United Nations climate talks adopted a deal to inject at least $300 billion annually in humanity's fight against climate change, aimed at helping developing nations cope with the ravages of global warming in tense negotiations. But not everyone was happy. ''The Global North has abandoned the Global South," Avantika Goswami of New Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment ...
As the air quality index (AQI) in Delhi-NCR spirals into hazardous levels each winter, the agricultural belt of Punjab, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh continues to see thousands of stubble-burning cases each year, primarily after the kharif paddy harvest. On November 18, 2024, Punjab recorded 1,251 farm fires daily, raising the state’s cumulative to 9,655 cases this season. This marks a slight improvement from previous years, yet far from eliminating the problem. In contrast, Haryana reported a record low of 1,179 cases, attributed to better policy implementation and adoption of alternatives. However, air quality remains largely unaffected. A report by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) highlights how multiple sources—vehicular emissions, industrial activities, and domestic cooking—significantly contribute to pollution in Delhi NCR, often outpacing stubble burning. Yet, the visual impact of farm fires, visible from satellite data, places them at the forefront of public and political scrutiny every year. On November 17, it contributed 37.5 per cent of Delhi’s PM2.5 levels, the highest contribution of the season
elhi is turning into a gas chamber with the air quality index hitting the hazardous 400-500 ‘severe plus’ category. Schools have been shifted to online mode, companies forced to announce work-from-home for their employees, and vehicles face restrictions. Vivek Chattopadhyay, Principal Programme Manager, Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) talks to Surya S Pillai of The Statesman about the wider impact of air pollution, lack of political will to curb the menace and how health cost estimation is missing from the conversation surrounding the issue. Q. Pollution is a crisis at many levels, be it the physical health, financial loss, or the overburdened medical infrastructure. How are we, as a nation, failing to deal with this apocalypse?
Come November and the capital city of Delhi turns into a gas chamber with AQI shooting to severe category. Most often the farmers are blamed for burning stubble and winds taking the fumes to Delhi. But that is not the true picture. Delhi vehicles are the main culprit, as has been indicated by many studies. So nothing is done and till it is swept away by the wind, smog hangs over the city. This year is no different. Delhi’s air pollution has escalated to catastrophic levels, with the Air Quality Index (AQI) frequently crossing into hazardous territory hovering in the vicinity of 500. This public health emergency has fueled political blame games between the State and Central Governments, with stubble burning by farmers in neighbouring states often cited as the primary cause. However, research and scientific studies tell a different story: the real culprit behind Delhi’s toxic air is not stubble burning but the city’s overwhelming vehicular emissions. Vehicular traffic is consistently identified as the leading source of pollution in Delhi. A 2019 study by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water found that vehicles contributed between one-third and two-thirds of Delhi’s harmful particulate matter. This alarming contribution is tied to the city’s explosive growth in vehicle ownership. Between 1990 and 2018, the number of registered vehicles in the National Capital Region increased fivefold. Delhi alone accounts for over 11.8 million vehicles, 90 per cent of which are cars and two-wheelers. The volume of vehicular traffic has turned the capital into a pollution hotspot, with transport emissions driving air quality deterioration throughout the year. In contrast, stubble burning, often portrayed as the main villain in Delhi’s pollution narrative, plays a far smaller role. A 2017 study revealed that stubble burning contributed less than 3 per cent to Delhi’s annual particulate matter. Even during its peak season from mid-October to early November, the share of pollution from crop residue burning is limited to 8 per cent, according to a 2023 report by the Centre for Science and Environment. Most of Delhi’s pollution originates locally, with vehicular traffic contributing the largest share. This pattern becomes even more evident when air quality fails to improve after the stubble-burning season ends. Despite these findings, public discourse and policy responses disproportionately focus on stubble burning. This misplaced focus has real consequences. While interventions like subsidies for crop residue management have reduced farm fires, the overall air quality in Delhi remains dire because transport emissions and other local sources remain largely unaddressed. Addressing Delhi’s air pollution crisis requires an urgent shift in priorities. Expanding and improving public transportation is crucial to reducing dependence on private vehicles. Cleaner fuels and technologies, such as electric vehicles, must be promoted alongside stringent enforcement of emission standards. Recognising this reality and acting accordingly is imperative. Until then, the capital’s air will remain a health hazard.
