a shock. While there may have been unconfirmed information floating around that a few individuals deemed to be Bangladeshi or Rohingya have been pushed across the Bangladesh or Myanmar borders, nobody knew that there was an actual “crackdown”, and nobody suspected that the number of those so deported had touched “at least 770”. The forced evacuation of such a large cohort is alarming in a democratic country. It signals a breakdown of moral and ethical codes that had at one point in its history marked the country’s response to those seeking shelter within its shores for their survival. There are five reasons why such developments do not capture empathetic media attention and why stories of the disappeared are literally disappeared from media coverage. First is the confusion of semantics, which in turn has clouded public understanding of who exactly constitute this unusually variegated group. India, after all, has not signed the Refugee Convention of 1951, so what is the legal framework by which to perceive a bewildering range of people who could be deemed as foreigners, refugees, the internally displaced, economic migrants, or even environmental refugees? Secondly, precisely because of this lack of a legal framework, they can be framed in dark shades as criminals or illegals, depending on political expediency. The use of terms like ‘infiltrators’, ‘terrorists’, ‘militants’ and even ‘termites’ (as the home minister once characterised them), only serves to dehumanise them further and invest them with an unverifiable patina of diabolism. Thirdly, what has made the confusion worse is the prism of communalism through which these communities have come to be viewed, particularly after the enactment of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019. While those regarded as “our migrants” enjoy fast-tracked citizenship, particularly harsh treatment is meted out to “their migrants”, which includes police repression, vigilante persecution and summary expulsion. Also read | ‘Thrown Into the Sea’: How India Allegedly Deported 38 Rohingya Refugees Without Due Process Fourthly, over a period of time, this amalgam of untenable formulations, hate speech for electoral purposes and systematic stigmatisation has led to sections of the Indian population and media professionals left incapable of adopting a more rational approach to the issue. Some have even become convinced that the undocumented pose an imminent threat to their own security and that of the state – again without offering a shred of proof. When a few thousand Rohingya settled in Jammu came under the scanner, the cry went out that their crimes would need to be publicised. The long and elaborate compilation exercise that followed revealed no evidence of any major crime or security threat perpetrated by the frightened community. Big power projections comprise the fifth factor. Israel’s deliberate and strategic take-no-prisoners approach in Gaza, which could lead to the near annihilation of an entire population, has unfortunately come to be seen by many within the Indian media, not as the genocide it is but as the template that India needs to adopt to emerge as a “strong state”. In the process, the capacity to accommodate, assimilate and absorb diversity and difference to a level unparalleled anywhere in the world, which had made India what it is today, is in danger of being lost forever. The centuries’ old belief, atithi devo bhava(guest is akin to god), is now robbed of any meaning and remains an empty shibboleth to be mouthed at the international summits that India hosts, and forgotten thereafter. Today, as a result, we have a media that is willing to stomach extraordinary levels of state-driven cruelty meted out to helpless communities of stateless people in the name of national interest. The legacy media may even get reliable information about atrocities being committed against them, but they will do nothing about it. Once in a way, a newspaper like the Indian Express may flash stories of this kind on its front page, but for hundreds of news channels and thousands of “large” newspapers, this is not what makes news. In early May, when 38 Rohingya men, women and children were allegedly detained by the Delhi police on the pretext of getting their biometrics done; herded into a holding centre; taken to Port Blair; transferred to an Indian naval vessel; beaten; given life jackets and then pushed into the sea fringing Myanmar, with no legal process being followed whatsoever and in violation of international and national law, the stray reports that surfaced were only on social media. When a petition on this case was taken before the justices of the Supreme Court, they termed it a ‘fanciful idea’ and dismissed it out of hand. Such plausible deniability would not have been possible if the media had taken such information with the seriousness it demanded. What does this mean for the future? The process of othering is unlikely to stop at the hapless stateless. The persecutors and prosecutors will find new communities to target, new ways to make those who are “insiders” today into “outsiders” tomorrow, with the media willingly playing the role of accessory to the crime. It