In 2022, out of the 365 days of the year, India was hit by extreme weather events on 314 days, research published earlier this year by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) and Down to Earth showed. This means extreme weather events occurred almost every single day in India. Believe it or not, increasing global temperatures have a lot to do with it.
Delhi has recorded eight ‘severe’ air days so far this month when the AQI has been over 400; it has been on the brink of severe on another six days New Delhi: Delhi’s air quality on Friday morning touched the ‘severe’ category after being in the ‘very poor’ category for six consecutive days until Thursday. This is a deviation from the forecasts on Thursday, which had indicated that Delhi’s AQI was expected to remain ‘very poor’ on Friday, and possibly touching severe only on Saturday. “Delhi’s air quality is likely to remain in the ‘very poor’ category on Friday. The air quality is likely to be in the ‘severe’ category on Saturday and back in ‘very poor’ again on Sunday,” the Early Warning System (EWS) for Delhi, a forecasting model used by the (CAQM) in NCR, had sCommission for Air Quality Management aid on Thursday. An AQI of 51 to 100 is classified as ‘satisfactory’, between 101 and 200 is classified as ‘moderate’, between 201 and 300 is classified as ‘poor’, between 301 and 400 is classified as ‘very poor’ and over 400 is ‘severe’ by the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB). On Thursday, the AQI had marginally improved in comparison to Wednesday as dipping temperature and calm winds at night provided no respite to the capital. Delhi’s 24-hour average air quality index (AQI) was recorded at 390 (very poor) as per Central Pollution Control Board’s national bulletin at 4 pm on Thursday, with it recorded at 395 (very poor) at the same time on Wednesday. Though Delhi has recorded eight ‘severe’ air days so far this month – when the AQI has been over 400, it has been on the brink of severe – 390 or higher on another six days, making it 14 such days with an AQI of 390 or higher. This is the highest tally of such days in November in the last eight years, with the previous high of 13 such days coming in November 2021. Last year, Delhi recorded three such days, nine in 2020, eight each in 2019 and 2018, seven in 2017, 11 in 2016 and seven in 2015. The wind direction on Friday morning was southeasterly. The India Meteorological Department (IMD) has said there is likely to be a change in wind direction on Friday, with it largely remaining easterly, until a western disturbance brings light rain over Delhi on November 27. Delhi’s minimum temperature is also expected to remain low, hovering around 10-11 degrees Celsus from Friday until the weekend, rising to 13 degrees by November 27. Delhi’s minimum on Thursday was 9.2 degrees Celsius – two degrees below normal and the lowest so far this season. Low temperatures make the atmosphere more stable, aiding calm wind conditions and making the dispersal of pollutants difficult. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director, research and advocacy at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) said even though Delhi got some respite before Diwali due to rain, pollution levels have shot up once again post the festival, giving Delhiites a long spell of fairly high exposure. “On paper, the AQI may be very poor, but a difference of a few points between 390 and 400 will not make much difference and this exposure is still fairly high. It is worrying from a health point of view and highlights the need for requiring much stronger action not just in Delhi, but across NCR too,” she said.