The 29th edition of the UN climate change conference in Azerbaijan emerged from a deadlock with an annual climate finance goal of $1.3 trillion for developing countries, much to the disappointment of the Global South. On Friday, the closing day of COP29, a revised five-page text on the climate finance package, or the world’s new collective quantified goal (NCQG) on climate finance, was issued specifying two separate goals. The first states that “all actors to work together to enable the scaling up of financing to developing country parties for climate action from all public and private sources to at least $1.3 trillion per year by 2035". The second goal mentions that developed countries must take the lead in mobilising $250 billion per year by 2035 for climate action by developing countries from public and private, bilateral and multilateral, and alternative sources. For climate experts, the issue is this: the goals do not specify that the annual $1.3 trillion in climate finance should flow from developed economies to developing countries. “It’s a good thing that $1.3 trillion is acknowledged, but how that will be met right now is totally unclear," said Avantika Goswami, programme manager, climate change, at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). “It must specify (that) out of $1.3 trillion, $600 billion must come from the government budget of developed countries. That’s what G77 has asked for." The G77 is a coalition of developing countries, including India, that now has more than 100 members. Also read | India at CoP-29: Push for climate finance and strengthen domestic sources “None of that (G77’s demands) is addressed here, not the scale, not the specific demands around the quality and structure of the goal. This is very far from what developing countries have demanded and it’s completely inadequate," Goswami told Mint. “This is basically sticking us with $250 billion between now and 2035, and we don’t even know if the $250 billion is going to be mobilised in the years before. It’s saying by 2035, so it might be a lesser amount in the coming years until 2035," she added. Developed nations say they mobilised and transferred $115 billion to developing countries in 2021-22, though the developing world claims the target has yet not been met. As per the Paris agreement, however, a new target above $100 billion must be agreed upon by 2025. The NCQG refers to finance that will be provided by developed countries to developing countries to help them meet their goals to transition away from the continued use of fossil fuels and curb greenhouse gas emissions. Developing nations have been repeatedly saying that this will cost “trillions of dollars". A report from the Independent High-Level Expert Group on Climate Finance last week said if countries do not act now, the climate finance target will need to be raised to at least $1.3 trillion a year by 2035. ‘A sham’ India, on behalf of like-minded developing countries, on 14 November said developed countries need to commit to providing and mobilizing at least $1.3 trillion every year in NCQG until 2030. It added that climate finance cannot be changed into an investment goal when it is a unidirectional provision and mobilization goal from developed to developing countries. “The $1.3 trillion per year by 2035 for the developing world includes finance from all public and private sources. Investment in RE (renewable energy) technologies in the developing countries was $544 billion in 2022 itself. This figure should automatically reach beyond $1.5 trillion by 2035, accounting for the growth in the sector and inflation," said Vaibhav Chaturvedi, senior fellow at the Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW). “The $1.3 trillion number is at best a sham." At COP29, developing nations mooted for $5-6.8 trillion worth of climate finance until 2030. “The Presidency text on the NCQG reflects a clear disconnect between ambition and action," said Suryaprabha Sadasivan, senior vice president at Chase India, a public policy and advocacy advisory firm. Also read | Climate finance: Deploy the Loss and Damage Fund with care “The proposed $250 billion annually by 2035 for developing countries falls significantly short of the estimated $455-584 billion annually needed for mitigation and $215–387 billion for adaptation, as outlined in developing nations' costed needs," Sadasivan said. “Continuing the reliance on loan-based financing, with limited emphasis on grants or low-cost mechanisms critical for countries like India, risks deepening unsustainable debt levels." COP29’s revised text also fails to adequately address loss and damage financing, which is needed to reduce high transaction costs, she added. Though the timeline of COP29 (11-22 November), finance COP, ended on Friday, a decision is yet to be adopted by member countries. “We still have 24 hours; It has not come to an end. It comes to an end when the decision is adopted. So, there is still time for developed countries to give a revised number," said Goswami of CSE. “Otherwise, developing countries should not accept the $250 billion. It’s too low, it’s inconsequential. Options still open On Thursday, after a 10-page NCQG draft text was released, India highlighted that grant-based concessional climate finance is the most critical enabler to formulate and implement new nationally determined contributions (NDCs). “The document needs to be specific on the structure, quantum, quality, timeframe, access, transparency, and review. The goal for mobilisation needs to be $1.3 trillion, with $600 billion of this coming through grants and grants equivalent resources," India said in a statement. All 198 members of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) are expected to submit their third round of NDCs by February, which will apply till 2030. If there is no consensus or clarity on the structure, quantum, quality, timeframe, access and transparency on NCQG, there are then two possibilities, said Manish Shrivastva, senior fellow, earth science and climate change, at New Delhi-based The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI). Also read | AI is giving us a nuclear renaissance: Can it help solve the climate crisis too? “Either countries will submit a moderated NDC, or they will say that our ambition in NDC is XYZ. But this is absolutely conditional upon developed countries providing adequate additional grant equivalent finance to the scheme of XYZ from this year onwards, or something of that sort." India’s first and second NDCs are conditional, subject to developed countries providing necessary financial resources. Some other countries have submitted two NDC targets—one from national resources and the other a conditional resource based on international support. These options will still be open, said Shrivastava.
