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Cse In News

Dominos Pizza in India Can Cause These Deadly Diseases Yet They Are Safe in Western Countries

The 2016 CSE report found that 84 percent of bread products, including Domino's pizza bases in Delhi, contained potassium bromate and potassium iodate-two chemicals known to cause cancer and thyroid problems. These ingredients are banned in many countries in the West but not in India, highlighting regulatory lapses. Potassium bromate is a carcinogen and potassium iodate interferes with thyroid functions. Even after all such regulatory changes by FSSAI, the big challenge in India is the lack of proper enforcement and public awareness. This means better oversight, education to consumers about healthier alternatives to food, or all this put together.

Talking Shop: Pollution Collusion

Blaming my brand-new car and the country’s bewildered farmers for increasing pollution and SPM (suspended particulate matter) levels may give you a vicarious thrill, it might make you feel absolved and vindicated… It will make you insanely wrong too, because it means you have failed to recognize the systemic nature of the problem—that there are bigger hunters at work here. And unless they are tamed and kicked into line, there will be no absolution. Studies conducted by leading organizations, Indian and international, insist there are many hidden culprits defiling the air you and I breathe; among them industrial emissions, shipping zones, power plants… And you too, merrily cooking at home. The Maharashtra Pollution Control Board’s website is as ticklish on this issue as it is telling: “There’s so much pollution in the air that if it weren’t for our lungs, there’d be no place to put it all. Thank God men cannot fly, and lay waste the sky as well as the Earth…” It is surprising to see a state-backed online channel getting quirky about a serious problem, but it is refreshing too—it underscores the fact that even the otherwise-occupied are now seized of the life-threatening plight we find ourselves in. As former United States President Barack Obama says in his quote above, the world needs to act now, more so if it wants a tomorrow for the generations to follow. On the pollution and SPM scale of things, things have reached crisis level worldwide. For a moment, let’s speak India. And in this context, we simply have to speak Delhi, our National Capital which is registering alarming pollution levels, earning it the kick-in-the-nuts award for having the worst air quality in the world. nsouciant Blame Game The blame for rising pollution has been placed solely on smoke-belching automobiles and archaic agricultural practices, particularly stubble-burning by North India’s farmers. It is almost as if when it comes to pollutants, especially SPM, everyone wants to be seen as a vociferous anti-agent. After all, the muck that dots our air causes health problems like asthma, heart disease, and lung cancer. What’s needed is to dig deeper, rather than just blame winding traffic jams and burning crops. What of factories, industrial emissions, shipping, power plants, and residential cooking? These are unacknowledged, perhaps even unknown, but they are significant perpetrators. Pollution generated by ships is in the form of particulate matter, sulphur oxides and nitrogen oxides, which contribute to murderous air. Large container ships and oil tankers use low-grade fuel, emitting high levels of soot and sulphur. Port cities, already battling significant air pollution, are particularly vulnerable to the additional load from maritime activities. A study by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) found that emissions from ships are responsible for a large amount of air pollution along the coast. According to CSE Director-General Sunita Narain: “Port cities are becoming pollution hotspots due to the unregulated emissions from ships. The Government needs to enforce stricter regulations on maritime fuel standards.”

Frustration Mounts Over COP29 Climate Finance Agreement

Developing nations demand stronger commitments as wealthy nations pledge insufficient funding At the COP29 climate summit held in Baku, Azerbaijan, the atmosphere was charged with expectation, yet the outcome left many nations, particularly from the global south, feeling disillusioned. The conference was seen as pivotal, dubbed the 'finance COP', aiming to secure substantial funding to assist developing nations as they navigate the transition away from fossil fuels. Unfortunately, many delegations walked away empty-handed, with developed countries committing $300 billion annually by 2035—far less than the $1.3 trillion projected by climate experts to meet the needs of impoverished nations grappling with climate impacts. For many attending the summit, the negotiations felt like déjà vu. The need for meaningful climate finance was again underscored, echoing promises made back during the 2009 Copenhagen conference when wealthier nations pledged to mobilize $100 billion annually by 2020 to support climate action. Those aspirations, critics argue, remain largely unmet. Reports suggest growing frustration as the same countries now propose what they call progress—$300 billion by 2035—adding only more confusion to already complex negotiations. Sunita Narain, director general of the Centre for Science and Environment, expressed disappointment, stating during an online debriefing, "At COP29, we lost an opportunity. Without a meaningful agreement on climate finance; both in quantity and quality, many parts of the world will not be able to reinvent growth to be low-carbon intensive. What’s worse, this arises when these countries are even more vulnerable to climate change impacts.” Her frustration highlights the distress felt by many developing nations, which have consistently called for substantial accountability and financial commitments from wealthier countries. The text concerning the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG)—which succeeds the previous commitment—illustrates the crux of the problem. While the $300 billion target set seems optimistic compared to current financing, it effectively dilutes the legal bond on developed nations to fully fund this goal as outlined by Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement. The lack of clarity over whether this sum constitutes grants or loans leaves many wary of the prospect of accumulating more debt than necessary. This vague foundation raises concerns over the accountability and traceability of funds, with developing nations left wondering how much aid will actually materialize. Backing these sentiments were members of the Group of 77 and China, which advocated for more than $600 billion annually just for public funding with zero conditions, alongside greater transparency and urgency within the financing frameworks. The proposed deal, critics contend, reflects the unwillingness of developed nations to significantly shift their current financial strategies, which lends itself to promising private sector financing rather than prioritizing equitable public funds. On the ground at COP29, tensions flared as developing nations expressed frustration not only with the offered financing but also with the lack of meaningful engagement on their proposed needs and next steps. Countries represented at the summit saw their voices diminished throughout discussions, culminating in walkouts and protests as delegates from vulnerable nations declared the financial plan as insufficient. Denouncements of the $300 billion offer grew, as many argued it fails to address the multi-trillion dollar measures necessary for adaptable and sustainable climate strategies.

