Cse In News

Reflect on this: Shiny towers turning NCR into ‘heat bubble’

On a May afternoon in Noida, the air does not just feel hot — it feels manufactured as glass towers lining the expressway catch the sun, throw it back doubled, and trap what remains inside their climate-controlled interiors, pushing the heat out onto the street below. Delhi-NCR has always had brutal summers, but something has shifted. The region is no longer just dotted with urban heat islands but is becoming one continuous heat bubble, and the gleaming commercial facades that define its skyline are quietly driving it. Although the Environmental Conservation Building Code provides a broad framework for the use of glass facades, not a single state has enforced these norms in building plan approvals. Haryana, Delhi and UP have no clear guidelines on glass facade use, even as dozens of commercial high-rises come up every year and add to the heat sink effect. Most of the new commercial buildings in the NCR over the past two decades have used glass and steel as primary construction components. Why builders love glass The economics are straightforward. A nine-inch brick wall replaced by a 6 mm glass panel frees up floor area — and in markets where commercial space fetches up to Rs 25,000 per square foot, every recovered inch translates directly into revenue. According to Rajneesh Sareen, director of sustainable habitat at the Centre for Science and Environment, on a 10,000-square-foot project, the switch can unlock nearly 1,000 additional square feet. Sareen also linked the preference for glass to the speed of construction. “Developers can complete a project much faster than they would have using traditional construction methods,” Sareen said. Glass also eliminates the biannual cycle of painting and plastering that traditional construction demands.

Five people die daily from lightning strikes in India

In May, lightning strikes claimed at least seven lives across Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. On May 13, lightning killed three people in UP’s Bhauthari village, Deoria, and Neruari village. On May 8, four people died in separate lightning incidents in Bihar’s Bhojpur, Patna, Samastipur, and East Champaran districts. India recorded 1,456 lightning-related deaths in January–September 2025, according to data from the non-profit Centre for Science and Environment. That’s about five deaths every day. Data from the National Crime Records Bureau also show that lightning deaths have remained consistently high in recent years. India reported 2,887 lightning deaths in 2022. The number fell to 2,560 in 2023, a decline of around 11.3 per cent, before rising again to 2,825 in 2024. Before 2000, India recorded around 1,800 lightning deaths each year. Today, the annual toll has risen to about 2,800–3,000. Uttar Pradesh tops the list According to the Centre for Science and Environment, Uttar Pradesh recorded the highest number of lightning deaths in 2025, with 284 fatalities. Jharkhand followed with 222 deaths, Andhra Pradesh reported 192 deaths, and Madhya Pradesh 183. Bihar, which has witnessed several recent lightning incidents, recorded 146 deaths during the same period. Lightning activity has also become more frequent in recent years. India recorded 159 lightning event days between January and September 2022, which increased to 176 days in 2023 and 191 days in 2024. By September 2025, the country had already witnessed 204 lightning event days that year, the highest for the period in the last four years.

Rural India's energy crisis: In Mohad & Sursuli, high LPG refill cost keeps rural households tied to biomass

In many of Chhattisgarh's villages, polluting cooking fuels such as firewood remain the popular choice despite LPG access, ground reports by Down To Earth (DTE) showed. On February 12, 2026, this reporters visited Mohad village in Rajnandgaon district and observed a similar trend. Bhushan Sahu, a 49-year-old daily wage labourer and farmer, was pacing barefoot across his courtyard, on which stood two parallel mudhouses for his family of 11. In one corner of the courtyard, Bhushan's mother, Sebti Sahu, was frying fritters in a kadhai (deep frying pan) set atop a chulha (stove), a traditional mud stove, feeding it with thick pieces of firewood and dung cakes, laying aside. The quantity suggested the family was expecting guests. It raised a question: Despite the visible dependence on firewood, did the household have an LPG connection under the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY)? They did. Sebti is a PMUY beneficiary, but she told DTE that an LPG cylinder lasts barely 10-15 days. A few years ago, her daughter-in-law also received a separate LPG connection in her own name. Even then, paying for two refills a month remains prohibitively expensive. Consequently, the household cooks most of its meals on the chulha, relying on firewood and crop residue collected from their farm (except for preparing tea and boiling water). PMUY, launched by the Union government in May 2016, aims to provide clean cooking fuel such as LPG to "rural and deprived households" dependent on polluting fuels such as firewood, coal and cow-dung cakes. Beneficiaries receive an LPG stove and their first cylinder free of cost, while subsequent refills are subsidised. For 2025-26, the Union government is providing a targeted subsidy of Rs 300 per 14.2 kg cylinder for up to nine refills annually. According to the Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell under the Union Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas (MoPNG), 105.4 million beneficiaries were covered under PMUY as of May 7, 2026. In February, over a fortnight, DTE travelled across 15 villages in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Uttar Pradesh to examine two questions. The first was why, despite PMUY's wide reach, 56.1 per cent of rural India continues to rely on firewood, dung cakes and other biomass fuels. This figure comes from the latest National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5), conducted during 2019-21, which also notes that household smoke exposure from solid cooking fuels and tobacco has harmful health effects. Data from the National Sample Survey Office's (NSSO) 78th round Multiple Indicator Survey, released in 2020-21, tells a similar story: more than 46 per cent of rural India still cooks with biomass.