As the climate conference COP29 in Baku draws to a close, developed and developing nations remain divided over climate finance and mitigation. The latest negotiating drafts of the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) for Climate Finance, the Mitigation Work Programme (MWP), Article 6 addressing the carbon market, and other policy frameworks were released on the morning of November 21, the penultimate day of the conference. The plenary discussions that followed were dotted with disagreements. Developing countries criticised the NCQG draft – the framework to set a new target for climate finance – for not clearly defining the amount of climate finance from developed to developing countries. Meanwhile, developed countries expressed frustration over the MWP, aimed at scaling up mitigation ambition and implementation, for not being ambitious enough to meet the Paris Agreement’s 1.5°C target. “The clock is ticking,” said UN Secretary-General António Guterres, urging delegates to rise above their differences. “Failure is not an option,” he said, emphasising that there needs to be “an agreement on an ambitious new climate finance goal in Baku.” Where is the money? The latest 10-page NCQG draft, released on November 21 morning, misses any mention of a concrete climate finance goal. Developed countries have not committed to a figure and the draft excludes the proposal from developing nations, too, which called for $1.3 trillion in annual climate finance, with $600 billion as grants or grant-equivalents. Developed nations push for ambitious mitigation targets Both developed and developing countries have criticised the latest draft of the MWP, with developed countries arguing that it is not ambitious enough to meet the Paris Agreement’s 1.5°C goal while developing countries call it a diversion from the Paris Agreement that asks for voluntary action, referring to the elements from the Global Stocktake (GST) that have been included in the latest draft of the MWP, released a day before the closing of COP29. During the agenda-setting phase, several nations, particularly developing countries, expressed concerns over selectively using elements from the GST in the MWP, asserting that it was intended to be voluntary and non-prescriptive, allowing countries to set targets based on their local circumstances. The GST, agreed upon in at the COP Dubai in 2023, calls for ramping up global climate efforts, such as tripling renewable energy capacity by 2030, phasing down unabated coal power, reducing methane emissions by 2030, and phasing out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies. However, there has been no consensus among parties on these measures. For instance, India and China have distanced themselves from the Global Methane Pledge to cut methane emissions by 30% by 2030. Under GST, while countries are not legally required to meet these goals, the stocktake holds them accountable by evaluating their progress and encouraging greater ambition in future climate actions through updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The latest MWP draft, released on November 21, is an improvement on the earlier draft that asked for compulsory measures but still mentions GST, though with several dilutions. This has drawn sharp criticism from developed nations, including Switzerland and the United States that say the proposed measures lack sufficient ambition to keep global warming within the 1.5°C threshold. Developing nations, however, maintain their position of voluntary mitigation while focussing on finance. Iran’s delegates reiterated that the MWP’s mandate is clear—it should remain non-punitive and non-prescriptive. India’s Environment Secretary, Leena Nandan, also emphasised this point, calling for the removal of GST references from the MWP draft. “We cannot accept any attempts to deflect the focus again from finance to repeated emphasis on mitigation,” Nandan said. “When the time has come to ensure that mitigation actions are supported with adequate finance in line with CBDR-RC (Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities) and equity, the narrative is being diverted. This COP started with a focus on enablement through NCQG. But as we move towards the end, we see a shifting of the focus to mitigation.”Frustrations were rife at the plenary. South Africa emphasised that achieving the Paris Agreement’s 1.5°C target is impossible without adequate funding. Panama’s delegate said, “After three years of discussion, we still have no money at the table from developed countries.” The NCQG is being discussed since 2021. The other concerns with the draft are the two pathways presented by ministers for consideration and approval. The first option suggests expanding the contributor base to include willing developing countries, though their voluntary contributions won’t be accounted for in the NCQG. The draft also proposes developed nations share the cost burden based on historical emissions and GDP per capita, with a part of this finance delivered as grants. Experts note that this option aligns more closely with developing countries’ demands. The second option proposes scaling up global climate finance from all sources, including domestic resources and proposes innovative financial mechanisms such as debt-for-climate swaps, green bonds, and hybrid capital. However, critics, such as Avantika Goswami, programme manager of climate change at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), argue that this approach reframes the NCQG as an investment goal rather than a commitment to climate justice. India’s Environment Secretary, Leena Nandan, strongly opposed the NQCG draft in her plenary intervention, where she stated, “Expanding the contributor base, introducing conditionalities like macroeconomic and fiscal measures, carbon pricing, and reliance on private sector investments contradict the mandate for the NCQG. Climate finance is not an investment goal.”