is a cruel future that awaits us. § Thoughts on World Environment Day Today, the impacts of environmental destruction are widely known, partly because there is far greater media coverage of issues like climate change and ecological destruction than was the case earlier. But it has been a long, bumpy journey. The first international conference hosted by the United Nations, the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment, was held in 1972 and it proclaimed to the world that “Man is both creature and moulder of his environment, which gives him physical sustenance and affords him the opportunity for intellectual, moral, social and spiritual growth.” There was that ring of anachronism interlacing those words in the way it privileged the male gender, but even more conspicuous was the misplaced optimism that they evoked: “through the rapid acceleration of science and technology, man has acquired the power to transform his environment in countless ways and on an unprecedented scale.” The fear amongst the countries in the South at that juncture was that an agenda of “conservation”, the buzz word of the era, would be at the cost of “development”, or the attempts of the poorer parts of the globe, labelled unambiguously as the “underdeveloped world”, to improve its prospects. Two decades later, another international conference on the environment, this time at Rio, saw the North-South divide get even more pronounced and its articulation more sophisticated. When emissions of cattle and the methane generated by rice fields were cited in a report from the Washington-based World Resources Institute as a major contributor to pollution, Indian environmentalists pushed back. Also read: Yes, Environment Ministry Took ‘Many Steps’ Under Modi – But They Came At the Cost of Environment Itself Anil Agrawal and Sunita Narain from the Centre for Science and Environment Delhi observed: “Can we really equate the CO2 contributions of gas-guzzling automobiles in Europe and North America or, for that matter, anywhere in the Third World with the methane emissions of draught cattle and rice fields of subsistence farmers in West Bengal or Thailand? Do these people not have a right to live? But no effort has been made in WRI’s report to separate out the ‘survival emissions’ of the poor, from the ‘luxury emissions’ of the rich.” This observation did not of course take into adequate consideration the ‘luxury emissions’ of the rich in the poorer countries, or the emissions of “poorer countries” seeking to achieve First World arsenals. Ultimately, there was no getting away from the fact that everyone on the planet, whether from the North or the South, whether from the developed world or the developing world, needed to get more aware of just what was happening to their environment at the national and international levels. It was this spirit that egged a group of concerned scientists, environmentalists and journalists to come together in 1982 to produce a citizens’ report, edited by Anil Agarwal, Ravi Chopra and Kalpana Sharma on the ‘The State of India’s Environment’. What was striking about this volume – dedicated to the women of Chamoli – was how far ahead of its times it was, not just by being the first publication of its kind brought out by concerned citizens under the banner of the Centre for Science and Environment, but the effort it took to put across complex issues in a readable, usable style through quality design and the wide use of data, infographics and illustrations. There was also a liberal sprinkling of “not-so-fun facts” (“70 per cent of all the available water in India is polluted. About 73 million workdays are lost due to water-related diseases”). Many of those associated with the publication are no longer with us. They include Anil Agrawal, the passionate prime mover of this effort; Anupam Mishra, the Gandhian water conservationist; newspaper editor Darryl D’Monte; and Smitu Kothari, ecologist and author. Others went on to achieve personal milestones, many in the environmental field. Today, as we mark yet another World Environment Day (on June 5), it may be worth our while to revisit a paragraph in the introduction to this volume: “Most of us come to know of environmental problems and effects in a piecemeal manner. But when we read this overview of the state of the nation’s rivers, dams, forests, air, soil, plants, animals, towns, village, health and energy problems, the impact is certainly overwhelming.” It comes as a reminder that our journalism on the environment also cannot exist in silos and needs to keep the larger backdrop of climate change within its sights. As Sanjay Asthana recalled in the elegant environmental portal, Mongabay, the efforts made by students and environmentalists to protect the priceless 400-acre forest of Kancha Gachibowli adjoining Hyderabad University were invaluable. The courts woke up to the destruction too late. He recalled how that patch of forest had educated him on the local biophysical sphere as a young PhD scholar. Ecological destruction is happening in plain sight and if we don’t have the information and words to push back against the onslaught, posterity will never forgive us.