Draft text for binding plastic pollution treaty released

Negotiators released a draft text on Friday for an international legally binding treaty to combat plastic pollution, though key issues remain unresolved as talks entered their final stages. The draft, released on the fifth day of negotiations at the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee’s fifth session (INC5), outlines 32 articles addressing plastic production, regulation and waste management. Major points of contention centre on plastic production controls, lifecycle approaches and financing for developing nations. The treaty is seen as crucial for addressing fossil fuel usage globally, as plastics primarily derive from fossil materials. The draft’s objective states it aims to “end plastic pollution, including in the marine environment,” though disagreement persists over whether to include the full lifecycle of plastics from production to disposal. The document incorporates principles from the 1992 Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, including common but differentiated responsibilities among nations and their sovereign right to manage resources. Definitions remain contentious, with eight different proposed meanings for “plastics” and five for “plastic pollution.” The variations range from technical polymer descriptions to broader environmental impact definitions. Some sections show progress, observers note. The article on “just transition” appears without contested brackets, indicating general agreement. However, financing mechanisms remain under debate, with language allowing for “blended and innovative financing” from various sources. “The chair’s proposal represents significant progress toward the ‘start and strengthen’ approach,” said Siddharth G Singh, plastic pollution expert at the Centre for Science and Environment. “While omitting some crucial elements like global criteria for chemicals of concern, it integrates these concepts into criteria for addressing plastic products.” The draft reflects input from all member states, though no delegation is entirely satisfied with the proposal—a characteristic of successful negotiations, according to experts. Some sections show strong alignment, particularly regarding waste pickers and indigenous communities in the plastic value chain. However, upstream interventions like product design and national action plans still require resolution. The draft text moves to the Legal Drafting Group following plenary discussions. Negotiators face pressure to finalise the treaty as environmental concerns about plastic pollution continue to mount globally. “It’s a case of one step forward, two steps back,” said Swati Singh Sambyal, circular economy expert at GRID-Arendal. “While national action plans offer flexibility, mandatory measures are essential to maintain the integrity of this fast-track negotiation.”

AQI at 331 in Capital, ‘very poor’ for 6th day: Vehicular pollution plagues Delhi despite dip in farm fires

Notwithstanding the official end of the stubble-burning season in Punjab and Haryana, Delhi continued to reel under ‘very poor’ air quality for the sixth consecutive day Friday with the transport sector being the leading contributor. Delhi recorded an average Air Quality Index (AQI) of 331 Friday, slightly worse than the 325 reported a day before. The data from the Decision Support System (DSS) developed by the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology, Pune, shows a decline in stubble-burning contribution to Delhi’s particulate matter pollution. While stubble burning accounted for 5.8 per cent of the pollution on November 26, no data was provided for it on Wednesday or Thursday. In Punjab and Haryana, the farm fire season comes to an end on November 30. The state governments track the farm fire counts until November 30 after which they stop recording the numbers as only sporadic events take place. Yet, the AQI in the Capital continued to remain in the ‘very poor’ category (see box) with the transport sector contributing the highest of 21.36 per cent. In its pre-winter analysis of DSS data from October 12-27, the Centre for Science and Environment found local sources, led by vehicular pollution, to be the major cause of the rise in pollution in the Capital, despite a dip in farm fire counts during the same phase. On Friday, 576 crop residue-burning events were detected by satellites, as per data from the Indian Agricultural Research Institute. The cases were the highest in Madhya Pradesh at 311, followed by 215 in Uttar Pradesh. Punjab and Haryana reported 32 and nine cases, respectively. The wind direction also influences stubble-burning’s contribution to Delhi’s PM2.5 levels. According to weather experts, the contribution remains high on days when the wind direction is predominantly Northwesterly. The lowest visibility reported in Delhi increased gradually from 300 metres on November 23 to 900 metres on November 27, stated the India Meteorological Department. It has forecast mainly clear skies with smog or shallow fog likely in the morning or evening or night. Owing to low wind speed, the pollutants will remain trapped close to the surface, and the air quality is forecast to be in the ‘very poor’ category in the coming days.