The price we pay for the air we breathe According to a WHO report, Delhi has always been ranked among the most polluted cities globally, with PM2.5 levels way more than safe limits. Long-term exposure to such high pollution levels can cause respiratory illness or heart disease or worsen asthma. People residing in this city, especially children and the elderly, face an increased risk of lung cancer, stroke, and cardiovascular diseases. During recent years, every hospital has observed a major increase in the number of patients suffering from breathing problems, with many cases of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) - a lung condition that makes it hard to breathe. It happens when the lungs or airways get damaged, causing inflammation and blocking airflow. This can make it difficult to get enough air in and out of the lungs, leading to shortness of breath, coughing, and wheezing. Air purifiers, which used to be considered an expensive luxury, now adorn the homes of most people, and face masks have again become a part and parcel of one's daily accessories if one has to go out in the open. However, for the city’s economically disadvantaged residents, such measures remain out of reach, leaving them more vulnerable to the harmful effects of pollution. This has become an annual thing for the residents of the nation’s capital, it is now a constant fight for health and well-being. It is a change of life, staying in Delhi has become a very different experience. Driving to work through this city was the pleasure of the commuters but now it is a nightmare without proper visibility and safety during smog-heavy days. Air quality Index frequently reaches hazardous levels during such periods prompting the government to take measures Similarly, remote work models are advancing with people avoiding the hazardous commute. Most businesses have adjusted by encouraging work from home to safeguard employee health. Fitness and outdoor activities are also at a loss as parks and outdoor spaces often become uninviting during peak pollution seasons. How pollution is changing our social life Beyond individual health and daily routines, social life in the city feels the strain of pollution, too. A major portion of its cultural events lies outdoors, now tackled with logistical problems due to the health risks of smog. Festivals, marathons, and public gatherings are either postponed or shifted indoors, and social life becomes more confined to indoor spaces with air filtration systems, limiting spontaneous outdoor interactions. Winter is a magical time, especially for children in their growing years, when outdoor play is both enjoyable and essential for their growth. Activities like badminton, a winter favorite among kids, offer a lot of fun and development. But it is very unfortunate that many children miss out on these joys due to the poor air quality that comes every year around this time. Air quality and economy The economic cost is not something that can be ignored. In 2019, the CCeennttrree for Science and Environment estimated that air pollution costs India about 5% of its GDP every year, an important portion of which is attributed to the capital. All the increased costs for healthcare and damages to productivity and public services are part of the mounting burden.