Five years since the adoption of the Paris Agreement, the world is still far from meeting the climate goals: Of capping the global average temperature increase at “well below 2 degree Celsius above pre-industrial levels and pursuing efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels.” At the 21st Conference of Parties (COP 21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in Paris, non-Annex 1 — developing — countries signed pledges; they agreed to shoulder the responsibility of reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions along with Annex 1 and 2, — developed and industrialised — countries. In simple terms, country-level GHG emissions equates to energy spent by burning fossil fuels. This, in turn, equates to economic growth. From the Kyoto Protocol, the predecessor of the Paris Agreement, developing and poor countries followed the principle of Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC). It acknowledges the different capabilities and differing responsibilities of individual countries in addressing climate change. This is based on the historical context of emission pathways: Rich countries developed by burning fossil fuels, industrialising and therefore becoming economically stable. Following the CBDF-RC, non-Annex 1 countries are allowed their fair share of carbon budget and GHG emission. In the Paris Agreement, however, non-Annex 1 countries put aside this principle and pledged to reduce their emissions along with Annex 1 countries. This acknowledged that though we do not have a historical responsibility in reducing emissions, considering the impacts of climate change we will get on board. This took the form of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) — climate action plan of countries — and, moving forward, Long-term Low Greenhouse Gas Emission Development Strategies (LTSs) in the form of Net Zero targets. India is within the “2°C compatible” rating — the country’s climate commitment (through 2030) is considered a fair share of global effort, but is not consistent with the Paris Agreement of 1.5°C. The United States, Russia, China and Japan are on a 4°C (or higher) pathway; Australia, Canada and others are a modicum better, on a 3°C warming pathway. However, outside the 2°C compatible pathway it all adds up to these major emitters being well outside the fair share range — not at all consistent to the what was agreed upon in Paris in 2015. In terms of the fair share of equity, countries should have similar emissions-reduction costs vis-à-vis their gross domestic product. But economies like the US and those in the European Union have been high emitters, still have high per capita emissions and have high capacities to act — approaches that focus on equality, equal cumulative emissions and historical responsibility. Yet, their NDCs are highly inequitable; much more stringent reductions are needed, which partially result in negative emission allowances in all years. Ironically, the sense of optimism from countries party to the convention on how they fare with their NDCs indicate the mismatch between expectations and reality. Even if every country fulfils every commitment, global warming would still be more than 3°C. Now, literally, is the time to act; By the next cycle to update NDCs in 2025, the scale of the task may be beyond reasonable reach. It would be folly for Parties to wait until then to correct the lack of ambition as NDCs are a stepping stone towards Net Zero emissions by mid-century. Prior to the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, there were some encouraging signs. Indonesia and the US lowered their projections for coal output. But Russia increased its projections; Australia, Canada, the US and Russia also forecast even larger increases in their oil and gas production. Russia, the US and Canada also expected to produce substantially more gas. Overall, the net change of developed countries towards 2030 is that there is going to be a substantial increase in gas. This indicates a reluctance to move away from ‘bridging fuel’ natural gas — a major methane (among GHG) emitter. This indicates that developed countries do not intend on a fair and equitable distribution of the carbon pie for developing countries. Global fossil fuel production needs to decline 6 per cent every year for the next decade for a 1.5°C rise in temperatures, according to the United Nations Environment Programme Production Gap Report. Even for a 2°C rise, it needs to keep decreasing 2 per cent year-on-year. For a 1.5°C pathway, coal output will have to decrease 11 per cent annually through 2030; oil and gas production should fall 4 per cent and 3 per cent, respectively. But countries aim to produce 120 per cent and 50 per cent more fossil fuel by 2030 than would be consistent with limiting global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C, respectively. This translates to a 2 per cent annual average growth in global production over the next decade even as all signs point to a continued global fossil fuel production gap. .www.downtoearth.org.in/