सुनीता नारायण का कॉलम:ट्रम्प की वापसी पर्यावरण के लिए बुरी खबर साबित होगी

डोनाल्ड ट्रम्प की वापसी का जलवायु परिवर्तन के लिए क्या मतलब है? वे ऐसे व्यक्ति हैं, जिनके हाथ में अमेरिका की कमान होगी और यह देश ग्रीनहाउस गैसों का दुनिया का सबसे बड़ा ऐतिहासिक उत्सर्जक और दूसरा सबसे बड़ा वार्षिक योगदानकर्ता है। ट्रम्प घोषित रूप से जलवायु परिवर्तन पर शक करते हैं और जीवाश्म ईंधन के मुखर समर्थक हैं। उन्होंने कहा है कि कामकाज सम्भालने के बाद वे यह सुनिश्चित करेंगे कि ऊर्जा की कीमतों में कटौती की जाए। वे ग्रीन ऊर्जा योजनाओं को रद्द कर देंगे। और वे चाहते हैं कि तेल और प्राकृतिक गैस की खोज के लिए ज्यादा से ज्यादा जमीन मुहैया कराई जाए और जीवाश्म ईंधन से संचालित हो रहे उद्योगों पर सरकारी नियंत्रण कम किया जाए। हमें यह ध्यान रखना चाहिए कि वर्तमान राष्ट्रपति जो बाइडेन के कार्यकाल में भी अमेरिका जीवाश्म ईंधन जलाने वालों का सिरमौर रहा है। वह आज किसी भी देश की तुलना में अधिक तेल का उत्पादन कर रहा है। वह दुनिया का सबसे बड़ा तेल और गैस उत्पादक है- जो रूस से भी 40 प्रतिशत अधिक उत्पादन करता है। यही कारण है कि जब ट्रम्प कहते हैं कि वे जीवाश्म-ईंधन की ओर तेजी से लौटेंगे, तो हमें समझना चाहिए कि यह दुनिया के पर्यावरण के लिए कितना बुरा होगा! ट्रम्प ने बाइडेन की अक्षय ऊर्जा और इलेक्ट्रिक वाहनों की योजनाओं के खिलाफ तीखी टिप्पणी की है, उन्हें ‘उद्योगों को खत्म करने वाला’, ‘नौकरियां खाने वाला’, ‘चीन का हिमायती’ करार दिया है। वे अतीत के दिनों में लौटना चाहते हैं और इस विचार को खारिज कर देना चाहते हैं कि आज दुनिया आपदा के मुहाने पर खड़ी है और ग्रीन-ट्रांजिशन की आवश्यकता है। ऐसे में सवाल है कि अमेरिका में जलवायु परिवर्तन को लेकर हो रही कार्रवाइयों में आगे क्या होगा? जलवायु परिवर्तन से निपटने के लिए दुनिया को एक साथ लाने वाले अंतरराष्ट्रीय समझौतों का क्या होगा? हमें यह पूछने की जरूरत इसलिए है क्योंकि इस बार ट्रम्प की जीत कोई संयोग नहीं है। 2016 में, जब उन्हें राष्ट्रपति के रूप में चुना गया था तो अमेरिका और दुनिया उन्हें लेकर अनिश्चित थी, लेकिन इस बार वे इस विश्वास के साथ सत्ता में आए हैं कि अमेरिका के लोगों ने उन्हें उनके विचारों के कारण चुना है, जिनमें जलवायु परिवर्तन को नकारना भी शामिल है। इसलिए हमें उनके कार्यों से आश्चर्यचकित नहीं होना चाहिए; इसके बजाय हमें पूछना चाहिए कि दुनिया इस संकट से निपटने के लिए किस प्रकार आगे बढ़ सकती है। तथ्य यह है कि बाइडेन- अपने देश के बड़े पैमाने पर तेल और गैस उत्पादन के बावजूद- जलवायु कार्रवाई के प्रति प्रतिबद्धता को लेकर अपने सभी पूर्ववर्तियों से अलग खड़े थे। उन्होंने 2030 तक ग्रीनहाउस गैसों को 2005 के स्तर से 50-52 प्रतिशत तक कम करने और 2035 तक 100 प्रतिशत कार्बन प्रदूषण मुक्त बिजली तक पहुंचने का साहसिक लक्ष्य रखा था। मुद्रास्फीति न्यूनीकरण अधिनियम (आईआरए) को स्वच्छ प्रौद्योगिकियों और हरित ऊर्जा में निवेश के लिए प्रेरित करने के लिए शानदार ढंग से तैयार किया गया था। इस क्षेत्र में अमेरिकी नेतृत्व का मतलब था कि दूसरे देश अपनी जिम्मेदारियों से पल्ला नहीं झाड़ सकते थे। उन्हें भी ग्रीनहाउस गैस उत्सर्जन को कम करने के लक्ष्य तय करने के लिए मजबूर किया गया और कुछ ठोस कार्रवाई भी हुई। यकीनन यह पर्याप्त नहीं था, लेकिन कम से कम इससे नैरेटिव तो बदला था। क्या ट्रम्प अमेरिका को जलवायु परिवर्तन पर वैश्विक समझौतों- जैसे 2015 पेरिस समझौता और जलवायु परिवर्तन पर संयुक्त राष्ट्र फ्रेमवर्क कन्वेंशन- से बाहर निकाल लेंगे? अगर हां तो यह कार्बन उत्सर्जन कम करने की वैश्विक मंशा को कमजोर करेगा। जबकि जलवायु परिवर्तन के दुष्प्रभाव बढ़ रहे हैं और दुनिया को असुरक्षित बना रहे हैं। इसका सामना करने के लिए हमें वैश्विक नेतृत्व की आवश्यकता है, और उन मजबूत आवाजों की भी, जो न केवल आसन्न विनाश के बारे में चेताती हों, बल्कि चीजों को अलग तरीके से करने की संभावनाओं के बारे में भी बताती हों। दुनिया लो-कार्बन अर्थव्यवस्था बनने की यात्रा पर आगे बढ़ चुकी है और इसे इतनी आसानी से उलटा नहीं जा सकता। रीन्यूएबल एनर्जी सहित ग्रीन टेक्नोलॉजी में भारी निवेश किया गया है और इस नई अर्थव्यवस्था के प्रति रुचि बढ़ रही है। लेकिन हमें जलवायु परिवर्तन से निपटने की लागत को भी समझना होगा और ग्रीन ट्रांजिशन की दिशा में नए तरीके अपनाने होंगे, जो किफायती और समावेशी हों। ट्रम्प की वापसी से इन सब पर जो खतरा उपस्थित हुआ है, उसे हम अनदेखा नहीं कर सकते। ट्रम्प घोषित रूप से जलवायु परिवर्तन पर शक करते हैं और जीवाश्म ईंधन के मुखर समर्थक हैं। कामकाज सम्भालने के बाद वे सुनिश्चित करेंगे कि ऊर्जा की कीमतों में कटौती की जाए। वे ग्रीन ऊर्जा परियोजनाओं को भी रद्द कर सकते हैं। (ये लेखिका के अपने विचार हैं)