'Please Protect Our Right to Live': Women Protesters Write to CJI, Oppose Second Waste Plant in Bawana

Environmental experts have also raised concerns about such projects. Reports by organisations such as the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) have warned that incineration of unsegregated waste, especially in densely populated and industrial zones, poses grave health and ecological risks. For the past 150 days, a group of women – mothers, grandmothers, and homemakers –from Sanoth village in Delhi’s Narela zone have been staging a peaceful protest against the setting up of a second waste-to-energy (WTE) plant in the area, where locals say they already face pollution-related health hazards due to the presence of an existing WTE plant. With folded hands and unwavering resolve, they have now made an emotional appeal to the highest judicial authority in the country: the Chief Justice of India (CJI). In a letter sent on May 20 to the CJI, the women describe their lives as “forgotten,” forced to live in what they call “Delhi’s dumping ground”. “Garbage from across the city comes here, into our homes, into our skies, and into our lungs,” the letter reads. Sanoth village, situated on the outer edge of Delhi in Bawana, already suffers under the shadow of a massive WTE plant that burns thousands of tonnes of unsegregated municipal waste daily. The residents say this has turned the air toxic. Children cough through the night, elderly residents battle respiratory and kidney ailments, and young women are falling ill at alarming rates. “We already have three dumping grounds and countless polluting industries, where are we supposed to go now? My daughter complains of stinging eyes and chest pain. Is this the cost of living in our own village?” says Vimla, a resident. Ignored by elected leaders Despite writing letters to their local MLA and MP, the women say their protests have been met with silence. No official has visited them. Instead, they now face an even harsher blow: approval for a second WTE plant just 800 meters from the village. This new facility will process an additional 3,000 tonnes of Delhi’s waste everyday. “Another fire. Another furnace,” their letter to the CJI states. “It won’t just burn garbage, it will burn what little peace we have left.” The women describe how their children, instead of playing freely, now struggle to run for even a minute. “Their tiny lungs are already damaged. We may not have data or reports, but this is our everyday reality. We know what it feels like to sit beside a sick child and wonder if the air itself is killing them,” say the women. A fight for the right to breathe Since their protest began on December 20, the women of Sanoth have braved Delhi’s harsh winter and scorching summer, refusing to relent. Their demand is simple yet profound: the right to breathe clean air. In their letter to the CJI, they invoke Article 21 of the Constitution, the fundamental right to life. “If development means breathing in cancerous fumes, drinking contaminated water, and watching our grandchildren suffer, then what is this, development or destruction?” they ask. Environmental experts have also raised concerns about such projects. Reports by organisations such as the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) have warned that incineration of unsegregated waste, especially in densely populated and industrial zones, poses grave health and ecological risks. Yet in working class neighborhoods like Bawana, these concerns are often ignored. “We are not included in decisions that affect our lives,” the letter states. “Plans are made for us, never with us.” “Please stand with us, Hon’ble Sir. Please protect our children. Please protect our right to live,” the letter adds. For the women of Sanoth, this plea to the Chief Justice may be their final hope.

Valmik Thapar, India's 'tiger man', dies at 73 after battling cancer

Valmik Thapar, India’s renowned conservationist and widely known as the country’s ‘Tiger Man’, passed away at the age of 73 on Saturday morning at his Kautilya Marg residence in Delhi. He had been battling cancer. He will be cremated at the Lodhi Electric Crematorium at 3:30 this afternoon. Thapar, a towering figure in India’s conservation landscape, dedicated over four decades of his life to wildlife preservation, with a special focus on tigers. He co-founded the Ranthambhore Foundation in 1988, a non-governmental organisation focused on community-based conservation efforts. He was a vocal advocate for stronger anti-poaching laws and the preservation of natural tiger habitats, often pushing for the demarcation of exclusive zones free from human interference. Reacting to Thapar's demise, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh paid tribute, saying, “Valmik Thapar, a legendary figure in the world of conservation over the past four decades – especially tigers – has just passed away. It is a great loss.” Highlighting Thapar’s role in preserving Ranthambore, Jairam Ramesh further said, “Today's Ranthambore, particularly, is a testimony to his deep commitment and indefatigable zeal." Thapar's father, Romesh Thapar, was a well-known journalist. His aunt is historian Romila Thapar, and his cousin, journalist Karan Thapar. Thapar married theatre artist Sanjana Kapoor, daughter of actor Shashi Kapoor, and they have a son. Thapar served on over 150 government panels and task forces, including the National Board for Wildlife led by the prime minister. In 2005, he was appointed to the UPA government’s Tiger Task Force after the alarming disappearance of tigers from the Sariska Tiger Reserve. Though the final report by the task force, chaired by environmentalist Sunita Narain, promoted human-animal coexistence, Thapar submitted a dissent note, warning that such optimism could endanger tigers. He argued that large tracts of land needed to be preserved solely for wildlife if tigers were to survive in the long run. Thapar was mentored by Fateh Singh Rathore, a pioneer in Indian conservation and a key figure in the original Project Tiger team. Thapar authored or edited more than 30 books on wildlife, including the acclaimed Land of the Tiger: A Natural History of the Indian Subcontinent (1997) and Tiger Fire: 500 Years of the Tiger in India. He also brought Indian wildlife to international screens through documentaries, co-producing and presenting several films for the BBC. In 2024, he appeared in the documentary My Tiger Family, celebrating 50 years of observing wild tigers in Ranthambore.

