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For Delhi’s auto drivers, the EV shift stirs memories of the rushed CNG transition

For Pawan Kumar, an auto driver in Daryaganj, every electric auto on Delhi’s roads evokes memories of another transition that reshaped the city’s transport system over two decades ago. Now 65 and driving an electric vehicle (EV), Mr. Kumar still remembers the long queues outside compressed natural gas (CNG) stations, the scramble for conversion kits, and the uncertainty that followed when autorickshaws were ordered to switch from petrol to CNG almost overnight. As Delhi embarks on another clean fuel transition, this time towards EVs, many drivers who lived through the CNG shift wonder whether history will repeat itself. However, unlike the CNG rollout, experts say, the shift to EVs is being implemented in phases, with a rudimentary charging infrastructure in place and plans to expand it further, which could hopefully make the transition less abrupt than the one many drivers still remember. The sudden move Delhi’s transition to CNG, undertaken to combat severe air pollution, followed a public interest litigation filed in the Supreme Court by environmental lawyer M.C. Mehta in 1996. In 1998, the court directed a series of measures to curb vehicular pollution, including replacing pre-1990 autos and taxis with clean-fuel vehicles by March 31, 2000. “No one said moving to a cleaner fuel was bad, but the move was a bit sudden. There weren’t enough supply stations, and the number of vehicles that could run on CNG was far fewer than required,” Mr. Kumar said, recalling spending at least eight to 10 hours standing in queues to refill his vehicle with gas. Rajpal, a 60-year-old auto driver at New Delhi railway station, went through a similar experience. “The government told us to convert, but nobody thought about how a driver earning daily wages would arrange the money. The conversion kit was expensive, and workshops gave us dates weeks or even months later. During that time, many autos stayed off the road,” he said. “Drivers and passengers suffered because the infrastructure wasn’t ready when the rules came into force,” he added. By 2001, the transition had gained pace, with 30,000 autorickshaws running on CNG and plans to introduce 20,000 more. “The Supreme Court had directed Indraprastha Gas Limited to set up 80 CNG supply stations. There was a huge mismatch between supply and demand, which resulted in long queues at the stations and delays in refuelling,” said Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director (research and advocacy), Centre for Science and Environment. ‘Scaling up’ According to the experts, the three-wheeler segment has already moved significantly towards electrification, and they are optimistic about the transition. “The Central government’s VAHAN portal shows that of all three-wheelers sold in India, more than half are electric, including e-rickshaws and e-autos. Delhi already has about 2,500 charging points, and these EVs can be charged at home. All the government has to do is scale up the public charging and battery-swapping infrastructure as swiftly as possible,” Ms. Roychowdhury said. Sarika Panda Bhatt, co-founder of Raahgiri Foundation, echoed Ms. Roychowdhury’s views.

Monsoon is here, so why do Delhi, Mumbai, and other Indian cities still feel hotter?

Amid the scorching heat, the arrival of the monsoon comes as a welcome relief, however, for millions living in Indian smart cities such as Delhi, Mumbai, Ahmedabad and Hyderabad, this time the rains are making the weather feel cooler. Instead, many people are experiencing sticky, uncomfortable conditions that can feel even more exhausting-including the heat. While rainfall may lower the air temperature, it also increases the amount of moisture in the air. High humidity makes it difficult for sweat to evaporate from the skin, reducing the body's natural cooling mechanism. As a result, people feel much hotter than the temperature shown on a weather app. Delhi's heat index has regularly crossed 46-50 degrees Celsius during July and August in recent years, according to a policy brief by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), even when the actual...

The humid heat trap gripping cities

The monsoon has reached northern India since, but rainfall alone does not guarantee thermal comfort. Heat index records from 2021 to 2025 show that Delhi often felt hotter than its air temperature due to high humidity. In July-August, the heat index often exceeded 46-50°C, causing oppressive conditions. This discomfort extended the duration and intensity of high electricity consumption as cooling systems, mainly air conditioners, worked harder and longer, according to a policy brief from the Centre for Science and Environment last September.

The new heat threat: Why India’s cities are feeling hotter even after monsoon arrives

The monsoon has reached northern India since, but rainfall alone does not guarantee thermal comfort. Heat index records from 2021 to 2025 show that Delhi often felt hotter than its air temperature due to high humidity. In July-August, the heat index often exceeded 46-50°C, causing oppressive conditions. This discomfort extended the duration and intensity of high electricity consumption as cooling systems, mainly air conditioners, worked harder and longer, according to a policy brief from the Centre for Science and Environment last September.