Ghana faces a huge public health threat from hazardous chemicals in plastics if efforts are not strengthened to enforce waste management regulations. The National Focal Person on Chemical and Waste-related Multilateral Agreements with the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), Dr Sam Adu-Kumi, says the chemicals from the tonnes of plastics generated in the country do not only pose risks to the environment but to the human population. Speaking at the opening of a three-day conference on sustainable waste management in Accra yesterday, he said “recent studies show that about 13,000 hazardous chemicals are found in plastics alone and 13 of these are of high concern because they are associated with endocrine disruptions which interfere with the body’s hormones, carcinogenicity, which increases the incidence of cancer, reproductive toxicity, among others, that increasingly affects the ecology.” “Most of these plastics are found in solid waste and these waste are coming from our homes, industries and other places and now plastics supersede all the waste generated in this country so we must take urgent steps to combat plastic pollution and reduce these threats,” he urged. Organised by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), the 4th Global Forum of Cities for Circular Economy (GFCCE) was to rally African countries to adopt sustainable solid waste management practices to achieve Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 11 and 12 which seeks to make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable while reducing waste generation by 2030. The Executive Director of EPA, Henry Kwabena Kokofu, said strong policies and stringent enforcement of regulations while creating a level playing field for private players to turn their services into viable business models like recycling of waste materials, must underpin sustainable solid waste management. “EPA believes this must be driven based on the principle of circular economy. In addition, waste management must have an inclusive approach taking citizens at the epicenter and promoting shared responsibility with engineered behaviour change strategies, policies and services,” he said. The Municipal Chief Executive of the Accra Metropolitan Assembly, Elizabeth Sackey, in outlining strategies to improve solid waste management in the metropolis indicated that a national review of existing sanitation and waste management laws was ongoing. She said the AMA for instance was reviewing its solid waste collection agreement with providers to include separation of organics and plastics. “Solid waste collection service providers are obliged in the new service agreement to increase collection coverage in their respective concessions to at least 95 per cent over a period of five year ending 2027.” “From the first quarter of 2024, AMA will award concessions to informal cooperatives to collect waste from low-income communities and selected markets, where collection with regular equipment will be difficult and more expensive,” she added. For her part, the Director-General of the CSE, Dr Sunita Narain, noted that countries continue to develop, more waste would be generated which is why government must adopt innovative measures to manage it. Data from the Ghana Plastic Association (GPA) indicate that about 87 per cent of industries in Ghana are heavily using plastic materials for packaging. It says Ghana generates approximately 840,000 tonnes of plastic waste per year, and approximately 9.5 per cent of that, is collected for recycling.
डीएनए हिंदी: दिल्ली के एयर क्वालिटी इंडेक्स (AQI) में सुधार होता नजर नहीं आ रहा है. लगातार वायु गुणवत्ता 'बहुत खराब' श्रेणी में बनी हुई है. शुक्रवार सुबह दिल्ली की वायु गुणवत्ता गंभीर श्रेणी में पहुंच गई है. शुक्रवार सुबह 7.5 बजे तक दिल्ली का AQI 401 पर था, जिसे गंभीर श्रेणी में रखा गया है. शनिवार को दिल्ली के कई इलाकों की वायु गुणवत्ता बेहद खराब रहेगी. शनिवार को वायु प्रदूषण गंभीर स्तर पर पहुंच जाएगा. शनिवार को हवा की गुणवत्ता 'गंभीर' श्रेणी में और रविवार को फिर से 'बहुत खराब' श्रेणी में आने की संभावना है. आने वाले दिनों में भी खराब रहेगा मौसम दिल्ली के लिए EWS ने अनुमान जताया है कि आने वाले दिनों में भी वायु की गुणवत्ता खराब रहेगी. केंद्रीय प्रदूषण नियंत्रण बोर्ड (CPCB) के मुताबिक 51 से 100 के बीच AQI को 'संतोषजनक', 101 और 200 के बीच को 'मध्यम', 201 और 300 के बीच को 'खराब', 301 और 400 के बीच को 'बहुत खराब' और 400 से अधिक के बीच AQI को गंभीर माना जाता है. दिल्ली में टूट रहे मौसम के कई रिकॉर्ड दिल्ली में इस महीने अब तक 8 दिन ऐसे गए हैं, जब AQI 400 से अधिक रहा है. यह गंभीर स्तर पर है. अगले 6 दिनों में 390 या इससे ज्यादा AQI रह सकता है. बीते 8 वर्षों में यह आंकड़ा सबसे ज्यादा है. कब साफ होगी दिल्ली की हवा? IMD ने कहा है कि शुक्रवार को हवा की दिशा में बदलाव होने की संभावना है. 27 नवंबर को पश्चिमी विक्षोभ की वजह से दिल्ली में जब तक हल्की बारिश नहीं हो जाती, तब तक हवा में सुधार देखने को नहीं मिल सकता है. कम तापमान वातावरण को अधिक स्थिर बनाता है, जिससे हवा की स्थिति शांत होती है और प्रदूषकों का फैलाव मुश्किल हो जाता है. सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) में कार्यकारी निदेशक, अनुसंधान और वकालत, अनुमिता रॉय चौधरी ने कहा कि भले ही दिल्ली को बारिश की वजह से दिवाली से पहले कुछ राहत मिली थी, लेकिन त्योहार के बाद प्रदूषण का स्तर एक बार फिर बढ़ गया है.