रात में भी 'भट्ठी' की तरह तप रहा जयपुर:दिन में दुबई-आबूधाबी से ज्यादा गर्मी, हीटस्ट्रोक से फेल हो सकते हैं शरीर के कई अंग

जयपुर गर्मी के जाल में है। शहर के 13% वार्ड हाई और एक्सट्रीम हीट जोन में हैं। यानी रात को भी यहां गर्मी से राहत नहीं है। 48% वार्ड मध्यम स्तर का हीट स्ट्रेस झेल रहे हैं। एक्सपर्ट के अनुसार बीते एक सप्ताह में जयपुर का औसत तापमान 40 डिग्री से ऊपर रहा है। जो दुबई और आबूधाबी जैसे रेगिस्तानी शहरों से भी ज्यादा है। यहां औसत टेम्प्रेचर 38 डिग्री से भी कम रहा है। राजधानी के मानसरोवर, झोटवाड़ा में तापमान सामान्य 12 डिग्री ज्यादा रिकॉर्ड हो रहा है। ये खुलासा हुआ है सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एन्वायरमेंट (CSE) की इंडिया एन्वायरमेंट रिपोर्ट 2026 में। ज्यादा गर्मी से हीटस्ट्रोक सहित कई बीमारियों का खतरा बढ़ गया है। रिपोर्ट की मानें तो जयपुर के सभी वार्ड किसी न किसी स्तर पर थर्मल जोखिम की चपेट में हैं। थर्मल जोखिम यानी गर्मी के कारण बीमारियों की आशंका भी बढ़ गई है। गर्मी के जाल में फंसने का प्रमुख कारण बदलाव एक्सपर्ट मानते हैं कि जयपुर के गर्मी के जाल में फंसने का प्रमुख कारण है बदलाव। जयपुर की पहचान कभी उसकी जलवायु अनुकूल वास्तुकला से होती थी। पुराने शहर की हवेलियां, चौक, आंगन, मोटी दीवारें, छज्जे, तालाब और बावड़ियां प्राकृतिक कूलिंग सिस्टम की तरह काम करते थे। बिना AC के भी घरों में ठंडक बनी रहती थी। पिछले दो दशकों में शहर की संरचना तेजी से बदली। कंक्रीट की इमारतें बढ़ीं। हरियाली घटी। खुले क्षेत्र कम हुए। जल स्रोत खत्म होते गए और वेंटिलेशन रहित निर्माण बढ़ गया। नतीजा यह हुआ कि शहर “अर्बन हीट आइलैंड” में बदलने लगा। “अर्बन हीट आइलैंड” का मतलब है कि शहर के कुछ हिस्से आसपास के इलाकों की तुलना में ज्यादा गर्म हो जाते हैं। दिनभर सड़कें, छतें और दीवारें सूरज की गर्मी सोखती हैं और रात तक उसे छोड़ती रहती हैं। इसी वजह से अब रात में भी तापमान तेजी से नीचे नहीं गिरता। विशेषज्ञ इसे “हीट ट्रैप इफेक्ट” कहते हैं।

Jaipur turns into a furnace even at night:Day temperatures hotter than Dubai & Abu Dhabi; risk of organ failure from heatstroke

Jaipur is currently in a heat trap, with 13% of its wards falling in high and extreme heat zones, where there is no relief even at night. Around 48% of wards are experiencing moderate heat stress. Areas such as Mansarovar, Jhotwara, Sanganer Industrial Area, and Nivaru are recording temperatures up to 12°C above normal. The findings are part of the India Environment Report 2026 by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). The report states that all wards in Jaipur are exposed to some level of thermal risk, which refers to the likelihood of heat-related illnesses. As per the National Building Code, 35.5°C is considered a comfortable temperature, but several Jaipur wards are recording temperatures 8 to 12°C higher than this limit, with some even exceeding it. This increases the risk of heatstroke, dehydration, and fatigue, especially in economically weaker areas.