After two weeks of intense negotiations, the COP29 presidency revealed the climate finance figures in its latest draft deal, leaving the developing countries shocked and disappointed. The new five-page text released on the last day of the UN summit called on developed countries to lead with a contribution of just $250 billion annually by 2035 in climate finance to developing countries, as part of the broader goal of $1 trillion per year by 2035 for the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) which will come from all public and private sources. This falls way short of what the developing countries had asked for. “The proposed $250 billion is simply the previous $100 billion goal adjusted for 6 per cent inflation by 2035. It is not ‘new, additional and transformational’, and a far cry from what the G77 has demanded. Deeply disappointing," said Avantika Goswami, programme manager, Centre for Science & Environment (CSE). The biggest developing nations bloc of 130 nations—G77+ China—had demanded at least $600 billion in public grants for the $1.3 trillion goal annually from the developed countries to replace the previous grossly insufficient target of $100 billion per year set in 2009. Climate policy experts also voiced concerns over the weak language of the text, which “calls on all actors to work together" to scale up finance to $1.3 trillion rather than holding developed countries accountable. “Not only does this keep the core finance obligation subservient to the notional multi-layered goal but weakens it by replacing the role of governments with ‘actors’ and further diluting the sources of core finance by including private funds. The level itself is disappointing and is lower than even what G20 had estimated," said RR Rashmi, distinguished fellow, TERI, criticising the proposed goal as “highly compromised". Furthermore, the $250 billion from developed countries can come from multiple sources—public, private, bilateral, and multilateral, including alternative ones. “This paltry sum includes loans and lacks the crucial commitment to grant-based finance, which is essential for developing nations to both address climate impacts and transition away from fossil fuels," said Harjeet Singh from the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative. ‘A bad deal’: Global South “The $1.3 trillion number is at best a sham. This is a bad deal for the developing world," said Dr Vaibhav Chaturvedi, senior fellow, CEEW, highlighting that the investment in renewable energy technologies in developing countries was $544 billion in 2022 itself. “This figure should automatically reach beyond $1.5 trillion by 2035, accounting for the growth in the sector and inflation." Experts from the Global South also underscored that the text merely “acknowledges" the significant gaps in responding to loss and damage but fails to make any provision for it. The amount of climate finance is inadequate to meet the increasing costs of climate adaptation, mitigation, as well as loss and damage in the world’s most vulnerable countries. The draft deal also caters to the demand of the developed countries and invites “voluntary contributions" from developing countries through South-South cooperation or supplementing the goal set. Sehr Raheja, programme officer, CSE, pointed out that the text also offers no thematic sub-goals of mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage as part of the structure of the goal. “This is a heavily watered-down text, far from what is needed to call this COP a success," she added. The negotiations extended well into the night on Friday, the last day of the conference, as countries struggled to reach a consensus on the new climate finance target to replace the $100 billion annual goal set in 2009.
More than a century of burning coal, oil and gas has fueled intense heatwaves, prolonged droughts, heavier rains and devastating floods. To prevent even more severe impacts, the U.N. global climate summit, Cop29, must deliver tangible results to keep global temperature rises below 36 degrees Fahrenheit, the limit defined in the 2015 Paris agreement. Achieving this goal means human societies can only emit a finite amount of additional carbon dioxide, known as the world’s “carbon budget.” Developed nations have exceeded their carbon budgets while developing countries remain within theirs. Carbon dioxide lingers in the atmosphere for centuries, turning past unchecked fossil fuel use into a costly planetary bill. Between 1870 and 2019, the U.S., E.U., Russia, U.K., Japan, Canada and Australia — home to just 15% of the global population — accounted for more than 60% of atmospheric carbon dioxide, according to the Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment. This underscores the climate debt that rich nations in the global north owe to poorer nations. This reality — rather than oil and gas lobbying — should focus minds at Cop29 in Azerbaijan, where leaders must forge a new global climate finance plan by next week. Economists estimate that developing nations need $1 trillion annually by 2030, a figure that reflects the scale of the climate crisis. Yet there is little sign the rich world will contribute its fair share. A stronger, more unified approach is needed. Many of Africa’s environmental NGOs argue that the continent has been sidelined in global industrial shifts, particularly in green industrialization, due to its lack of a robust manufacturing base and its role as a raw materials supplier. While advanced economies dominate green innovation, Africa faces significant hurdles, including limited technology transfer, expensive financing and weak governance.
What does the second coming of Donald Trump mean for climate change action? Here is a man, who will take over as the president of the US, the world’s single largest historical emitter of greenhouse gases and the second highest annual contributor. He is an avowed climate sceptic—an out and out advocate for fossil fuels and in a time of climate crisis. He has said he will, once sworn into office, ensure that energy prices are slashed; he will rescind green energy plans; and wants industry to go back to the time of “drill baby drill”—essentially opening more federal lands to exploration for oil and natural gas and slashing regulatory controls on his country’s fossil fuel industry. But when I say this, we must note that even under the incumbent president Joe Biden, the US has been the fossil fuel emperor—producing more oil than any country has done before. It is the world’s largest producer of oil and gas—outproducing even Russia by over 40 per cent. So, when Trump says he will go back to fossils, we must understand just how bad this will be!