Civil society, climate experts raise several concerns with Baku NCQG deal

Civil society groups have criticised the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) decision taken at COP29 in Baku, saying the language and quantum of finance could undermine both energy transition in developing countries and climate ambition ahead of February 2025’s nationally determined contributions (NDCs) deadline. “At COP29, we lost an opportunity -- without a meaningful agreement on climate finance; both in terms of quantity and quality, large parts of the world that would have had the chance to reinvent growth to make it low-carbon intensive, will not be able to do so. What’s worse, this comes at a time when these countries are even more vulnerable due to climate change impacts,” Sunita Narain, director general, Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), said at an online debriefing on Thursday. The NCQG succeeds developed countries’ 2009 commitment to provide $100 billion annually to support climate action in developing countries by 2020. Under the Baku climate finance deal, developed parties and other sources will provide $300 billion annually to developing countries by 2035. The deal also calls for contributions toward an overall climate finance goal of $1.3 trillion annually by 2035, including voluntary contributions from developing countries. “The Global North has abandoned the Global South with this meagre offer. It has no right to demand mitigation ambition from our part of the world with so little finance on the table. To begin with, the deal dilutes the legal obligation of developed countries to provide the entirety of the finance under the new goal, as per Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement. The ambiguities of the goal make it clear that there will be little accountability and traceability of funds,” said Avantika Goswami, programme manager, Climate Change, CSE. The $300 billion falls short of developing country demands. The G77 and China bloc, India and Like Minded Developing Countries had sought $600 billion annually in public finance from developed countries, as part of a larger $1.3 trillion annual sum by 2030. The UN Standing Committee on Finance’s second report found that NDCs from 142 parties contained 5,760 needs, with 2,753 costed needs from 98 parties totaling $5.036-6.876 trillion. CSE researchers said the 10-year timeline for such limited finance could leave developing countries with inadequate resources during this critical decade. The $300 billion isn’t specified as grants-based or concessional, potentially worsening the debt crisis. The decision text also fails to distinguish between “provision” and “mobilisation.” “There appears to be some logical fallacy in the language of the decision text. 1. It calls on all actors to scale up finance to developing country Parties for climate action from all public and private sources to at least $1.3 trillion per year which is the estimated climate investment requirement in developing countries. 2. The same decision text also states that the goal is to mobilise $300 billion per year from public and private sources by 2035 with developed country Parties from taking the lead. How are these two different? The 300 billion should have been mainly public money from developed countries and the timeline should have been per annum till 2030 at least,” said Dhruba Purkayastha, director for growth and institutional advancement, Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW). India led opposition to what it called a “stage-managed” deal at COP29, which ended amid unprecedented acrimony. After the Azerbaijan Presidency quickly approved a contested proposal, India was first to reject it for ignoring Global South priorities – a position later endorsed by several developing countries and blocs including the Like-Minded Developing Countries and Nigeria. “At COP29, India and other vulnerable nations boldly called out the glaring failure of developed countries to deliver meaningful climate finance under the new climate finance goal. The decision, forced through by the COP29 Presidency in Baku last week, is not only grossly inadequate but also deliberately designed to shift the financial burden onto those least responsible for the climate crisis yet most devastated by its impacts. These negotiations disregarded the urgent needs of developing countries and blatantly side-lined their rightful demands for survival and justice,” said Harjeet Singh, climate activist and global engagement director, Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative. “Countries like India and other frontline nations must escalate political pressure and explore every legal avenue to overturn this unjust agreement. The terms of climate finance must match the scale of the crisis—a bare minimum of $1.3 trillion annually by 2030, as demanded by developing nations. As the deadline for updating Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) approaches, developing nations must stand united, insisting that climate finance and ambition go hand in hand. Developed countries have no moral authority to demand greater efforts from us while continuing to shirk their historic and financial responsibilities,” Singh added.

Shortages Hobble India Push for Cleaner Car Fuel Amid Delhi Smog

India is cutting back its supply of cheap gas for vehicles as it struggles to cope with domestic production shortages, a move that could add to toxic air woes in major cities including New Delhi. Supply constraints have left retailers like Indraprastha Gas Ltd. and Mahanagar Gas Ltd. increasingly reliant on more expensive imports — or costly production from new Indian fields, which have proven more technically challenging. Both have begun to raise prices for compressed natural gas, or CNG, which powers cars, buses, taxis and rickshaws across India. New Delhi, one of the world’s most polluted cities, was pushed into CNG well over two decades ago after a Supreme Court ruling that demanded the conversion of all public buses to cope with worsening air quality. It later banned all non-CNG cabs in the capital region. While the fuel is not entirely “green,” it does emit fewer smog-related pollutants and has a slightly lower carbon footprint than conventional alternatives. Now, as the city lives through some of the most toxic smog days on record, proponents fear that consumers previously attracted by low running costs may begin to look more closely at the disadvantages, including long queues at filling stations and fewer models to choose from. “This may deter the adoption of CNG vehicles and could even lead to a shift back to diesel and petrol, undermining efforts to promote cleaner transportation options,” said Amit Bhatt, managing director for India at the International Council on Clean Transportation. CNG vehicles have proven popular with India’s price-sensitive consumers, surging more than 13-fold between 2019 and now. Sales of vehicles powered by diesel and gasoline have fallen by 20% and 13%, respectively, during that period, according to data compiled by the transport ministry. “We need differential pricing policy to incentivize cleaner fuels and disincentivize polluting fuels,” said Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director at the Centre for Science and Environment. With its limited low-cost gas funneled to industrial use, India’s deliveries to retailers have been cut by as much as 40%, according to exchange filings by the companies. That fuel, from older fields, is currently priced at $6.5 per million British thermal units — against about $10 for new local fields and $13 to $14 per mmbtu for imports. Mahanagar Gas has said it will explore options as it tries to ensure stability for its price-sensitive customers, but scarcity has already pushed prices for some areas up by more than 2% this week. Further increases will be necessary to maintain margins, analysts say. India wants to increase the role of gas in the energy mix, and the government has announced plans to significantly increase the number of CNG stations across the country over the current decade from roughly 7,000 today, mostly in the north and west. That target may now be at risk. “The move also doesn’t gel with the government’s aim to almost triple the compressed natural gas station network in the country by 2030,” said Sabri Hazarika, analyst with Emkay Global Financial Services Ltd. The underlying problem is the paucity of India’s homegrown output, which has not kept pace with a growing economy. Daily gas production has risen only about 3% in the decade through March, while consumption has jumped 30%, according to the oil ministry. That has been felt by consumers, with CNG prices in Delhi rising 73% since 2021. Gasoline is up just 13% and diesel has increased by close to a fifth, shrinking the price gap between gas and conventional fuels. “Lower prices have been working in our favor, despite long waiting times at fuel stations,” said Sukhdeep Singh, a taxi driver who was getting fuel for his car at a CNG outlet in New Delhi. “But if our costs jump without any commensurate increase in passenger fares, it will make life really very difficult for us.”