Decarbonizing India’s Iron, Steel

The Steel Industry contributes majorly to the Indian or any country’s economy, and with its vast scale comes the issue of excessive carbon emissions, primarily due to mining and high energy consumption. India stands at the centre of it as the world’s second-largest producer of steel, with its production only expanding rapidly to triple by 2050. However, the steel industry falls in the league of cement and petrochemicals as one of the top three industrial sectors deemed hardest to decarbonize, as it is responsible for about 7%-10% global emissions and 12% in India. As a result, decarbonisation seeks efforts for the transition to green energy in steel making. Decarbonization of steel in India require research and development in various areas, particularly on pilots using green energies like renewable electricity, biochar, hydrogen and other alternatives to reduce its 85% reliance on the coal blast furnaces. It is also important to utilize technologies that offer commercially feasible carbon captures. As an author, I discuss these issues in conversation with Parth Kumar, Programme Manager, and Industrial Pollution at Centre for Science and Environment, New Delhi. He holds years of experience and expertise in environmental research and policy, and centralises on sustainable solutions and research for sanitation and environmental management in India. He has previously worked with organisations such as the Tata Institute of Social Sciences in India, EAWAG in Switzerland and Statista in Germany. He is a recipient of the Holcim Sustainability Award in 2018 and has spent the better part of his career asking hard questions around carbon emissions and decarbonization in the steel industry. The question still continues to drive his work, and at the centre of it, he asks: who ultimately tells the story of steel in India? Q: India’s steel plants currently emit more CO₂ per tonne than the global average. Even with the National Steel Policy 2025 target of reducing emissions intensity to about 2 tones CO₂ per tonne by 2035-36 while doubling capacity, do experts worry this may not be enough to meaningfully slow global warming from the steel sector? Parth Kumar: Steel has multiple types of finished products. However, for crude steel, India’s average is 2.54 tonnes of CO₂ per tonne, compared to the global average of 1.8–1.9 tonnes. A new target is coming up of 2 tonnes of CO₂ per tonne of finished steel by 2035. In 2024, the ministry had already released a roadmap targeting 2.2 tonnes by 2030. However, India’s conditions are a bit different. The lowest emission steel can be made through two technologies. One is green hydrogen, which can be used to create sponge iron, also known as Direct Reduced Iron (DRI), and then further processed in an electric arc furnace. However, the pricing of green hydrogen is very high. Some Indian industries are already running pilots. For example, JSW at Vijayanagar is generating green hydrogen in its DRI plant. They use COREX gas and gradually blend green hydrogen into it to produce low-carbon steel in an electric arc furnace powered by renewable energy. Scrap-based steel is also low in carbon, with approximately 0.4 tonnes of CO₂ per tonne. However, scrap availability in India is very limited. Yet, India produces around 30-35% of its steel from scrap. This lower availability reflects our relatively young economy, as we started major-scale steel production only in the 1950s-60s. In contrast, developed countries like Japan, the EU, and the US have ample scrap to produce low-carbon steel. Many regions in the world are also rich in gas, such as the Middle East, which they use to make sponge iron with reduced emissions. In India, about 50% of gas is imported, and priority is given to sectors like City Gas Distribution and fertilisers. We have two key technologies that are highly emission-intensive. The blast furnace (also called the basic oxygen furnace) emits between 2.3 and 2.5 tonnes of CO₂ per tonne. The other is coal-based DRI, where coal is first used to produce sponge iron (DRI), followed by an induction furnace to make steel. This route is even more emission-intensive, with about 3.1–3.3 tonnes of CO₂ per tonne, and sometimes up to 4. These coal-based DRI units are clustered in states like Chhattisgarh, Karnataka, and West Bengal. About 80% of sponge iron produced in India is made from coal by small players using rotary kilns. The central problem with these small producers is technology upgradation and the lack of an alternate fuel. Converting them is challenging because they are small and scattered units, yet they contribute 40-50% to the value chain. The remaining big players are Tatas, SAIL, JSW, JSPL, and Arcelor Mittal. The current ambition is low, and the industry might suffer during the planned expansion to 300 million tonnes capacity by 2030. This polluting technology risks locking in high carbon emissions for decades. Ultimately, it comes down to carbon capture — and this time, a ₹20,000 crore outlay has been allocated for carbon capture over the next five years. Building on that, green hydrogen is often discussed as a future solution, but it remains very costly and not widely available. In your view, what are the biggest practical hurdles beyond cost for scaling up hydrogen use in Indian steel plants right now? And how long until it could realistically replace traditional systems? Also, you mentioned blast furnaces as high-value, long-life investments. Many new steel projects and expansions are still based on traditional coal-based methods. Does this risk creating “stranded assets” plants that become uneconomic or have to close early due to future climate rules? How should policymakers balance short-term growth against longer-term climate and economic risks? Parth Kumar: Green hydrogen has different impacts on machinery and technology. It can bring the temperatures down a bit, which means more energy is required. Apart from cost, storage and transportation