A trip to the Indian subcontinent could be on the cards for the King, providing a much-needed lift after his battle with cancer. The tour might also mark a return to his postponed visits to India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan following the Queen's passing in September 2022. Downing Street is reportedly drafting plans for Charles and Camilla to spearhead a charm offensive as the UK seeks stronger economic ties post-Brexit. A source revealed: "It's hugely encouraging to be able to make such plans for the King and Queen given the year the monarch has had, but it's very much full steam ahead. A tour of the Indian subcontinent is in the offing, which will be of huge political and cultural significance for Britain on the world stage. The King and Queen are the perfect ambassadors at such a time." Foreign Office officials have been greenlit to discuss potential Royal visits, with tours of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh now being considered. Indian PM Narendra Modi, after the cancellation of the prior visit, is keen to welcome the King and Queen Camilla. However, the burgeoning friendship between Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin raises concerns, following their meeting at the BRICS summit and recent commendations of Russia's "strategic partnership" with India by Putin. Mr Modi has maintained that the conflict in Ukraine should be "ended peacefully". During his tenure as Prince of Wales, Charles, accompanied by Camilla, visited Pakistan in 2006 for a week-long trip, reports the Mirror. He expressed to well-wishers: "It has taken me very nearly 58 years to reach you and it's not from want of trying, I can tell you." The Royal couple returned to Pakistan in 2019 to strengthen bilateral relations. In November of the same year, Charles embarked on his 10th official visit to India, with a focus on climate change, sustainability, and social finance. His itinerary included a stop at the Meteorological Department in New Delhi, a ride in an electric rickshaw, and a meeting with environmentalist Sunita Narain. Last month, the King and Queen Consort enjoyed a spa break in India following their tour of Australia and Samoa.
King Charles III is reportedly considering a diplomatic and cultural tour of the Indian subcontinent, a move that sources suggest could significantly aid his health as he continues recovering from cancer. This prospective trip, expected to encompass visits to India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, comes after earlier plans were postponed following Queen Elizabeth II’s passing in September 2022. Royal insiders reveal that the tour could mark a pivotal moment for the monarch, who has faced a challenging year. In addition to its health-related benefits, the visit is expected to bolster Britain’s global standing and foster key commercial ties in a post-Brexit world. Reviving Royal Diplomacy According to palace sources, preparations for the visit are already gaining momentum. British officials have initiated discussions with leaders in the region, with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi reportedly expressing enthusiasm about hosting King Charles and Queen Camilla. Modi’s invitation comes on the heels of a canceled visit last year, adding renewed significance to the potential tour. However, concerns have arisen over India’s evolving geopolitical alignment, particularly Modi’s increasingly close ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The two leaders recently convened at the BRICS summit, prompting questions about the political implications of King Charles’ visit. Despite these concerns, the trip is expected to symbolize a renewed commitment to diplomacy and cultural exchange. A History of Connection King Charles has long maintained a deep connection to the Indian subcontinent. As Prince of Wales, he visited Pakistan in 2006, expressing heartfelt admiration for the region. His trips often centered on issues like climate change and sustainability. During a 2019 visit to India, Charles toured the Meteorological Department in New Delhi, rode an electric rickshaw, and discussed environmental concerns with activist Sunita Narain. For Queen Camilla, the subcontinent holds similar significance. In her travels with Charles, she has often taken on the role of cultural ambassador, strengthening ties between the British monarchy and the region. A renewed visit would mark a continuation of this legacy, reinforcing relations amid shifting global dynamics. Global Implications The potential tour comes at a time when Britain is seeking to reestablish its global influence. Post-Brexit trade ambitions have heightened the importance of forging alliances in South Asia, a region of growing economic and strategic importance. The royal couple’s visit is expected to enhance bilateral relations, particularly in areas such as sustainability, trade, and cultural exchange. Last month, King Charles and Queen Camilla concluded a relaxing countryside spa retreat following their tour of Australia and Samoa. Sources indicate the King is eager to resume his international duties publicly, with a trip to Italy also reportedly in the works. The Italy visit, planned for spring 2025, coincides with the Catholic Church’s sacred Jubilee year, raising speculation about a potential meeting between the monarch and the Pope. Public Reactions The news of the King’s prospective visit has sparked diverse reactions online. Twitter user @GlobalMonarchist tweeted, “King Charles’ India trip could redefine UK-South Asia relations!” Meanwhile, @RoyalWatchBuzz wrote, “A health-focused royal tour? Seems like a win-win for diplomacy and recovery.”