India cuts back cheap gas for vehicles even as bad air chokes Delhi

India is cutting back its supply of cheap gas for vehicles as it struggles to cope with domestic production shortages, a move that could add to toxic air woes in major cities including New Delhi. Supply constraints have left retailers like Indraprastha Gas Ltd and Mahanagar Gas Ltd increasingly reliant on more expensive imports — or costly production from new Indian fields, which have proven more technically challenging. Both have begun to raise prices for compressed natural gas, or CNG, which powers cars, buses, taxis and rickshaws across India. New Delhi, one of the world’s most polluted cities, was pushed into CNG well over two decades ago after a Supreme Court ruling that demanded the conversion of all public buses to cope with worsening air quality. It later banned all non-CNG cabs in the capital region. While the fuel is not entirely “green,” it does emit fewer smog-related pollutants and has a slightly lower carbon footprint than conventional alternatives. Now, as the city lives through some of the most toxic smog days on record, proponents fear that consumers previously attracted by low running costs may begin to look more closely at the disadvantages, including long queues at filling stations and fewer models to choose from. “This may deter the adoption of CNG vehicles and could even lead to a shift back to diesel and petrol, undermining efforts to promote cleaner transportation options,” said Amit Bhatt, managing director for India at the International Council on Clean Transportation. CNG vehicles have proven popular with India’s price-sensitive consumers, surging more than 13-fold between 2019 and now. Sales of vehicles powered by diesel and gasoline have fallen by 20 per cent and 13 per cent, respectively, during that period, according to data compiled by the transport ministry. “We need differential pricing policy to incentivize cleaner fuels and disincentivize polluting fuels,” said Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director at the Centre for Science and Environment. With its limited low-cost gas funneled to industrial use, India’s deliveries to retailers have been cut by as much as 40 per cent, according to exchange filings by the companies. That fuel, from older fields, is currently priced at $6.5 per million British thermal units — against about $10 for new local fields and $13 to $14 per mmbtu for imports. Mahanagar Gas has said it will explore options as it tries to ensure stability for its price-sensitive customers, but scarcity has already pushed prices for some areas up by more than 2 per cent this week. Further increases will be necessary to maintain margins, analysts say. India wants to increase the role of gas in the energy mix, and the government has announced plans to significantly increase the number of CNG stations across the country over the current decade from roughly 7,000 today, mostly in the north and west. That target may now be at risk. “The move also doesn’t gel with the government’s aim to almost triple the compressed natural gas station network in the country by 2030,” said Sabri Hazarika, analyst with Emkay Global Financial Services Ltd

Extreme weather claimed 3,200 lives in India in 2024: CSE

A report by the Delhi-based think tank Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) reveals that over 3,200 lives were lost and more than 230,000 houses destroyed in India during the first nine months of 2024 due to extreme weather events. The findings highlight the growing frequency and severity of floods, storms, heatwaves, and other climate-related disasters. India experienced extreme weather events on 93 pc of the days during the first nine months of 2024, underscoring the intensifying impact of climate change. The period was marked by a range of natural calamities, including heatwaves, cold waves, cyclones, lightning, heavy rains, floods and landslides, affecting almost every region of the country. These events caused widespread devastation, including the loss of thousands of lives, destruction of homes, and displacement of communities.