are also major barriers, as hydrogen is a flammable gas and demands safe and secure measures. Producing green hydrogen requires renewables, which raises another question: Do we have established steel plants in states with higher renewable energy potential? India is projecting itself as a future producer of green hydrogen because we are rich in renewables. Although we are experimenting with its implementation in industries, it needs to happen at a much broader scale. To address rising energy demands sustainably, we must prioritize decarbonizing existing infrastructure over building new carbon-intensive assets. Simultaneously, we need to fast-track the R&D of clean technologies to ensure they are scalable and can prevent long-term carbon lock-in. The future expansion should align with climate goals, and we are fulfilling it to the best of our capacity. But the real question is whether we will be able to meet the targets of 2 or 2.2 tonnes of emissions after acquiring this additional capacity? Giant companies are showcasing that they will reduce emissions from blast furnaces from 2.5 tonnes further down to 2 or even 1.8 tonnes. However, with coal-based DRI, the chances of reduction are limited. Even with waste heat recovery, it is still difficult to bring emissions below 2.8 tonnes, especially with continued additions in this segment. With continued use, issues like carbon lock-in and the risk of stranded assets will arise. Stranded assets become a real concern only when there is sufficient procurement demand for green products. It is necessary to create demand for green steel. The government is working on it, but Indian green steel is not yet accepted globally because our emissions remain much higher than the global average. You spoke about green steel and its road map initially. What do you see as the biggest gap between these plans on paper and what’s actually happening on the ground in steel plants, especially when they are working around emission reduction targets or launching forces related to green steel? Also, you were talking about exports and cleaner steel often costs more to produce, so do you think that Indian steel companies could lose competitiveness in exports, especially with rules like the EU’s carbon border tax, unless the government provides stronger financial support or subsidies for the transition? Parth Kumar: The industries with a strong export business have started transitioning and gaining a competitive advantage by proactively transitioning to green technologies to meet stringent EU regulations. The Ministry of Steel has allotted 455 crores are for green hydrogen in steel. There is strong potential to accelerate decarbonisation with greater policy push and targeted support. The carbon market for steel is still evolving and there is ongoing debate on baselines and targets. The industry is pushing back to the Baseline Emission (BE), but as domestic demand grows, clear procurement standards for low-carbon steel will play a key role in driving the transition. We do not export much, which makes us stagnant in continuing business as usual. If the export dependence increases, then new challenges will emerge. Meaningful change is likely only when procurement standards evolve, even if it creates issues for some clients, which would also strengthen the carbon market. Overall, the impact remains delayed. Despite having a green steel definition, many players are not registering because demand is still low. It will take time, but it is high time we create the right atmosphere so that Indian steel players begin making decisions in the right direction. If we look at it in the Indian context, in states like Odisha and Jharkhand, steel and mining are closely linked, providing jobs but also affecting forests, water, and air quality. How should decarbonization plans balance the need to cut emissions with protecting livelihoods in mining areas and avoiding new environmental damage from things like ore processing? Also, when we talk about a “just transition,” it means supporting workers and communities if coal use in steel declines. What specific steps, like retraining, new jobs in green industries, or support for affected families, do you think are urgently needed but still missing from current policies? Parth Kumar: The impact on jobs will become more noticeable once the transition actually begins. In Europe, for instance, the shutdown of blast furnaces and installation of electric arc furnaces in places like London have led to job losses and significant protests. India, however, is not in a similar situation yet. No blast furnaces have been closed, and no major transition is underway in the steel sector. While some energy efficiency measures and new technologies are being experimented with, their impact on jobs has not been significant so far. This is a good time to reskill our workforce for decarbonisation, so that when the gradual transition occurs, people in the steel industry or other industries are equipped with skills for the new technologies. A key feature of blast furnaces is their large production capacity, which means the transition will require setting up multiple electric arc furnaces, depending largely on demand. One last but subjective question: If you could ask the Ministry of Steel or steel companies one tough follow-up question about their decarbonization efforts, what would it be, and why hasn’t it been addressed properly yet? Parth Kumar: One of the biggest follow-ups should be that we need to be more ambitious and send stronger policy signals to the sector if we truly want to decarbonise. As I said earlier, the future capacity expansion has to be handled carefully. We cannot keep building more carbon-intensive technology; instead, we should decarbonise what already exists and find other ways to meet rising demand. We should also accelerate research and development of clean technologies so that they can be scaled quickly, resulting in lesser carbon lock-in in the future. That would be my take.