आ रही एक और तबाही! आग की भट्टी क्यों बन रहे भारत के शहर, बारिश के बाद भी राहत क्यों नहीं?

सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट की सितंबर की एक पॉलिसी ब्रीफ बताती है कि जब भी मौसम में नमी ज्यादा होती है तो कूलिंग सिस्टम खासकर एयर कंडीशनर ज्यादा मेहनत करते हैं, ऐसे मौसम में कूलर और पंखे फेल हो जाते हैं. ऐसे में लंबे समय तक और बड़ी संख्या एसी चलने से बिजली की बढ़ती मांग एक और बड़ा संकट बनकर सामने आती है. पर्याप्‍त इलेक्‍ट्र‍िस‍िटी न म‍िलने से भी लोगों को गर्मी का स‍ितम ज्‍यादा झेलना पड़ रहा है.

Monsoon Has Arrived, So Why Is It Still So Hot? The Science Behind India's New Heat Threat

Rainfall lowers the air temperature, but it also increases the amount of moisture in the atmosphere. This high humidity makes it harder for sweat to evaporate from the skin, weakening the body's natural cooling mechanism. As a result, people continue to feel uncomfortably hot even when temperatures drop after rainfall. According to a September policy brief by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), Delhi's heat index frequently crossed 46-50°C during July and August between 2021 and 2025, despite lower actual temperatures. The humid conditions also kept electricity demand high as air conditioners ran for longer hours. The CSE recommends stronger heat action plans with passive cooling measures such as better insulation, shading, natural ventilation and reflective surfaces, along with cooling shelters for vulnerable communities. Experts also suggest increasing green spaces while ensuring adequate airflow, expanding reliable electricity access and improving hospital preparedness for both daytime and nighttime heat. Some cities have already begun adapting. Thane has updated its heat action plan to account for humidity and warm nights, while Bhubaneswar is developing a digital climate-risk dashboard to map heat stress at the building level. As climate change reshapes weather patterns, experts say tracking humidity and the heat

Why Indian cities are facing extreme heat even in monsoon and what are the solutions

The monsoon has arrived in India, but multiple cities continue to feel the heat. Whether it's Delhi, Hyderabad or Mumbai, the rains, instead of bringing cooler weather and a light breeze, appear to have brought warm, sticky, and uncomfortable conditions. What is the heat index? It is what the temperature feels like to the human body when relative humidity is combined with the air temperature, according to the National Weather Service. Basically, it’s what your body feels the temperature is. When there is high moisture in the air due to rainfall, it makes it difficult for sweat to evaporate from the skin. This means people feel warmer in humid conditions as the body’s natural cooling mechanism does not work properly. Why is this happening? During monsoon, high humidity significantly increases the heat index even if air temperatures are lower. In the months of July and August, Delhi often records heat index between 46-50°C, as per a study by the Centre of Science and Environment in September.

Monsoon Heat Explainer: मॉनसून आ गया फिर भी क्यों तप रहे दिल्ली NCR समेत देश के बड़े शहर?