In Busan, India says it will not back ‘use’ of plastic alternatives

While India may have banned single-use plastic in 2022 and called for employing ‘sustainable’ alternatives, it has struck a contradictory note at the ongoing United Nations-led Global Plastic Treaty negotiations in Busan, South Korea. As part of formal submissions on Thursday, India said that while it “encourages the research, innovation, and development of sustainable alternatives and non-plastic substitutes,” it would rather not support the “use” of these products, technologies, and services. India has also pushed back against a suggestion by the Chair of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC-5) to “reduce the use of primary plastic polymers and associated chemicals of concern in plastic products.” Chemicals of concern are those used in making goods but which are associated with harm. ‘India will not be pushed’ While the reasoning behind India’s stance was not spelt out, these submissions are not cast in stone. Sources privy to negotiations told The Hindu that the word “use” smacked of irritation at being told what to do. While India’s national stand was against plastic waste and pollution and promoting alternate, sustainable materials, India would not allow itself to be “pushed into using” certain products or materials, they said. However, wording could change and depending on how the negotiations progressed, more conciliatory terms could be considered, these sources said. Single-use plastics are only a subset of the wide variety of plastics made from polymer and different grades of plastic lend themselves to varying degrees of recycling. In its multiple submissions on Thursday, India stressed that any final agreement on addressing plastic pollution should not contravene other multi-lateral agreements; should respect “national priorities, capabilities and priorities and right to development”; and “developing countries must get financial and technical assistance including technology transfer in line with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities.” The latter is a principle derived from climate negotiations, where developed countries, which are counted as responsible for emitting the bulk of atmospheric carbon, are asked to pay up for minimising future global emissions. Plastic alternatives There is little clarity on whether sustainable alternatives to plastic exist. While India has, on paper, allowed the use of ‘biodegradable’ and ‘compostable’ plastic, lack of clarity on whether such plastic is actually degradable and whether compostable versions are being composted has hindered their widespread adoption. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has frequently worn — and spoken about the benefits of wearing — jackets made from recycled PET bottles. However, the adoption of plastic alternatives such as jute, cotton, cloth or newer synthetic alternatives is hindered by their cost, availability and the cumbersome nature of their use as packaging or containers, compared to the various grades of plastic. The problem of plastic waste is enormous in India. An investigation by the Centre for Science and Environment estimates that since 2022, nearly 24 million tonnes of plastic packaging have been introduced into India with a mechanical recycling capacity of only 9.8 million tonnes. Of the 15 million tonnes of plastic that are used in consumer products and become waste within a year, only about 20% is collected. While this is not a uniquely Indian problem, the inability to manage plastic waste after it is used as a product has led to calls, such as in the INC negotiations, to check the production of plastic itself. No consensus The INC-5 Chair, Luis Vayas Valdivieso, before the start of negotiations on Monday, presented a text, called a ‘non paper,’ that laid out a reference document containing 32 ‘Articles’ dealing with multiple dimensions of plastic waste, pollution, and curbing sources of production. While countries are largely on board with amplifying action on addressing plastic waste and waste management, there are disagreements among countries, particularly those where petro-chemicals and refining, or production of plastic are major industries, vital to livelihoods. This list includes China, India, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, and the United States. They see the cessation of plastic production as potentially disruptive, so there has been pushback, though this is nuanced and varies country by country. The net result is that despite four days of negotiations, nearly every sentence in the 18-page document put forth by Mr. Valdivieso is contested, with countries demanding their own modifications to every one of the ‘Articles,’ that is threatening to blow up an already bloated text. A streamlined consensus document, where everyone has agreed to every line, is necessary for the gestation of a legally-binding Global Plastics Treaty. Once this comes into being and countries sign on, it will pave the way for regular meetings by countries – like in the better known climate conferences – called the Conference of Parties that will then, year by year, push narratives and action toward eliminating plastic.

Shortages hobble India push for cleaner car fuel amid Delhi smog

India is cutting back its supply of cheap gas for vehicles as it struggles to cope with domestic production shortages, a move that could add to toxic air woes in major Supply constraints have left retailers like Indrapra Gas Ltd. increasingly reliant on more expensive im from new Indian elds, which have proven more te have begun to raise prices for compressed natural g buses, taxis and rickshaws across India. New Delhi, one of the world’s most polluted cities, was pushed into CNG well over two de ruling that demanded the conversion of all public buses to cope with worsening air qualit cabs in the capital region. While the fuel is not entirely “green,” it does emit fewer smog-re slightly lower carbon footprint than conventional alternatives Now, as the city lives through some of the most toxic smog days on record, proponents fea attracted by low running costs may begin to look more closely at the disadvantages, includ stations and fewer models to choose from. “This may deter the adoption of CNG vehicles and could even lead to a shift back to diesel to promote cleaner transportation options,” said Amit Bhatt, managing director for India Clean Transportation. CNG vehicles have proven popular with India’s price-sensitive consumers, surging more t now. Sales of vehicles powered by diesel and gasoline have fallen by 20% and 13%, respect according to data compiled by the transport ministry. “We need dierential pricing policy to incentivize cleaner fuels and disincentivize polluti Roychowdhury, executive director at the Centre for Science and Environment. With its limited low-cost gas funneled to industrial use, India’s deliveries to retailers have according to exchange lings by the companies. That fuel, from older elds, is currently pr thermal units — against about $10 for new local elds and $13 to $14 per mmbtu for impo Mahanagar Gas has said it will explore options as it tries to ensure stability for its price-se has already pushed prices for some areas up by more than 2% this week. Further increases margins, analysts say. India wants to increase the role of gas in the energy mix, and the government has announ increase the number of CNG stations across the country over the current decade from rou north and west. That target may now be at risk. “The move also doesn’t gel with the government’s aim to almost triple the compressed na country by 2030,” said Sabri Hazarika, analyst with India's Gas Production Hasn't Kept Pace With Demand | LNG imports are now rising to m The underlying problem is the paucity of India’s homegrown output, which has not kept p Daily gas production has risen only about 3% in the decade through March, while consum according to the oil ministry. That has been felt by consumers, with CNG prices in Delhi rising 73% since 2021. Gasoline increased by close to a fth, shrinking the price gap between gas and conventional fuels. “Lower prices have been working in our favor, despite long waiting times at fuel stations,” driver who was getting fuel for his car at a CNG outlet in New Delhi. “But if our costs jump

पराली जलाने का सीजन खत्म, दिल्ली में अब दिसंबर-जनवरी में सांसों के बनेंगे 'नए दुश्मन'