Farm suicides dipped marginally in 2024, but continue at rate of one every hour in India: NCRB

At least 10,546 persons involved in the farm sector ended their lives in 2024, accounting for 6.2 per cent of the total number of suicides in India, which was 170,746, according to the Accidental Deaths and Suicides in India report 2024 released by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) on May 7, 2026.The 2024 figure is marginally lower to 2023 when 10,786 people took their lives. At least 28 farmers and agricultural labourers die by suicide every day in the country. The highest number of suicides in the sector were recorded in 2022 at 11,290 and there has been a consistent decrease since then. But not much has changed on ground, show the trends over the last five years as at least one farmer still dies by suicide every hour in India.Another worrying trend revealed by the recent NCRB data was that deaths by suicide of agricultural labourers — those depending on daily wages from farming activities — was higher than farmers/cultivators.Among the 10,546 persons engaged in farming, ... Source: downtoearth.news

From definition to deployment: India's evolving green methanol ecosystem a crucial addition to country's green taxonomy stride across sectors

On 27 February 2026, the Union Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) published the standard definition for green methanol in India. This was followed by the announcement of India's first green methanol bunkering facility and the release of a draft tender for 'Production and supply of Green Methanol' as part of the National Green Hydrogen Mission. The tender was issued by Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI), under the Strategic Interventions for the Transition to Green Hydrogen Programme (SIGHT) as a preliminary step to facilitate domestic production and supply of green methanol. India defines green methanol Methanol is widely used across several industrial applications, including production of paint, resin and solvent, chemical processing and fuel blending. In India, pharmaceutical and chemical sectors are the primary consumer of methanol. Traditionally, methanol is produced using syngas, a combustible gas mixture of hydrogen (H2), carbon dioxide (CO2) and carbon monoxide (CO). The carbon components of syngas require carbon-based raw materials, which is fetched through coal and natural gas as feedstock. The final product has a high carbon emission intensity (ranging between 1.46 kg CO2eq/t to 3.95 KgCO2eq/t production) and is termed 'grey methanol'. With the introduction of the new guidelines by MNRE, 'green methanol' is defined as 'methanol as a product' whose emission arising from the synthesis process including 'Green Hydrogen production, methanol synthesis, purification, and on-site storage shall not exceed 0.44 kilogram of carbon dioxide equivalent per kilogram of methanol (kg CO2 eq/kg CH3OH), calculated as an average over the preceding 12-month period'.It is further mandated that for the synthesis process, 'carbon dioxide may be sourced from biogenic sources, Direct Air Capture (DAC), or existing industrial sources' while using green hydrogen as primary fuel source. Introduction of this formal definition has established regulatory clarity to project developers, investors and industrial consumers.

Conflict in the backyard: Wild animal attacks are pushing farmers into debt

Wild, marauding animals are destroying crops and adding massively to the economic losses of farmers in many parts of India, making farming increasingly unviable. There is now a war involving not only big mammals such as tigers, elephants and leopards, but also wild boars, nilgai and other ungulates and, most damaging of all, monkeys. This is a fact, but one that we are not willing to discuss, let alone resolve. The conservation community would like to avoid this discussion; for them — perhaps rightly so — if there is a conflict, the fault lies at the doorstep of humans. We know that humans are destroying the habitats of wild animals and doing much more to push them out of forests in search of easy food and prey. This conflict is also, in part, a consequence of successful wildlife protection, which has increased animal numbers. But this cannot be an excuse to look away from the desperate plight of farmers. We tend to brush it under the table — and because it hurts the poor, it is easy to do so. The 2025 report “Human Wildlife Conflicts: an Estimation of Net Agricultural Losses in Maharashtra”, by the Pune-based Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, is the only study of its kind. Its findings show the net agricultural losses in the state due to wildlife are ₹10,000 crore-40,000 crore annually. And this, says the report, is a gross underestimate. What is worrying is that the study found 62 per cent of the farmers had reduced their cropped areas because of animal attacks. Farmers listed crop damage by wild animals as the key problem after unseasonal rain and low prices for produce; one-third said such damage was the main reason for their loss of income. A 2021 study by the University of British Columbia, Canada, and the Centre for Wildlife Studies, India, found that farmers in Karnataka lost one to three months of income each year to wild-animal raids. A single elephant “interaction” can cost a farmer a loss of 20 per cent or more. A 2025 study from Kodagu district in Karnataka found that close to 50 per cent of farmers surveyed incurred losses amounting to a whopping ₹90,000 per year, pushing many into debt. The forest department of Himachal Pradesh estimates that annual crop losses add up to ₹500 crore, and if indirect costs of fencing and other protection measures are included, it would be ₹1,500 crore at the very least. This is again confirmed by a 2026 study in the Western Ghats of Tamil Nadu. The study says 90 per cent of farmers identified wildlife conflict as their primary production risk, with a staggering 50-60 per cent of crops damaged primarily by wild boars, peafowl and elephants. Investigation by Down To Earth from across the country recounts the same story of lost income, livelihoods and rising indebtedness. The question now is: What needs to be done to “rebalance” this relationship and establish some form of co-existence between humans and animals? The Indian government’s response so far has been slow, confused and dismal. What is good is that it now accepts the nature of the crisis. As of the June-July kharif season 2026, it has included animal-related losses in the national crop insurance scheme, the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana. Farmers are given a 72-hour window to report the loss, which will be verified using drones before compensation is paid. Whether this will work remains to be seen, given the scheme’s existing flaws. Additionally, it is the state governments that pay compensation to farmers. The report of the Gokhale Institute also found that even when 25 per cent of farmers affected by wild animal attacks sought compensation, only 1-2 per cent received payment commensurate with the damage. Most either did not know about the scheme or could not navigate its complex bureaucratic procedures. The flashpoint is Kerala, where the issue has become not just a battle between humans and animals but also a dispute between the Centre and the state. Under Section 62 of the Wildlife Protection Act, only the Centre can declare a wild animal “vermin”, which would then allow it to be culled by the forest department. The Centre has been reluctant to do so even for specific animals in specific states. So, the Kerala government in 2024-25 introduced its own Wildlife Protection Bill, declaring attacks by wild boars a statewide disaster and classifying the animal as “vermin”. In February this year, the Kerala governor finally agreed to forward the Bill to the President for clearance. The Bill does not allow farmers to kill wild boars themselves; instead it devolves authority to licensed shooters, who can be called upon by panchayats to cull the animal. On the other hand, late last year, the National Board of Wildlife recommended reinstating protection for the rhesus macaque as a Schedule II animal, making culling difficult. It follows recommendations from animal-rights groups, but discounts the fact that even forest departments agree monkeys have become a menace and efforts to control their population through sterilisation have not worked. I would call this decision tone-deaf. Such an approach will only mean more conflict, not less. This is not good for either conservation or farmers. The author is at the Centre for Science and Environment. sunita@cseindia.org, X: @sunitanar