भीषण और झुलसाने वाली गर्मी के बीच मानसून का आना हमेशा एक बड़ी राहत लेकर आता है। लेकिन दिल्ली, मुंबई, अहमदाबाद और हैदराबाद जैसे भारत के शहरों में रहने वाले लाखों लोगों के लिए इस बार की बारिश मौसम को ठंडा महसूस नहीं करा रही है। इसके बजाय लोग बेहद चिपचिपी और असुविधाजनक स्थिति का सामना कर रहे हैं। ये गर्मी शरीर को और भी अधिक थका देने वाली महसूस हो रही है। आइए डिकोड करते हैं कि आखिर ऐसा क्यों हो रहा है और इस नए हीट इफेक्ट के पीछे की वजहें क्या हैं? क्या है हीट इंडेक्स जो मानसून में भी बढ़ा रहा है तपिश? मानसून आने के बावजूद गर्मी महसूस होने की प्राइमरी वजह हीट इंडेक्स है लेकिन अब इसमें और भी कई चीजें जुड़ गई हैं। हीट इंडेक्स मूल रूप से फील्स लाइक टेंप्रेचर है। यानी वह तापमान जिसे हमारा शरीर असल में महसूस करता है। भले ही बारिश होने से हवा का तापमान कम हो जाता है लेकिन यह हवा में नमी की मात्रा को बढ़ा देती है। हवा में उच्च आर्द्रता यानी हाई ह्यूमेडिटी की वजह से त्वचा से पसीना आसानी से वाष्पित नहीं हो पाता। इससे शरीर का प्राकृतिक कूलिंग सिस्टम धीमा पड़ जाता है। नतीजतन लोगों को मौसम ऐप पर दिखने वाले असल टेंप्रेचर से कहीं अधिक गर्मी महसूस होती है। सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट की एक पॉलिसी ब्रीफ के मुताबिक हाल के वर्षों में जुलाई और अगस्त के दौरान दिल्ली का हीट इंडेक्स नियमित रूप से 46 से 50 डिग्री सेल्सियस को पार कर गया है, भले ही उस समय रियल टेंप्रेचर काफी कम था। इस वजह से लोगों की असुविधा बहुत बढ़ गई है और बिजली की खपत में भी भारी इजाफा हुआ है। उमस भरी गर्मी, एक नया खतरा हीट इंडेक्स को बढ़ाने वाली यह उमस अब पिछले वर्षों की तुलना में कहीं अधिक आम होती जा रही है। अमेरिका के क्लाइमेट सेंट्रल की एक स्टडी के मुताबिक भारत में 1970 के दशक के बाद से खतरनाक रूप से उमस भरे गर्मी के दिनों की संख्या में भारी बढ़ोतरी देखी गई है। दिल्ली, गाजियाबाद, अहमदाबाद, जयपुर, नागपुर और रायपुर जैसे शहरों में ऐसे दिनों की संख्या में उल्लेखनीय वृद्धि दर्ज की गई है। वैज्ञानिकों का कहना है कि गर्म होते समुद्र, विशेष रूप से अरब सागर और बंगाल की खाड़ी, मैदानी इलाकों की तरफ अधिक नमी लेकर आ रहे हैं। इसके साथ ही तेजी से हो रहा शहरीकरण और कंक्रीट से भरे शहर इस गर्मी को अपने अंदर कैद कर लेते हैं। इससे स्थिति और भी बदतर हो जाती है। रातें भी नहीं दे रहीं राहत, हीट वेव का प्रकोप बढ़ती उमस के साथ जो एक सबसे बड़ा बदलाव आया है वह है गर्म रातों का बढ़ना। इस साल मार्च में फिजिक्स एंड केमिस्ट्री ऑफ द अर्थ जर्नल में प्रकाशित एक अध्ययन में इस बात पर प्रकाश डाला गया है कि दिल्ली, आगरा, कानपुर, कोच्चि और वाराणसी सहित भारत के कई स्मार्ट शहर रात के समय लगातार चलने