Valmik Thapar, India's 'tiger man', veteran conservationist passes away at 73

Renowned conservationist Valmik Thapar, a towering figure in Indian wildlife protection and literature, passed away at the age of 73 on Saturday morning at his residence. Thapar had been battling cancer for some time. Widely regarded as one of the most dedicated voices for tiger conservation in India, his passing marks the end of an era in wildlife advocacy. Born in New Delhi in 1952, Thapar devoted over five decades of his life to the study and conservation of wild tigers, particularly in Rajasthan’s Ranthambore National Park. He co-founded the Ranthambhore Foundation in 1988, a pioneering NGO that emphasized community-based conservation strategies. Mentored by Fateh Singh Rathore, one of the leading figures of India’s original Project Tiger, Thapar emerged as a staunch advocate for habitat protection and strict anti-poaching measures. Family and education Valmik Thapar hailed from a distinguished family of intellectuals and public figures. His father, Romesh Thapar, was a renowned journalist. Historian Romila Thapar is his aunt, while his cousin is veteran journalist Karan Thapar. He studied at The Doon School and graduated with a gold medal in sociology from St. Stephen’s College, Delhi University. Thapar was married to theatre personality Sanjana Kapoor, daughter of legendary actor Shashi Kapoor. The couple have a son. Legacy of conservation Over the course of his career, Thapar was involved in more than 150 government committees and task forces, including the National Board for Wildlife, chaired by the Prime Minister. In 2005, he was appointed to the Tiger Task Force formed by the UPA government after tigers vanished from the Sariska Tiger Reserve. While the task force, chaired by Sunita Narain, submitted a report supporting coexistence between humans and tigers, Thapar issued a dissenting note. He cautioned against overly optimistic views, insisting that long-term tiger survival depended on strictly protected, human-free habitats. “He expressed concern that the report was overly optimistic about the coexistence of tigers and humans. Thapar argued that for tigers to survive in the long run, certain areas needed to be kept free from human interference. He said that a minimum area should be managed exclusively in its natural form for a tiger.” Prolific author and filmmaker Thapar wrote or edited more than 30 books on wildlife, including Land of the Tiger: A Natural History of the Indian Subcontinent (1997), and Tiger Fire: 500 Years of the Tiger in India. His literary contributions spanned decades and helped elevate public awareness of India’s rich biodiversity. He also produced and presented several acclaimed wildlife documentaries for international platforms such as the BBC. His landmark series Land of the Tiger (1997), a six-part exploration of the subcontinent’s natural world, received widespread acclaim. As recently as 2024, he appeared in the documentary My Tiger Family, chronicling his five-decade-long journey with the tigers of Ranthambore. Tributes pour in Tributes from across the political and environmental spectrum poured in following news of Thapar’s demise. Conservation biologist Neha Sinha described him as “the international voice of Indian tigers for many many years” and encouraged readers to revisit his influential works such as Tiger Fire and Living with Tigers as a tribute. Wildlife conservationist Nirmal Ghosh remembered him as “a giant of tiger conservation” and said Thapar leaves behind “a lasting legacy as a global spokesman for the tiger.”

‘Tiger man’ Valmik Thapar took train to Ranthambore in his 20s on a whim. It changed his life