Divided by Contagion: Health as Sovereign Responsibility

Lockdowns, which until 2020 the WHO had explicitly rejected for dealing with pandemics, forced 500 million children around the world out of school, half of them in India. Dr Sunita Narain, Director General of the Centre for Science and Environment, said in February 2021 that more than half the world’s additional 115 million people were pushed back into extreme poverty live in South Asia. India, she said, was all set to usher in a 375 million-strong ‘pandemic generation’ of children up to age 14 who are likely to suffer long-lasting impacts like increased child mortality, being underweight and stunted, and educational and work-productivity reversals.

Maharashtra State Compressed Biogas (CBG) Policy, 2026 is expected to open a new growth path

The much-awaited Maharashtra State Compressed Biogas (CBG) Policy 2026 was officially approved and released on May 5, 2026. Stakeholders across the state have been eagerly anticipating this framework, which is designed to upscale a sector where Maharashtra already holds a strong position. The state currently ranks third in India with 24 commissioned CBG plants, trailing only Uttar Pradesh (40) and Gujarat (25). The policy rightly emphasises the utilisation of municipal organic waste, agricultural residues, and other biodegradable materials as primary raw materials. It aims to empower local self-government bodies to efficiently segregate, collect, and process waste, promoting its use in the CBG sector. By focusing on a circular economy, the state intends to reduce the burden on landfills, improve public health, enhance environmental quality, and significantly lower greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. To ensure effective execution, the state government has established committees at various levels to oversee development and implementation. In line with recommendations from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), the policy focuses on diverse waste streams while restricting the cultivation of alternative feedstock, such as energy crops, strictly to barren or unused land to avoid land-use conflicts with food production. While the policy clearly defines its scope and stakeholders, including Urban Local Bodies (ULBs), Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs), and private developers, CSE found one major stakeholder notably absent from the formal list which is City Gas Distribution (CGD) companies. "This is a real big gap, since CGDs are critical for last mile evacuation under SATAT. They should have been included as stakeholders with defined roles in offtake, pipeline tie ups, and steering committee representations," mentioned Srinivas Kasulla, Tattva Engineering Systems. To facilitate ease of implementation, the framework is closely aligned with national initiatives such as SATAT (Sustainable Alternative Towards Affordable Transportation), GOBARdhan, the Swachh Bharat Mission, and the National Bioenergy Mission. Securing the supply chain and feedstock infrastructure A standout feature of this policy is its practical approach to feedstock security, which has historically been a major bottleneck for the sector. The state encourages a multi-feedstock model that utilises everything from sugar factory residues and animal dung to market waste. To ensure a steady supply, the policy promotes long-term contracts with Agricultural Produce Market Committees (APMCs) and sugar factories, a strategy long recommended in CSE research reports. Furthermore, the state intends to develop CBG hubs in areas with high biomass availability, supported by integrated infrastructure for feedstock sourcing, collection, storage, and transportation. The policy also focuses on strengthening the overall supply chain to resolve existing security issues regarding raw materials. Utilisation of by-products For the effective use of by-products, the policy pushes for the distribution of bio-fertiliser through registered sales centres of the agriculture department. However, to further improve the uptake of organic manure by farmers, the policy could have benefited from including fertiliser companies as key partners in the value chain. Additionally, drawing from CSE's experience, a sensitisation program for farmers would be a valuable way to raise awareness of the benefits of bio-fertilisers and address specific agricultural concerns. Financial viability and investor incentives The policy introduces significant financial levers to ensure projects are commercially sustainable. Recognising that many CBG initiatives face high initial costs, the state has authorised Viability Gap Funding (VGF) of up to Rs 75 lakh per ton of capacity, with an overall ceiling of Rs 15 crore per project. For the 2026-27 fiscal year alone, a substantial budget of Rs 500 crore has been proposed for VGF support. Streamlined governance and district-level execution To move projects from the planning stage to active production, the state has established a rigorous three-tier committee structure: · State-Level Steering Committee: Led by the chief secretary, this body handles strategic oversight, inter-departmental coordination, and policy amendments. · Executive Committee: This committee monitors implementation progress