Kasaragod: Irrespective of conditions and symptoms, children born after October 2011 will no longer be considered victims of endosulfan, said the government of Kerala. In a government order that has left activists and affected families fuming, the LDF government said the persistence of endosulfan in the environment cannot be more than six years. Since the aerial spraying of the pesticide was stopped on October 25, 2005, through a gazette notification, the maximum possible environmental persistence will be up to October 25, 2011, said the order. Persistence refers to the length of time a contaminant remains in the environment. "So anyone who lived in these places or had intrauterine exposure from January 1980 till October 2011 is defined as 'exposed'," said the order dated November 18. The government arrived at the conclusion based on the recommendations submitted by an expert committee constituted on August 5. The committee -- constituted to formulate guidelines to identify endosulfan victims based on available scientific evidence -- had nine members. The members were: Dr Vishnu V Y, Associate Professor, Department of Neurology, AIIMS, New Delhi; Dr Deepak Menon, Associate Professor, Department of Neurology, NIMHANS, Bangalore; Dr Sylaja P N, Professor and Head, Department of Neurology, Sree Chitra Thirunal Institute of Medical Sciences and Technology, Thiruvananthapuram; Dr Rajasekharan Nair V, Former Professor, Department of Obstetrics & Gynaecology, Govt. Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram; Dr Thomas Iype, Emeritus Professor, Department of Neurology, Government Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram; Dr Harish E R, Senior Scientist, ICAR-Central Tuber Crops Research Centre, Thiruvananthapuram; Dr George Tharion, Former Professor, Department of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, CMC, Vellore; Dr Chandini R, Professor and Head, Department of Emergency Medicine, Government Medical College, Kozhikode; and Dr Asuma A, Professor and head, Department of Community Medicine, Government Medical College, Kozhikode. The government's order would rule out any new endosulfan patients born after October 2011."We condemn the government's order and there will be strong protests against it," said Munisa Ambalathara, president of the Endosulfan Peedhitha Janakeeya Munnani, an NGO fighting for the rights of endosulfan-affected families. She said the state government conducted the first special medical camp to identify endosulfan victims in 2010, then in 2011, 2013, and 2017. "The first Pinarayi Vijayan government conducted the last special medical camp. If endosulfan did not have any effect on the environment after 2011, why did he conduct a camp in 2017?" she said. In the 2017 camp, several children aged three, four, and five years old were identified as endosulfan victims and included in the government's list and provided benefits and treatment free of cost, she said."Offhand, I can name two. Sreenand, who is nine years old, and Alvish, who is seven were identified as endosulfan victims in the 2017 camp. The government which is saying there will be no endosulfan victims born after October 2011 conducted the camp in 2017," said Munisa. If the government implements the order, will it take back the compensation given to those born after October 2011, will it stop the free-of-cost treatment given to the victims, she asked. Special camps to identify endosulfan victims should be conducted every year. This order was brought out to stop conducting special medical camps to identify endosulfan victims and end their benefits, said Ambikasuthan Mangad, activist and author of Enmakaje, a novel set against the backdrop of endosulfan tragedy in Kasaragod. He said the Supreme Court in January 2017 ordered the state government to compensate Rs 5 lakh each to all endosulfan victims based on a field study conducted in 2011. The study was conducted by Dr Jayakrishnan T, a faculty member of the Department of Community Medicine at Kozhikode Government Medical College."Aerial spraying of endosulfan was stopped around 2000 though the gazette notification banning its use was issued in October 2005. So how did Dr Jayakrishnan's team find residue of endosulfan in blood, breastmilk, soil, and water 10 years later!" he said. The government's order is an absurd drama to deny benefits to the poor victims of the government's brutality, he said. Dr Jayakrishnan's study was conducted at the request of the state government's expert committee. The endosulfan Saga In 1978, the state government-run Plantation Corporation of Kerala (PCK) started testing endosulfan, an