A trip to the Indian subcontinent would mark a significant boost in the King’s health as he continues his recovery from cancer. It may also signal a resumption of his plans to visit India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, which had to be abandoned after the Queen’s death in September 2022. Number 10 is keen on drafting in Charles and Camilla to launch a charm offensive as Britain seeks to establish significant economic links in a post-Brexit world. A source said: “It’s hugely encouraging to be able to make such plans for the King and Queen given the year the monarch has had, but it’s very much full steam ahead. A tour of the Indian subcontinent is in the offing, which will be of huge political and cultural significance for Britain on the world stage. The King and Queen are the perfect ambassadors at such a time.” Foreign Office officials have been given the green light to open discussions with potential host nations for royal visits, and proposals for tours of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh are being drafted. Indian PM Narendra Modi is understood to have expressed his desire to host the King and Queen Camilla after they had to cancel their trip last time. However, there are concerns about a visit to the country due to Mr Modi’s growing closeness with Russian tyrant Vladimir Putin. The pair met at the BRICS summit of world leaders last month and on Tuesday, Putin hailed Russia ’s “strategic partnership” with India. However, Mr Modi has insisted Moscow’s illegal war in Ukraine should be “ended peacefully”. As Prince of Wales, Charles visited Pakistan with Camilla in 2006 for a week. He told wellwishers: “It has taken me very nearly 58 years to reach you and it’s not from want of trying, I can tell you.” The couple also visited in 2019 to further improve the ties between the two countries. In November that year, Charles took his 10th official trip to India, focusing on climate change, sustainability and social finance. He visited the Meteorological Department in New Delhi, rode in an electric rickshaw and met environmentalist Sunita Narain. And last month, the King and Queen stopped off in the country for a spa break after their tour of Australia and Samoa. Sources said Charles would “relish” the opportunity to return officially as monarch.
A journey to the Indian subcontinent would substantially enhance King Charles' health as he persists in his cancer rehabilitation. This may indicate a revival of his intentions to visit India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, which were postponed until the Queen's demise in September 2022. Number 10 is eager to enlist King Charles and Queen Camilla to initiate a charm offensive as Britain aims to forge substantial commercial connections in a post-Brexit landscape. A source indicated that it is highly encouraging to formulate such preparations for King Charles and Queen Camilla, considering the monarch's challenging year; yet, it is proceeding with significant momentum. A forthcoming tour of the Indian subcontinent will hold substantial political and cultural significance for Britain on the global stage. The King and Queen served as exemplary ambassadors during this period. Officials from the Foreign Office have received authorization to initiate conversations with prospective host nations for royal visits, and plans for tours of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh are being formulated. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has conveyed his intention to host King Charles and Queen Camilla following the cancellation of their previous visit, Reuters reported. Concerns exist regarding a visit to the country due to Modi's increasing proximity to the Russian autocrat Vladimir Putin. Last month, the pair convened at the BRICS meeting of global leaders, and on Tuesday, Putin extolled Russia's "strategic partnership" with India. Modi has asserted that Moscow's unlawful conflict in Ukraine must be resolved amicably. In 2006, King Charles, as Prince of Wales, visited Pakistan for a week accompanied by Camilla. “It has taken me very nearly 58 years to reach you, and it’s not from want of trying, I can tell you," he said at the time. The couple traveled in 2019 to enhance relations between the two nations. In November that year, King Charles embarked on his 10th official visit to India, concentrating on climate change, sustainability, and social finance. He visited the Meteorological Department in New Delhi, traveled in an electric rickshaw, and talked with environmentalist Sunita Narain. Last month, King Charles and Queen Camilla visited the countryside for a spa retreat following their trip to Australia and Samoa. Sources indicated that King Charles would "relish" the prospect of publicly resuming his role as monarch, as per Town & Country Magazine. Palace officials indicated last month that he was poised to commence a comprehensive international tour following the trip to Australia and Samoa, which was deemed the "ideal remedy." The Mirror disclosed this month that the pair is organizing a spring vacation to Italy as the administration aims to reinforce relations with Europe. Italy will have a sacred Jubilee year in 2025, commencing on Christmas Eve and concluding on Epiphany 2026. This significant anniversary for the Catholic Church is a period of celebration, prompting conjecture regarding a potential meeting between the royals and the Pope. The announcement of King Charles' anticipated visit has elicited varied responses online. “King Charles' India trip could redefine UK-South Asia relations!” an X user said. “A health-focused royal tour? Seems like a win-win for diplomacy and recovery," another netizen stated. Business Times has reached out to King Charles and Queen Camilla for comments.