and resolves administrative or technical challenges. · District Compressed Biogas Coordination Committees (DBCC): Headed by district collectors, these committees are tasked with identifying project sites, facilitating land allocation, and coordinating with Farmer Producer Organizations (FPOs) for raw material collection. This localised approach is complemented by a single-window clearance system and a digital dashboard to monitor project progress in real-time. Land assistance and other incentives The policy provides land on a lease basis at a concessional rate of 0.7 per cent of the Ready Reckoner (RR) rate. To ensure the actual commissioning of plants on the ground, the policy specifically mandates that land allocation will be cancelled if the project does not become operational within two years. If government land is available, it will be prioritised for CBG projects, subject to environmental and pollution clearances. Additional incentives include a 2.5 per cent refund on State Goods and Services Tax (SGST) once production begins. By treating CBG units as priority infrastructure for water and electricity access, Maharashtra is sending a clear signal that it is open for serious bioenergy investment. District-Level Project Facilitation Cell The policy rightly addresses the need for "hand-holding" within the sector by establishing a District-level Project Facilitation Cell. This cell provides a single-window facility for developers and a dashboard for monitoring implementation. Furthermore, a robust monitoring and evaluation system has been introduced to oversee project implementation, quantify waste processed and CBG produced, and estimate subsequent carbon emission reductions. This system will periodically review project outcomes to ensure transparency and accountability. As Srinivas Kasulla of Tattva Engineering Systems noted, "Policies are usually judged by good intentions. This one will be judged by the impact it creates on the ground, and that impact is going to be huge. Maharashtra has managed to bring SATAT, GOBARdhan, and Swachh Bharat together in a way that actually works." Conclusion The policy has integrated several structural measures advocated by CSE to ensure the sector's long-term sustainability including feedstock security and supply chains, decentralised institutional framework and financial support for high OpEx. However, despite these strengths, the policy could be further strengthened by addressing remaining gaps identified in the broader bioenergy ecosystem like inclusion of CGD companies, strengthening the by-product value chain and farmer sensitisation.

Delhi to get 13 new air quality monitoring stations this year

To eliminate geographical gaps in pollution tracking in the Capital, 13 additional Continuous Ambient Air Quality Monitoring Stations (CAAQMS) will be set up across Delhi this year, with 10 expected to be operationalised by November, environment minister Manjinder Singh Sirsa told HT on Thursday. Officials aware of the matter said the locations of the new CAAQMS, along with other details, will be finalised within the next few days. “Delhi currently has 47 CAAQMS, and 13 more will be added this year. The Delhi Pollution Control Committee (DPCC) will develop 10 of these stations. The location of the new stations is still being finalised, but they will be operational by November. The other three stations will be run by institutions appointed by the Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM),” Sirsa said. Delhi currently has the highest number of air quality monitoring stations among all cities in the country, and the highest density of CAAQMS. The 13 new planned stations will increase the total to 60. Earlier in February, the Delhi government had inaugurated six new CAAQMS in the city, and announced plans to install 14 additional stations in the coming financial year. “We are looking at a 5x5 km grid, so soon there will be a station every 25 sqkm, completing the entire network for Delhi in terms of geographical area by the end of 2026-27,” Sirsa had said, adding that the 25 sqkm goal had been set to eliminate geographical gaps in pollution tracking. Meanwhile, environmental experts said that while it was a welcome move, efficient data utilisation is the key. Anumita Roy Chowdhury, executive director at the Centre for Science and Environment, told HT: “More data availability is expected to improve policymaking. For instance, having 60 stations in the city may allow tracking the nature of pollution almost on a neighborhood scale, allowing for hyperlocal action to be taken. However, the government must also define an objective for this monitoring, and decide how the station grid will be used to take neighborhood-level action.” Chowdhury added: “A fundamental issue irrespective of the number of stations is what they will do to ensure data quality, as this is a costly investment. An independent third-party assessment is needed to ensure data quality.” Of Delhi’s 47 stations, 30 are operated by the DPCC, seven by the Indian Meteorological Department, six by the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), one by the Union ministry of housing and urban affairs, and three by the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology (IITM)