organochlorine pesticide, to kill tea mosquito bugs on its cashewnut plantations in Kasaragod district. From 1981, PCK started legally but unscientifically spraying endosulfan from helicopters on its plantation spread across 11 grama panchayats in the district. It was aerially spraying the pesticide twice or thrice a year for 20 years till 2001. Its use was officially banned in October 2005. By the late 1990s, the residents of Padre village in Enmakaje grama panchayat started reporting health issues, physical deformities, and mental illnesses in large numbers, according to the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). With every passing year, similar health concerns were reported from areas around PCK's cashew plantations in Kasaragod, Cheemeni, and Rajapuram in Kasaragod district. By 200, civil society groups from Kerala approached CSE to conduct a study in Padre village to assess the impact on health caused by the aerial spraying of endosulfan In February 2001, CSE released its damning report that found a high amount of endosulfan residues in most of the 25 samples collected a few days after the aerial spraying. In February 2001, a government-appointed team of the Kerala Agriculture University (KAU) recommended an immediate stop on aerial spraying and recommended need-based application of the pesticide. In January 2002, the National Institute of Occupational Health released its report that found endosulfan residues in water samples and blood samples collected from Padre village. The report said that there was a high prevalence of congenital malformations in exposed groups, low IQ, slow learning, learning disability, early menarche in girls, and delayed puberty in boys. The civil society members, activists, and families affected by the aerial spraying of the pesticide protested for years before the government conducted the first special camp to identify victims in 2010. As of now, there are around 6,600 victims on the government's list of endosulfan.
From Beijing: interim targets, certain timelines Acquire Beijing, previously infamous for smog, which reached considerable development by way of investments in electric powered community transportation, stringent car or truck emission criteria, and relocating polluting industries absent from the city centre. “In Beijing, market has been the most important supply of air pollution. So, a systematic strategy was taken. Transition to cleaner fuel (away from coal) became a precedence. This is crucial. Beijing has upgraded its industrial boilers, strengthened industrial emission standards, notably electric power plants and polluting industrial sectors, and phased out out-of-date industrial capacities, thereby endorsing clear fuels in the residential sector,” explained Zongbo Shi, professor of atmospheric biogeochemistry, College of Birmingham. Shi mentioned the transport sector wanted successful checking. Addressing air pollution in India includes taking into consideration the complexities of emission benchmarks, where direct comparisons may perhaps not be clear-cut, he explained. In 2020, India executed BS VI standards, akin to Euro 6, for new vehicles. Likewise, Beijing adopted China 6 standards (similar to Euro 6) in the similar calendar year. However, the affect of these benchmarks on overall emissions from traffic is limited, as a significant number of hugely polluting automobiles stay on the streets. “Beijing’s most impactful measure was the phased elimination of outdated and remarkably polluting motor vehicles. For instance, rigid restrictions prohibited the operation of unique vehicle courses by 2016, all diesel motor vehicles adhering to China 3 standards (very similar to Euro 3) have been banned from the streets, illustrating the relevance of qualified actions to effectively cut down air air pollution,” Shi claimed. From London: clear air zones London has also long gone a extended way in handling its air pollution trouble. The city’s impactful measures contain the Congestion Charge, imposing fees on vehicles in Central London, therefore substantially decreasing traffic and pollution. London has an extensive checking community that incorporates equally visitors web sites and urban qualifications web-sites underneath the Breathe London programme. These destinations are often monitored for main air pollutants. “The data is produced available to the public through numerous indicates these kinds of as cell apps, widgets, and browser extensions. This openness in sharing air high-quality information and facts has drastically lifted recognition about the air air pollution concern in London,” explained Nandikesh