दिल्ली में पराली जलाने का असर अब खत्म हो गया है, लेकिन प्रदूषण की कहानी अभी बाकी है। सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) के एक अध्ययन से पता चला है कि पराली जलाने के मौसम में दिल्ली के PM2.5 प्रदूषण में इसका योगदान कम रहा। अक्टूबर-नवंबर में यह 14.5% था, जबकि दिसंबर-जनवरी में लगभग शून्य हो गया। लेकिन, स्थानीय और NCR के प्रदूषण स्रोतों का योगदान बढ़ गया। दिसंबर-जनवरी में ठंड, धुंध और कम हवा की गति के कारण प्रदूषण फंस जाता है। इससे दिल्ली की हवा 'बेहद खराब' और 'गंभीर' श्रेणी में रही। विशेषज्ञों का कहना है कि क्षेत्रीय प्रदूषण और स्थानीय स्रोतों, जैसे वाहन, उद्योग और घरेलू ईंधन, पर ध्यान देना ज़रूरी है। दीर्घकालिक समाधान के लिए स्वच्छ ऊर्जा स्रोतों और प्रदूषण नियंत्रण तकनीक को अपनाना होगा। पराली खत्म पर समस्या नहीं गई दिल्ली में हवा की गुणवत्ता पर पराली जलाने के प्रभाव का मौसम अब समाप्त हो गया है। इस साल भी बायोमास जलाने से होने वाले प्रदूषण में कमी का रुझान जारी रहा। हालांकि,दिल्ली में प्रदूषण की समस्या अभी खत्म नहीं हुई है। दिसंबर और जनवरी में स्थानीय और क्षेत्रीय प्रदूषण स्रोतों का योगदान बढ़ जाता है। इस दौरान घनी धुंध, कम हवा की गति और ठंडे तापमान के कारण प्रदूषक हवा में फंस जाते हैं,जिससे प्रदूषण का स्तर बढ़ जाता है।

Nafithromycin: India Launches First Locally Developed Antibiotic

Wockhardt Ltd has developed Nafithromycin, the first domestically produced antibiotic targeting multi-drug-resistant bacteria. This antibiotic is aimed at treating community-acquired bacterial pneumonia (CABP) in adults, the launch was held on November 20, 2024, in New Delhi. The event was organized by the Department of Biotechnology and BIRAC. Dr. Jitendra Singh, the Union Minister of State for Science and Technology, was present. Global Health Impact Pneumonia caused by drug-resistant bacteria poses a serious global health threat, which accounts for over two million deaths annually. India has 23% of the world’s pneumonia cases. The country faces increasing resistance to existing antibiotics, such as azithromycin. Nafithromycin emerges as a new solution to combat this issue. Development Support BIRAC provided Rs 8 crore in support for the project. The total cost for clinical trials was Rs 500 crore. Trials were conducted in the United States, Europe, and India. This backing was crucial for the successful development of Nafithromycin. Drug Efficacy Nafithromycin is a groundbreaking antibiotic for respiratory infections, which is the first new antibiotic in 30 years. The drug is taken as a single tablet daily for three days. It is ten times more potent than azithromycin and has eight times better lung absorption. The clinical cure rate stands at 96.7%, and it is safe for patients. Research Timeline The development of Nafithromycin took 14 years of extensive research. Dr. Jitendra Singh brought into light its importance in fighting antimicrobial resistance (AMR). AMR occurs when bacteria become resistant to medications, complicating treatment. Large pharmaceutical companies have reduced antibiotic development efforts. This gap has allowed smaller firms like Wockhardt to innovate. Discussions hosted by the Centre for Science and Environment explored challenges faced by Indian antibiotic developers. These conversations aim to encourage future innovations in antibiotic development.

Rich nations did ‘great escape’ from finance obligations at UN climate summit: CSE