The streak of five consecutive ‘severely' polluted days is over, but it isn't time to be complacent. Around four such episodes of extreme pollution occur every winter season from Nov to Jan. For the next few days, however, the air quality is likely to be in the ‘very poor' category. Experts warned that since local and regional emissions continued to remain elevated, any adverse meteorological condition could push the air quality back into the ‘severe' zone. When the pollution hit an Air Quality Index of 400, it is deemed to be ‘severe'. In Nov so far, Delhi has recorded seven ‘severe' days, including five such days on the trot. Last year, there were four episodes of this sort in the winter. Nov last year recorded three smog episodes when AQI was consistently 390 or above. The first streak stretched from Nov 2 to Nov 9, with rain on Nov 10 providing a temporary relief before another episode lasting from Nov 14 to 17. Delhiites fell into the grip of a third spell from Nov 22 to 27, before rain again helped provide a respite. The following month saw another smog spell from Dec 22 to 24. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director, Research and Advocacy, Centre for Science and Environment, said, "Smog episodes, sometimes several of smaller duration and sometimes of longer duration, are normal during Nov. Subsequently, episodes also build up in late Dec and Jan. Meteorology plays a role in this build-up. But severity depends on the level of local and regional pollution." According to an analysis of the past five years by Delhi Pollution Control Committee, the Nov 1-15 period is the most polluted stretch in the year with an average AQI of 371. The Dec 15-31 fortnight is the second most polluted with an average AQI of 354. The third worst polluted period is from Jan 1 to 15 with an average AQI of 328. Mahesh Palawat, vice-president, meteorology and climate change, Skymet Weather, explained, "With cold north-westerly winds reaching the plains, the minimum temperature drops and makes dispersing pollutants from the atmosphere difficult. The lower the minimum temperatures dips, the thicker is the inversion layer. And the thicker the inversion layer, the more difficult for sun rays or winds to penetrate and disperse the pollutants." The number of ‘severe' pollution days fluctuates every winter season depending on the weather conditions. The winter months of 2023 and 2022 saw, respectively, 15 and six ‘severe' days, while 2021 recorded 24 such days. Dipankar Saha, former head of Central Pollution Control Board's air laboratory, said, "Air is a dynamic system and the intrusion of pollutants from neighbouring states can't be denied. Everyone has to work to control emissions on the ground, particularly at the source. It can't be business as usual in the winter months across the entire Indo-Gangetic Plains."
A deep divide over climate finance erupted into the open on Thursday at the UN climate summit COP29, as developed nations and developing nations roundly rejected a new draft proposal that offered two starkly different options for funding climate action, leaving the talks in disarray with barely a day remaining. A controversial proposal to count developing countries’ domestic resources as part of climate finance has sparked fierce opposition, with India maintaining that any expansion of the contributor base or focus on private sector funding flows “are contrary to the mandate for the goal.” The 10-page draft, slimmed down from an earlier 25-page version, presents two starkly different approaches to the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) on climate finance, the deal at the heart of this year’s talks. The NCQG refers to the next step of funding for climate crisis. While one option maintains traditional flows from developed to developing nations, the controversial alternative suggests counting “all sources of finance, including domestic resources” toward climate funding goals. The first option establishes an annual climate finance goal of “at least USD [X] trillion” from 2025-2035, specifically flowing from developed to developing countries. It emphasises grants or grant-equivalent terms and includes provisions for adaptation, mitigation, and loss and damage support. The alternative proposal, backed by developed nations, sets a similar trillion-dollar target but delays implementation until 2035 and includes the contentious “domestic resources” provision. It also aims to “gradually improve the global data available to track financial investments in climate action, including data not currently captured under formal reporting systems.” “The audacity to even consider including ‘domestic sources’ in the NCQG - a goal mandate to be from developed to developing countries in a climate treaty signed in 2015. Incredible. Developed countries respect the Paris Agreement by convenience, not norm,” wrote Avantika Goswami from the Centre For Science And Environment.