वाली हीट वेव का सामना कर रहे हैं। हवा में मौजूद उच्च आर्द्रता सूर्यास्त के बाद इमारतों और सड़कों को ठंडा होने से रोकती है। इससे रात भर तापमान बढ़ा रहता है। सीएसजेएम यूनिवर्सिटी के एसोसिएट प्रोफेसर और इस स्टडी के को-राइटर काशिफ इमदाद के मुताबिक अधिकतर शहरों के हीट एक्शन प्लान अभी भी मुख्य रूप से दिन की गर्मी पर ध्यान केंद्रित करते हैं और गर्म रातों से पैदा होने वाले बढ़ते खतरों की अनदेखी कर रहे हैं। क्या सिर्फ कूल रूफ और पेड़ लगाना ही काफी है? एक्सपर्ट्स का कहना है कि गर्मी को कम करने के लिए सिर्फ कूल रूफ डिजाइन करना और वृक्षारोपण अभियान चलाना ही पर्याप्त नहीं है। सेप्ट यूनिवर्सिटी के प्रोफेसर राजन रावल के मुताबिक इनडोर आराम सिर्फ छत के तापमान पर ही निर्भर नहीं करता बल्कि यह उमस, हवा के प्रवाह और इमारतों को बनाने में इस्तेमाल होने वाली सामग्री पर भी निर्भर करता है क्योंकि शहरी गर्मी केवल दिन के समय धूप के संपर्क में आने तक सीमित नहीं है। इसी तरह अधिक पेड़ लगाने से अपने आप हीट स्ट्रेस कम नहीं होता। असल में जिन शहरों में उमस ज्यादा होती है वहां बिना उचित वेंटिलेशन या एयरफ्लो के घने पेड़ नमी को रोक लेते हैं। इससे राहत मिलने के बजाय असुविधा और अधिक बढ़ जाती है। भारतीय शहरों को अब क्या करने की जरूरत है? आमतौर पर सैटेलाइट डेटा से मिलने वाला शहरों का हीट मैप सिर्फ दिन के समय भूमि की सतह के तापमान पर ध्यान केंद्रित करता है और रात के समय के अर्बन हीट आइलैंड इफेक्ट, हवा के तापमान और उमस को नजरअंदाज कर देता है। इसलिए विशेषज्ञों का मानना है कि भारतीय शहरों को मौसमी आपातकालीन उपायों के बजाय दीर्घकालिक योजना की आवश्यकता है। विशेषज्ञों के सुझाव और शहरों के कदम शहरों को ऐसी इमारतों को डिजाइन करने पर ध्यान देना चाहिए जो प्राकृतिक रूप से ठंडी रहें, वेंटिलेशन में सुधार करें, बेहतर वायु प्रवाह के साथ हरित क्षेत्रों को बढ़ाएं, बिजली की विश्वसनीय पहुंच का विस्तार करें और अस्पतालों को दिन व रात दोनों समय की गर्मी से निपटने के लिए तैयार करें। कटक और संबलपुर जैसे कुछ शहरों ने पहले ही इस दिशा में कदम बढ़ाना शुरू कर दिया है। ठाणे ने एक अधिक विस्तृत हीट एक्शन प्लान तैयार किया है। इसमें उमस और गर्म रातों के फैक्टर को भी शामिल किया गया है। भुवनेश्वर एक डिजिटल क्लाइमेट-रिस्क डैशबोर्ड तैयार कर रहा है, जो भविष्य की योजना बनाने में अधिकारियों की मदद करने के लिए बिल्डिंग स्तर पर हीट स्ट्रेस का नक्शा तैयार करेगा। जैसे-जैसे जलवायु परिवर्तन मौसम के मिजाज को बदल रहा है विशेषज्ञों का कहना है कि तापमान पर नजर रखने के साथ-साथ उमस और हीट इंडेक्स को समझना भी उतना ही महत्वपूर्ण हो जाएगा। शहरी भारत के लिए चुनौती अब सिर्फ दिन की गर्मी ही नहीं है बल्कि वार्म नाइट से निपटने की भी है।