Delhi to get 13 new air quality monitoring stations this year

To eliminate geographical gaps in pollution tracking in the Capital, 13 additional Continuous Ambient Air Quality Monitoring Stations (CAAQMS) will be set up across Delhi this year, with 10 expected to be operationalised by November, environment minister Manjinder Singh Sirsa told HT on Thursday. Officials aware of the matter said the locations of the new CAAQMS, along with other details, will be finalised within the next few days. “Delhi currently has 47 CAAQMS, and 13 more will be added this year. The Delhi Pollution Control Committee (DPCC) will develop 10 of these stations. The location of the new stations is still being finalised, but they will be operational by November. The other three stations will be run by institutions appointed by the Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM),” Sirsa said. Delhi currently has the highest number of air quality monitoring stations among all cities in the country, and the highest density of CAAQMS. The 13 new planned stations will increase the total to 60. “We are looking at a 5x5 km grid, so soon there will be a station every 25 sqkm, completing the entire network for Delhi in terms of geographical area by the end of 2026-27,” Sirsa had said, adding that the 25 sqkm goal had been set to eliminate geographical gaps in pollution tracking. Meanwhile, environmental experts said that while it was a welcome move, efficient data utilisation is the key. Anumita Roy Chowdhury, executive director at the Centre for Science and Environment, told HT: “More data availability is expected to improve policymaking. For instance, having 60 stations in the city may allow tracking the nature of pollution almost on a neighborhood scale, allowing for hyperlocal action to be taken. However, the government must also define an objective for this monitoring, and decide how the station grid will be used to take neighborhood-level action.”

An idea delinked from commonsense

An engineer from IIT-Bombay, Himanshu Thakkar is currently the coordinator of South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers & People (SANDRP) and the editor of Dams, Rivers & People. He has been associated with the water and environment sector for more than 25 years and has worked closely with the World Commission on Dams, the Narmada Bachao Andolan and the Centre for Science and Environment. Rashme Sehgal draws him out on India’s ill-conceived river-linking projects: Prime Minister Modi says interlinking the Ken river (in Madhya Pradesh) to the Betwa (in neighbouring Uttar Pradesh) will help irrigate 1.06 million hectares, provide drinking water to 6.2 million people and generate 130 MW of hydropower and solar energy. Are these valid claims? The Ken-Betwa Link Project (KBLP) that PM Modi laid the foundation for in December 2024 does not have (valid) forest or wildlife clearances. Let me clarify. Both clearances were on the condition that the hydropower component would be taken out of the protected area. But it hasn’t been done. The hydrological figures remain a state secret and have not been peer reviewed or put out in the public domain. There is absolutely no basis to conclude that Ken has surplus water and Betwa is water-deficient. Worse, the project documents do not even look at far cheaper, quicker, less destructive alternatives. To paraphrase what PM Modi said in the context of the Polavaram dam, politicians think of dams as ATMs. The environmental impact assessment of the project is so shoddy it hasn’t even properly studied the impact on the Panna Tiger Reserve (PTR). When the MoEF (ministry of environment and forests) expert appraisal committee (EAC) on river valley projects refused to clear the project after four meetings, Uma Bharati (then Union water resources minister) threatened a dharna. The ministry then reconstituted the EAC, with S.K. Jain as chairman, and cleared the Ken-Betwa project in its very first meeting in December 2016, overruling the reasons for refusal. The same S.K. Jain went on to become director-general of the project. The forest advisory committee (FAC) and the Supreme Court-appointed central empowered committee (CEC) argued forcefully against the project, but the CEC report was not even considered by the apex court! Senior foresters had warned against building a dam on the Ken and a connecting canal between the two rivers. The Betwa already has seven dams on it and none provide the amount of irrigation water being claimed by the irrigation department. The official minutes of the FAC meeting note that the project will involve felling 46 lakh trees (each of a girth greater than 20 cm) from the forest area alone. This will have a huge hydrological impact, besides adversely impacting the environment, biodiversity and climate of this entire region. But none of these impacts have been properly assessed. The FAC and the National Board for Wildlife (NBWL) had recommended the height of the dam be reduced, and all inflows into the dam be released as environment flows in non-monsoon months. It wanted an independent assessment of the claim that there is no alternative for Bundelkhand. The CEC report had conclusively proved that this claim was false. The project was sold with one USP: that it would solve Bundelkhand’s water problem. But from the very beginning, the detailed project report (DPR) showed that the key objective of the project was to facilitate water transport to the upper Betwa basin areas like Raisen and Vidisha. So, the Ken-Betwa project will in fact facilitate export of water out of drought-prone Bundelkhand! The project lays down a plan to irrigate 6.35 lakh hectares of farmland in six districts (three each in MP and UP) at a cost of Rs 45,000 crore, besides providing jobs in construction and tourism.