From tying a buffalo to a tree to observe the hunting behaviour of Ranthambore National Park’s famous resident tigress Padmini and her cubs, to taking on his own colleague in the Tiger Task Force in the pursuit of prevention of poaching in Sariska, conservationist and author Valmik Thapar dedicated over four decades of his life to shaping India’s tiger conservation programme. His fight to protect India’s big cats continued till the end. Thapar breathed his last at the age of 73 early Saturday. He passed away at his house on Kautilya Marg in Delhi after a battle with cancer. Condolences poured in from all quarters for the ‘Tiger Man’—a name he rightfully earned. Senior Congress leader Jairam Ramesh said that Thapar’s death was a “great loss”. “Today’s Ranthambore, particularly, is a testimony to his deep commitment and indefatigable zeal. He was uncommonly knowledgeable on a variety of issues relating to biodiversity, and not a day passed during my Ministerial tenure without our talking to each other—with me almost always at the receiving end,” Ramesh wrote in an X post. The former environment minister said that during his tenure as chairman of the standing committee, Thapar was a constant source of valuable suggestions and advice. “We had arguments, but it was always an education to listen to him, full of passion and concern. He was truly an unforgettable one-of-a-kind,” he added. Thapar’s life and work In the early 1970s, hunting tigers was a popular sport at Ranthambore. It was around then that Thapar, who was then in his 20s battling personal crises, decided to leave everything behind. He caught a train to Ranthambore, and this whim, he said, “changed his life”. “I didn’t know anything about tigers then. But I fell in love with the beauty of the place,” Thapar said in the opening of a BBC documentary in 2024. He said that upon his arrival at Ranthambore, with the help of the park director and another pioneer in tiger conservation, Fateh Singh Rathore, he spotted his first tiger in the park. They named her Padmini. And that is how his journey began. Apart from being an astute conservationist, Thapar was also a celebrated filmmaker and author, who penned around 32 books, including Land of the Tigers—A Natural History of the Indian Subcontinent, Living with Tigers and The Secret Life of Tigers. He also served in over 150 committees for tiger conservation at both the Centre and state levels. In 2005, Thapar was appointed as a member of the Tiger Task Force to look into the poaching of tigers at the Sariska Tiger Reserve. After the committee, led by environmentalist Sunita Narain, presented its report, Thapar wrote a dissent note, claiming that the task force was misrepresenting the ground realities. He asserted that tiger reserves needed dedicated zones, where human interference would not be allowed. While he was known mainly for his work around tiger conservation, he also extensively worked on wildlife conservation at large. He was very vocally critical of the Narendra Modi government’s Project Cheetah, stressing that India’s weather, prey-base and terrain were not cheetah-friendly. According to conservation biologist Neha Singh, Thapar was a “fearless advocate for the tigers”. “He was the international voice of Indian tigers for many many years,” she said.

Despite ban, illegal encroachments around Dal Lake continue unabated

Environmental experts and studies by the National Institute of Disaster Management (NIDM) and the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) attribute this alarming reduction to unregulated construction, urban sprawl, and the expansion of floating gardens. Furthermore, according to CSE, over 50 percent of Srinagar’s lakes and wetlands have already been lost to such activities over the last century. Despite several government regulations and initiatives aimed at protecting the iconic Dal Lake, including the Jammu and Kashmir High Court’s 2014 ban on illegal constructions in and around the water body, illegal encroachments and construction continue unabated. These activities pose a serious threat to the lake’s delicate ecosystem and long-term sustainability. Over the years, unauthorized structures — ranging from houses and shops to large commercial buildings — have steadily mushroomed along the lake’s banks and within its interior. Notably, areas like Harwan, Ishber, Baba Demb, Rainawari, Saidakadal, Dalgate, Kand Mohalla, Sofi Mohalla, Tinda Mohalla, and even the ‘Rakh-e-Arth’ resettlement colony, developed specifically for rehabilitating Dal dwellers, have witnessed an increasing number of such developments. Many of these unauthorized structures are built without the required permits, with construction materials often ferried via boats into the lake’s interior to bypass road access limitations and regulatory oversight. This practice has disrupted the lake’s natural water flow and contributed to the degradation of its delicate ecosystem. Dal Lake, once sprawling over 75 square kilometers in 1200 AD, has now shrunk to just over 20.3 square kilometers — a stark indicator of how unchecked development has eroded the water body. Environmental experts and studies by the National Institute of Disaster Management (NIDM) and the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) attribute this alarming reduction to unregulated construction, urban sprawl, and the expansion of floating gardens. Furthermore, according to CSE, over 50 percent of Srinagar’s lakes and wetlands have already been lost to such activities over the last century. To address the crisis, the J&K government introduced a Rs 273-crore conservation plan that includes dredging, catchment area management, and sewerage improvements. Additionally, in 2014, the J&K High Court imposed a ban on the construction of any new illegal structures in and around Dal Lake. A committee was also set up to monitor the situation and recommend conservation strategies. While these measures were intended to protect the lake, they have had limited impact on curbing the growing encroachments and illegal constructions. Environmentalists and social activists have expressed growing concern over the deteriorating state of Dal Lake. Many believe that current efforts lack the urgency and scale required to tackle the escalating crisis. Tariq Ahmad Patloo, a renowned social activist leading campaigns to save the lake, warned of irreversible consequences if timely action is not taken. “If we don’t act now, we may lose Dal Lake forever. Illegal constructions and flawed policies are pushing the lake to the brink,” he said. Patloo emphasized that enforcement alone will not suffice without political will, sustained community involvement, and a transparent policy framework prioritizing ecological restoration over unchecked development. Responding to these concerns, a senior official at the Lake Conservation and Management Authority (LCMA), requesting anonymity, acknowledged the severity of the situation but pointed to limited manpower and logistical challenges hindering enforcement. “We carry out demolition drives with a handful of staff. Although we receive support from other departments, without adequate personnel and police protection, effective action remains difficult,” the official said. According to official data, between September 23, 2024, and May 22, 2025, the LCMA carried out 399 demolitions of illegal structures, issued 71 notices against unauthorized developments, and registered 37 FIRs related to encroachments. The authority also seized 16 vehicles used in violations. However, despite these actions, the scale of encroachment continues to overwhelm available resources. Officials say that while demolition drives serve as a deterrent, they are not enough to stop illegal construction. “There’s often political pressure, resistance from locals, and in some cases, legal hurdles that delay or halt action,” the official added. Environmental experts believe that unless stricter enforcement is paired with community awareness and long-term ecological planning, the degradation of Dal Lake will continue. They stress the importance of involving local residents in conservation efforts, offering sustainable livelihood alternatives, and strictly monitoring land-use changes around the lake. As illegal encroachments continue to shrink Dal Lake, the need for a long-term, effective solution has never been more urgent. Only through concerted efforts by the government, local communities, and environmental activists can this natural heritage be preserved for future generations.