Prescription for safer food: Why India needs stronger safety standards

A few years ago, the European Union (EU) issued directives on the use of antibiotics in the food it imports. This meant animal products — including fish, dairy and honey — produced using antibiotics as growth promoters or to increase yield would not be allowed into the bloc. It also put out a list of antibiotics, deemed critical for humans, which would be banned for veterinary use. When this was released in 2023, India was omitted from the list of countries allowed to export aquaculture and poultry products to the EU from September 2026, when the directive would come into force. This was done, according to the EU, because of lack of information and regulations on the use of antibiotics in India’s food-producing sectors. The Indian government responded. In October 2024, the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) published a list of antibiotics banned for use at any stage during the production of meat, milk, poultry, eggs and aquaculture products. It also set tolerance limits — also called maximum residue limit (MRL) — for antibiotics that were permissible, requiring producers to ensure that residues in food did not exceed stipulated thresholds. In May 2025, the Union health ministry issued a draft notification banning the veterinary use of 34 of the 37 antibiotics that the EU classifies as critical for humans. It was notified in September that year and stated that safer alternatives were available for treating diseases in animals. In May 2026, the EU revised its exclusion list and added India to the list of countries permitted to export animal products to the bloc after September 2026. The questions I would like to discuss with you are as follows: One, why do such critical policies related to food safety and public health have to be driven by external consumer pressure? Antibiotic resistance is a silent pandemic, and we know that the Indian government is deeply committed to the issue. We as a country cannot afford the health burden of lifesaving medicines becoming ineffective and hence, the government has been taking steps to contain the use of antibiotics in food-producing animals. In 2010, based on an analytical study by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), the government issued an advisory against the use of antibiotics in honey, which was later followed by a ban. In 2019, it banned the use of colistin in food-producing animals and in aquaculture — this is because colistin is the top-reserved antibiotic for humans and needs full protection against overuse. Then policymakers were contemplating bans on antibiotics in animal feed and other steps, but stopped short of adopting a comprehensive framework. This was finally done, prodded by the need to protect our export markets. What is good is that these regulations are not just for food destined for the EU but will also apply to the meat, milk, eggs, honey and fish sold within India. It will protect our health. The issue is not just about antibiotic use; it is about the safety of the food we consume. We need robust standards for pesticide residues, food additives and other toxins — not just to ensure that India’s food is good for export but also to protect our health. A quick dive into the United States Food and Drug Administration’s import-refusal database shows that some 2,700 food consignments from India were rejected in 2024-25. These included spices, rice, pulses and lentils, flagged for excessive or unapproved pesticide residues. This leads to the next question: How will these standards be enforced? Importing countries have developed monitoring systems based on quality and residue checks in authorised laboratories and even at their borders. The EU plans to ensure compliance with its directive by asking every single shipment to have a health certificate, issued by a government agency and not by the company exporting the food item. It will also conduct audits in exporting countries and spot checks at the border. The system is designed to push the red button and ratchet up the numbers of physical inspection if one item fails the analytic check; multiple failures could lead to serious consequences. But what about the food that is not exported? The third question is how farmers can remain productive without the use of antibiotics — or for that matter, pesticides and other toxins? Ultimately, this is not just a regulatory challenge; it requires changes in the way food is grown. Farmers use antibiotics for three purposes — to promote growth in animals; to prevent diseases because of lack of hygiene or because of high density of animals; and then to treat diseases. Now farmers will need to prevent diseases, not by using antibiotics but by improving conditions in which animals are bred and food is produced. The National Dairy Development Board (NDDB) has worked with its farmers to promote ethnomedicine — traditional practices for managing animal health — and showed it is possible to reduce the use of antibiotics. This is the win-win we need in our world. The author is at the Centre for Science and Environment. sunita@cseindia.org, X: @sunitanar

Leveraging Open Networks and Open Data for Smarter Urban Transport

India’s cities are at a critical juncture in their mobility transition. Rapid urbanisation and rising travel demand are placing unprecedented pressure on existing transport systems, which remain fragmented, unevenly governed, and insufficiently integrated. By the mid-2030s, India’s urban population is projected to exceed 600 million, and daily mobility choices will shape not only economic productivity and environmental outcomes but also access to livelihoods, leisure, education, and essential services, including healthcare.[1],[2] A fragmented transportation system limits low-income users’ access to jobs, education, and services, and consequently, deepening existing inequalities. Despite notable investments in metro rail, highways, and digital platforms, urban mobility outcomes continue to be characterised by worsening externalities, including congestion, high travel-time costs, emissions, and exclusion. The outcomes are worse for users dependent on informal and peripheral transport systems, including paratransit modes.[3],[4] At a time when the broader Indian economy is rapidly adopting digital public infrastructure (DPI), open platforms, and data-enabled service delivery across diverse sectors, including finance, commerce, and governance, their use in public transport remains limited. Urban transport systems, including many fast-expanding metro rail systems, continue to rely on conventional service-delivery models, often ignoring the fundamental principles of accessibility, inclusivity, safety, and affordability.[5] At the same time, informal paratransit modes, which carry more than 25 percent of daily trips and provide critical first- and last-mile connectivity, remain largely invisible within formal planning, regulatory, and data ecosystems.[6],[7] Thus, despite the numerous benefits of harnessing big data, open data, and interoperable digital networks in providing seamless connectivity—as reflected in several successful, well-integrated, and user-oriented public transport models globally—urban transport in India remains fragmented across operational silos.[8],[9] Big and open data, combined with open network architectures, are emerging as strategic enablers of next-generation urban mobility.[10] Rather than relying on closed, proprietary platforms or siloed institutional systems, open networks can create shared digital and standardised access rails that enable multiple public and private actors to offer coordinated services at scale, leveraging interoperability through seamless data sharing and integrated planning.[11] When designed with appropriate governance safeguards, such systems can enable seamless multimodal journeys, improve service reliability, integrate informal mobility, and enhance both passenger and urban freight movement, thereby strengthening economic efficiency, social inclusion, and climate resilience.[12],[13] Figure 1 presents the overall benefits of big data, open data, and interoperability in urban transportation. [3] Sunita Narain, Anumita Roychowdhury, Shubham Srivastava, and Sayan Roy, “How India Moves: Our Analysis Of 40 Cities Reveals A Brutally Simple Answer — It Does Not,” Down To Earth, July 9, 2025, https://www.downtoearth.org.in/air/how-india-moves-our-analysis-of-40-cities-reveals-a-brutally-simple-answer-it-does-not#:~:text=In%20the%20motorised%20transport%20segment,to%20513%20cars%20a%20day.