Sivalingam, director, the Centre for Analysis on Electrical power and Thoroughly clean Air, an independent investigation organisation primarily based out of Finland. London citizens test actual-time air high quality in their regional areas, which can help them make knowledgeable decisions about outside actions and vacation designs. The availability of air excellent knowledge has inspired policymakers to choose additional proactive actions in addressing air pollution. “When air excellent deteriorates or exceeds legal limits, it can lead to general public concern and needs for more powerful regulations and initiatives to beat air pollution,” said Sivalingam. London also applied Reduced Emission Zones (LEZ) and an Ultra Low Emission Zone (ULEZ), which restrict entry for automobiles that do not meet certain emissions criteria. The selection to make and broaden these zones was influenced by air excellent info, which emphasised the have to have for stricter actions to boost air top quality. From New York: deal with various hazards concurrently In New York, as soon as synonymous with smog, transformative alterations ensued as a result of stringent controls on industrial emissions, the marketing of electric autos, and the development of green spaces. In the backdrop of harmful events from 1953 to the mid-1960s, New York produced air high-quality regulations and initiated monitoring initiatives. Collaborating with New Jersey and regional officials, New York concentrated on reducing emissions from maritime shipping in the location. The United States Environmental Defense Company (EPA) performed a job in brokering agreements that integrated air pollution reduction designs submitted by “upwind” states, these types of as New Jersey, to defend “downwind” areas like New York Metropolis. Notably, in 2007, then mayor Mike Bloomberg handed regulations to period out residual heating oil in large buildings. By 2015, about 5,300 buildings transitioned from heating oil to cleaner fuels, resulting in important reductions in sulphur dioxide and fantastic particulate matter emissions, significantly during wintertime when sulphur dioxide decreased by 95%. The city has also implemented phased restrictions for char broilers, fireplaces, foods trucks, and refrigeration vehicles to additional fight air pollution. “Before the huge Canadian wildfire smoke descended on several northeast states previously this year, only half of the communities in the state of New York experienced fine particulate monitors. Currently, all 62 counties in New York have PM2.5 screens in put to notify the people,” reported Jeffery K Smith, Senior Advisor for Worldwide Thoroughly clean Air at the Ella Roberta Basis. NYC witnessed its most important reduction in air air pollution via EPA and point out manage around industries, adopted carefully by the nationwide retrofitting of diesel particulate filters onto older, more polluting diesel vehicles. “Concurrently, the metropolis proactively replaced its car fleet with cleaner alternate options. As part of a pilot software in collaboration with an MIT lab, some of these newer fleet vehicles now gather hyperlocal air high-quality knowledge, detecting hotspots and improvements across the city,” Smith additional. Both of those New York Town and London have set up low-cost monitoring networks amassing community-amount knowledge in the vicinity of properties, commercial facilities, roadways, and neighbourhoods. These screens, reasonably priced and widespread, discover seasonal or short-term hotspots, offering steady information for regulators to validate. General public overall health officials and metropolis professionals leverage this facts to apply targeted, neighborhood options, maximizing the health and fitness and very well-being of inhabitants. Mumbai’s 27-position guideline BMC Commissioner Iqbal Chahal’s the latest reviews on the will need for an annual air pollution mitigation tactic, mark a turning issue in Mumbai’s battle against air air pollution, recognising it as a persistent difficulty joined to weather adjust. In response to Main Minister Eknath Shinde’s call for a community motion towards pollution, Chahal pressured the will need for local community involvement, and steps like road cleansing and marshals at squander disposal web sites to tackle community pollution resources. His resolute stance on implementing compliance displays a no-tolerance plan versus violations, emphasising an equitable strategy to legislation enforcement. The dilemma is, how successful are these tips? The BMC’s pointers largely focus on development-connected actions, a important resource of dust