What’s in Your Food Parcel? The Black Plastic Story Most Indians Don’t Know

A 2022 packaging waste audit by the Centre for Science and Environment found that over 90 percent of food delivery containers collected in Delhi, Bengaluru, and Mumbai were black plastic trays. Over 90% of food delivery containers in cities like Delhi and Mumbai are made of black plastic. Durable and sleek, they’ve become the norm—but many are made from untraceable recycled materials. This raises critical questions about food safety, poor recyclability, and the urgent need for safer packaging alternatives. Open any food parcel from a restaurant or cloud kitchen today, and you’re likely to see the same thing — a sleek black plastic container holding your steaming biryani, paneer curry, or noodles. Whether it’s from a street-side joint or a five-star kitchen, black plastic has quietly become the face of food packaging across Indian cities. But beyond its polished look lies an important question: what exactly is this plastic made of — and is it safe for your food? This feature takes a closer look at black plastic in India’s food industry, tracing its rise, unpacking what makes it different from regular plastic, and exploring whether it poses risks that we haven’t fully acknowledged yet. The rise of black plastic in Indian food delivery Black plastic containers were not always the norm. Their rise coincided with the explosion of food delivery services in India around the mid-2010s, when platforms like Swiggy, Zomato, Uber Eats, and a wave of cloud kitchens transformed the way urban India accessed restaurant food. For food businesses working with tight margins, black plastic offered everything they needed — heat resistance, durability, affordability, and a premium appearance that concealed stains or spills from oily and spicy foods. By 2018–19, black containers had become a staple across metropolitan kitchens. A 2022 packaging waste audit by the Centre for Science and Environment found that over 90 percent of food delivery containers collected in Delhi, Bengaluru, and Mumbai were black plastic trays. What makes black plastic different? At first glance, black plastic may not seem any different from the transparent or white plastic often used for salads, dahi, or takeaway boxes. But key differences emerge in how it’s made and how it functions. To give black plastic its uniform appearance, manufacturers use carbon black pigments. These pigments absorb infrared light, which means black plastic cannot be detected by most recycling machines. As a result, even if the material is technically recyclable, it usually ends up in landfills or gets incinerated.

How has the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) shaped India’s approach to sector-wise pollution control? What gaps persist in managing industrial emissions under NCAP?

Why the question As India marks five years since the launch of its National Clean Air Programme (NCAP), a new review by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has noted progress as well as persistent gaps in the country’s fight against air pollution menace. Key demand of the question To examine how NCAP has structured clean air action across sectors and to analyse why industrial pollution remains inadequately addressed despite ongoing policy efforts. Structure of the Answer: Introduction Briefly mention the NCAP as a 2019 national strategy for reducing air pollution in non-attainment cities with sectoral targeting. Body Mention how NCAP influenced action in transport, waste, dust, and monitoring systems with examples of innovation. Highlight gaps in industrial emissions control like weak jurisdiction, lack of statutory enforcement, and poor scaling of best practices. Conclusion Suggest need for legal strengthening of NCAP and inter-agency collaboration to integrate industrial zones into the air quality governance framework.