From Rs 100 a day on petrol to Rs 20 a charge: Why Delhi is turning to EV scooters

“Vehicle owners who charge through informal routes end up paying considerably more per charge than the cost of the electricity itself,” says Moushumi Mohanty, head of electric mobility at the Centre for Science and Environment. If the electric two-wheeler mandate is to succeed, she says, legal electricity access must be treated as part of the EV rollout, not a separate housing issue.

Karnataka carbon credit projects face scrutiny over ground impact

Carbon credit projects in Karnataka, promoted as climate-friendly initiatives to reduce emissions and improve rural livelihoods, are facing growing scrutiny after a study by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) raised concerns over their transparency, effectiveness and benefits to local communities Questions over climate benefits The study highlighted examples from Belagavi district, where some households continued using traditional wood-fired stoves or LPG despite receiving improved cookstoves. Experts said the technology was often unsuitable for larger families, limiting its adoption and reducing the intended environmental benefits. Researchers argued that poorly designed projects could undermine emission reduction goals if households continued relying on firewood while carbon credits were still being issued based on assumed reductions. Farmers seek transparency The report also raised concerns about carbon credit projects involving farmers, claiming that promised financial incentives were either delayed or too small to sustain climate-friendly practices. Farmer representatives said many participants lacked a clear understanding of how carbon credits work, how prices are determined or how revenues are shared. They also called for greater transparency and better communication from project developers. Meanwhile, Bengaluru has emerged as a major hub for carbon market startups, with companies developing technology to monitor emissions and create carbon credit projects. Industry leaders acknowledge that while carbon markets offer opportunities for climate finance, stronger governance and transparency are essential to build trust. Calls for stronger regulation Experts from environmental organisations have urged the government to strengthen oversight of voluntary carbon markets, ensure communities receive fair compensation and improve public access to information. They emphasised that carbon credits should complement genuine emission reductions rather than replace them, while calling for safeguards to protect farmers’ livelihoods, biodiversity and community rights. The Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change had not responded to requests for comment at the time the report was published.