The developed world performed ‘the great escape’ from their finance obligations at the 29th Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP29) in Baku in Azerbaijan, said Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) Director General Sunita Narain on Thursday. “At COP29, we lost an opportunity -- without a meaningful agreement on climate finance; both in terms of quantity and quality, large parts of the world that would have had the chance to reinvent growth to make it low-carbon intensive, will not be able to do so,” she said. “What’s worse, this comes at a time when these countries are even more vulnerable due to climate change impacts,” said Sunita Narain while speaking at an online debriefing ‘Did the finance COP deliver? The headline issue of the conference was the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) on climate finance. The NCQG is the successor to the $100 billion per year commitment made by developed countries in 2009 to support climate action in developing countries by 2020. Says Avantika Goswami, programme manager, Climate Change, CSE: “An ambitious NCQG outcome at COP29 would have been critical for supporting the increasing climate needs of the Global South. So did the finance COP deliver? The answer has to be a most emphatic ‘no’.” What the COP29 presidency did was to gavel a climate finance deal of $300 billion per year for developing countries -- the money is expected come from developed nations and other sources by 2035. The deal also “calls on all actors” to contribute towards an overall climate finance goal of $1.3 trillion per year to developing countries by 2035, which would also include voluntary contributions from developing countries. Says Goswami: “The Global North has abandoned the Global South with this meagre offer. It has no right to demand mitigation ambition from our part of the world with so little finance on the table. To begin with, the deal dilutes the legal obligation of developed countries to provide the entirety of the finance under the new goal, as per Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement. The ambiguities of the goal make it clear that there will be little accountability and traceability of funds.” She adds: “This was the last remaining window for the Global North to step up, pay its fair share, and restore some semblance of trust in the multilateral process. They have failed.” The adopted NCQG decision text extends the erstwhile $100 billion commitment to a mere $300 billion per year by 2035 with developed countries “taking the lead”. “The stated $300 billion figure is far below developing country needs. The demand from the G77 and China bloc -- the largest negotiating bloc of 134 developing countries -- was for $600 billion annually in public finance from developed countries, out of a larger annual sum of $1.3 trillion by 2030 -- all of which was to come from developed countries only,” says Goswami. In addition to the amount, the timeframe of achieving the goal by 2035 is also problematic. CSE researchers point out that 10 years is too long for such a low amount of finance, potentially leaving developing countries stuck with highly inadequate finance until it is much too late for significant climate action within this critical decade. Moreover, the $300 billion quantum is not specified as grants-based or concessional, which leaves scope for debt-worsening modes of financing in the Global South -- going against the demands of various developing country groups. The decision text also fails to clarify any separation between ‘provision’ and ‘mobilisation’. In this context, framing the $1.3 trillion per year target for developing countries as a goal from ‘all actors’ shifts the burden of climate action on the private sector, which has historically contributed only a small fraction of climate finance. This casts serious doubts on achieving the needed scale of $1.3 trillion annually. At COP 29’s closing plenary, India, Bolivia, Nigeria, Pakistan and Cuba made statements about the lack of ambition in the climate finance outcome. India objected to the adoption of the decision and expressed strong disapproval of the elements of the text as well as a ‘lack of trust’ in the process -- but the text stands adopted as is. After close to a decade of deliberations, Article 6 of the Paris Agreement was finally adopted at COP29. Under Article 6, countries can voluntarily cooperate via market-based trades denominated in tonne of carbon, to implement their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). While Article 6.2 involves bilateral agreements for trading carbon credits, Article 6.4 sets up a global carbon market. But Trishant Dev, programme officer, Climate Change, CSE, has his doubts on Article 6.2, he says: “The framework as adopted is weak on accountability. There are no strong consequences for countries in case of inconsistencies flagged by experts, such as misreporting or not following the framework to the spirit. “Overall, despite some transparency measures, nothing in the framework prevents parties from trading low-quality carbon credits.” On Article 6.4, the COP29 Presidency announced on the opening day that countries had agreed on the standards adopted by the Supervisory Body (a UN body overseeing the global carbon market) and that the body would provide further guidance on the operationalisation of Article 6.4. Dev comments: “New guidelines have been finalised for the Supervisory Body. Some of these are quite positive, such as the scientific expertise that the Supervisory Body should seek, and Supervisory Body’s work on further guidance on baselines, downward adjustment, non-permanence and reversal risk. However, the allowance of transition of afforestation and reforestation projects from the Clean Development Mechanism (under the Kyoto Protocol) to Article 6.4 without any substantive checks creates a risk of low-quality CDM credits flooding the Article 6 market.”

As farm fire season gets over, local sources make Dec-Jan grey & toxic

The impact of harvest stubble burning on the air in Delhi is over. This season continued with the trend of biomass fires' decreasing contribution to the bad air. The bad days, however, aren't over yet. When the share of local and regional sources of pollution increases in Dec and Jan, the pollutants remain trapped, with dense fog, slow winds and low temperatures hampering the dispersion of pollutants. An analysis of the Decision Support System's data done by the Centre for Science and Environment revealed that during the stubble burning season from Oct 24 to Nov 8 in 2022, the biomass burning was responsible for 14.5% to Delhi's PM2.5. In the same period, local sources accounted for 31% of the pollutants while NCR districts contributed 54.5%. However, from Dec 1, 2022, to Jan 31, 2023, the share of stubble burning came down to almost nil, but the proportion of local pollutants and from NCR districts was, respectively, 33.6% and 39.8% in the period, with 26.5% being attributed to ‘other districts', which include the districts apart from the 19 in the NCR of Haryana, UP, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan and places across the border. The Central Pollution Control Board's data shows that in Jan this year, there were three ‘severe' days and 27 ‘very poor' days in Delhi. The lowest AQI was 273 on Jan 10 in the ‘poor' range. Similar conditions prevailed in Dec 2023, with the month recording three ‘severe' days, including when the AQI touched 450 on Dec 23. The month saw 24 ‘very poor' days and four ‘poor' days with the lowest AQI reading of 285. Among Delhi's local sources, the contribution of domestic burning of non-cleaner fuels to beat the cold and industrial pollutants was higher in Dec-Jan than in Oct-Nov. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director, research and advocacy, CSE, said, "The character of the smog episodes changes during the later part of Dec and early Jan when the impact of biomass/stubble burning is nearly eliminated. Though the contribution of pollution from other sources outside Delhi continues to remain high, the relative share of the local combustion increases." She pointed out that while vehicles remained the top polluter, peripheral industry, domestic use of solid fuels and construction pollutants exist. This underscores the importance of prioritising vehicles, industry, solid fuels and all combustion sources for curbing. "No city can meet the clean air target without minimising the regional influence on its air quality," said Roychowdhury. "This requires upscaling of sectoral measures in the airshed to complement stringent local action." Sunil Dahiya, founder and lead analyst, Envirocatalysts, said the air quality in Dec and Jan mostly hovered in the ‘poor' or ‘very poor' zone with the exception of a few days impacted by rain. Precipitation reduces the pollution concentration a bit for a few hours, thus reducing the daily averages. "While lower temperatures, reduced wind speed, and formation of inversion layer traps the pollutant emissions near the surface and reduces dilution, the pollution level can still be tackled by reducing the emission load from contributing sectors. Transportation, power generation, industrial activities, construction, waste generation and biomass use for cooking and heating add to the high emission load," said Dahiya. He added that the high pollution levels and the emission load could be reduced by regulating the operation of polluting industries and power plants as well as strict enforcement of laws and GRAP as short-term measures. "Shifting the polluting energy sources for transport, power generation and industries to cleaner alternatives and using the most efficient pollution control technology at source in the longer term can ensure that we don't face the same hazardous air pollution year after year," he suggested.