Every hour, another life lost: India's unfinished agrarian crisis

The National Crime Records Bureau's (NCRB) latest report, Accidental Deaths and Suicides in India 2024, released in May, delivers a stark reminder that India's agrarian crisis remains far from over. According to the report, 10,546 people associated with agriculture died by suicide during the year. While this is marginally lower than the 10,786 recorded in 2023, the decline offers little reason for optimism. Nearly twenty-eight farmers and farm labourers continue to die by suicide every day—roughly one every hour. Such a tragedy cannot be dismissed as a statistical fluctuation; it reflects deep structural distress that continues to haunt rural India. The most troubling aspect of the latest data is the growing vulnerability of farm labourers. Of the 10,546 agricultural suicides, 5,913—about 56 per cent—were landless agricultural labourers, the second-highest proportion recorded in the past five years. In 2020, they accounted for less than half of all agricultural suicides. Their steadily increasing share points to a profound transformation in India's rural economy. This trend is closely linked to changing patterns of rural income. NABARD's All India Rural Financial Inclusion Survey shows that the share of income from farming declined from 49 per cent in 2012-13 to 37.7 per cent in 2018-19, while dependence on wage labour increased from 32 per cent to 40 per cent during the same period. As farming becomes less remunerative, many rural households are forced to depend increasingly on agricultural wage labour. Yet landless labourers remain outside most institutional safety nets. They receive no crop insurance, derive little benefit from farm loan waivers, and often have no work when crops fail due to drought or floods. Their growing distress is one of the clearest indicators of the changing face of India's agrarian crisis. The state-wise figures reinforce this concern. Maharashtra once again accounted for the highest number of agricultural suicides, recording 3,824 deaths—more than one-third of the national total. Although the NCRB does not identify the causes of individual suicides, the state's repeated exposure to climate-related disasters cannot be ignored. In 2024, extreme weather damaged more than 2 million hectares of crops in Maharashtra, almost half the total crop area affected across the country. Karnataka followed with 2,971 suicides, registering the sharpest increase among major states. Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan also reported significant increases, while Andhra Pradesh recorded a decline compared with the previous year. Tamil Nadu and Chhattisgarh continued to report substantial numbers as well. Particularly alarming is the situation in Puducherry, where agricultural suicides rose from none between 2019 and 2022 to thirty-three in 2024, with every victim being a farm labourer. The crisis is also spreading geographically. Uttar Pradesh, traditionally not among the states reporting the highest numbers of farm suicides, has witnessed a noticeable increase, particularly among agricultural labourers. Across the country, fourteen states recorded an increase in agricultural suicides during the past five years, while in thirteen states suicides among farm labourers now exceed those among landowning cultivators. This shift indicates that agrarian distress is increasingly concentrated among those who possess neither land nor financial security. India's farm suicide crisis is not a recent phenomenon. According to an analysis by the Centre for Science and Environment, nearly 394,000 farmers and farm labourers died by suicide between 1995 and 2023. The analysis argues that the period following India's entry into the World Trade Organization saw increasing exposure of small farmers to volatile markets, rising cultivation costs and weakening public support. The rapid expansion of expensive input-intensive farming, particularly Bt cotton cultivation in rain-fed regions, increased financial risks without guaranteeing stable returns. Between 2000 and 2009 alone, more than 154,000 agricultural suicides were recorded. Government interventions such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) helped moderate the crisis in several states after 2010 by providing supplementary employment and income. Kerala, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh recorded notable declines during this period. However, in states such as Maharashtra and Karnataka, where rain-fed agriculture and commercial cash crops dominate, the structural vulnerabilities remained largely unaddressed. The recent rise in suicides among farm labourers suggests that earlier gains may now be eroding. Climate change has added another layer of uncertainty. Multiple studies have established a strong association between rainfall deficits and farmer suicides. Drought-prone states such as Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh consistently report high levels of agrarian distress, underscoring the growing influence of climate variability on rural livelihoods. Official statistics themselves may underestimate the true scale of the problem. Differences between district records and NCRB data have often been documented. In Maharashtra's Yavatmal district, for instance, district records reported more than twice as many farmer suicides as police records over the same period. Women farmers remain particularly invisible because many are officially classified as "housewives" rather than cultivators, despite contributing substantially to agricultural work. Consequently, their deaths frequently disappear from agricultural suicide statistics. The tragedy extends far beyond the individual death. Families left behind often sell land, livestock and other assets to repay debts. Widows struggle to access compensation, pensions and legal rights over agricultural land. Many are pushed into insecure informal work, while children frequently discontinue education or migrate in search of livelihoods. Seasonal migration among landless agricultural workers has become an increasingly common coping strategy in many rural regions. The persistence of this crisis calls for a broader policy response than has existed so far. Farm labourers need to be recognised as a distinct and highly vulnerable group deserving dedicated social protection. Expanding MGNREGS, increasing guaranteed workdays, ensuring timely wage payments, strengthening social security, simplifying crop insurance, improving the implementation of minimum support prices, and promoting climate-resilient agriculture are all essential measures. Equally important is improving the accuracy of official data so that policy reflects the true scale of rural distress. Ultimately, agricultural suicides are not merely numbers in an annual report. Every death represents a family pushed into uncertainty, a community weakened, and hopes extinguished. India cannot claim to have addressed its agrarian crisis while nearly one person connected to farming continues to die by suicide every hour. The NCRB's latest figures should therefore serve not as another annual statistical release, but as a call for sustained structural reforms that restore economic security and dignity to those who feed the nation.

Delhi-NCR at centre of India's year-round ozone pollution crisis: Report

Ground-level ozone, an invisible but highly harmful air pollutant, is rapidly emerging as a year-round public health and climate challenge across India's cities, according to a new analysis by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). Based on six years of data from 25 cities, the study shows that ozone pollution is no longer confined to isolated summer spikes or a handful of northern urban centres. Instead, it has spread across regions, with prolonged exposure becoming increasingly common in both inland and coastal cities. Medical practitioners have also observed unexpected spikes in asthma and respiratory illnesses during the summer months, although the report notes that dedicated epidemiological studies are needed to establish direct local links. "Our analysis reveals that rising ground-level ozone and prolonged exposure windows are transforming India's localised, winter-time particulate problem into a year-round, trans-boundary crisis," said Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director at CSE and lead author of the study.