and particulate make any difference in urban areas. Speedy measures, like necessary tin or steel sheet installation around development internet sites, covering structures throughout design, and water fogging, aim for aswift reduction of noticeable dust and containment of particulate issue spread. Having said that, these are temporary methods that really don’t tackle the root leads to of air pollution, experts agree. “The BMC’s emphasis on brief-phrase construction-linked steps, whilst necessary, raises issues about their scientific underpinning and very long-time period influence. How they arrived at specifications like the barrier height of tin sheets is unclear, and there is certainly a noteworthy absence of a mechanism to evaluate the effectiveness of these guidelines. Devoid of a apparent analysis strategy, we’re left uncertain about the quick and potential positive aspects of these steps,” said Abhishek Chakraborty, assistant professor, centre for environmental science and engineering, Indian Institute of Engineering, Bombay. Lengthy-phrase strategies like setting up CCTV and sensor-based air pollution screens at building sites and demanding enforcement of auto standards, which include legitimate Air pollution Less than Regulate (PUC) certificates intend to instil a tradition of compliance and checking. When once again, their usefulness will depend on rigorous enforcement. The civic body’s recognition of development web pages as major air pollution contributors with actions like web-site enclosure (to limit dust) potentially can aid in the quick term. “These are brief-time period dust manage steps for making and infrastructure construction that need to be enforced promptly with zero tolerance. But a prepare focused at the development sector also demands far more systemic measures including recycling crops for development and demolition waste and a mandate for the construction market to use recycled product in new development,” explained Anumita Roychowdhury, government director, Investigate and Advocacy, Centre for Science and Environment. “The BMC can also perform a powerful supportive position to accelerate fleet electrification programmes for zero emissions transition. These are essential not only to manage dust – which looks to be the sole focus of the present program – but also the combustion resources to reduce toxic emissions. Furthermore, any clean air motion system demands a lot more broad-primarily based protection to involve automobiles and industrial pollution management for clean fuel and technologies transition and total mobility administration,” she added. Where by Mumbai’s guidelines slide quick On Oct 25, the BMC developed these tips above two successive meetings when the metropolis witnessed a week-lengthy bout of inadequate air high quality with a layer of haze/smog masking the metropolis. The BMC’s designs for transparency and public engagement integrated a committed cellular application and integrating air pollution regulate into developing permissions — a blend of technological and regulatory methods. The pointers drop limited in addressing other air pollution resources. For occasion, though the BMC addresses critical difficulties like garbage burning and industrial emissions, there is no complete strategy for the total Mumbai Metropolitan Location, Chakraborty pointed out. “Existing Constant Emission Checking Programs (CEMS) in industries are not currently being monitored, and the info is just not publicly readily available for scrutiny. The difficulty of rubbish burning, notably in substantial dumping grounds, demands a more robust action approach than what is currently outlined. The absence of extended-phrase options and measurable objectives in these recommendations displays a reactive relatively than a proactive tactic to tackling air pollution,” he explained. The BMC’s Clean up Air Initiative unveiled during the 2023-24 spending plan in February integrated clear and sustainable transportation actions, as well as options to area air purifiers and smog towers in greatly congested places this sort of as Dahisar and Mulund tolls, Mankhurd, Kala Nagar, and Haji Ali Junction. Even so, the tips ignore the requirement for better general public transportation, stringent gas high quality expectations, and incentives for adopting cleaner systems in industries. “The current recommendations absence a scientific foundation, specially in addressing vehicular pollution, which is a significant concern for a metropolis plagued by targeted traffic congestion,” said Chakraborty. Roychowdury said that the BMC could have broadened the scope of the air air pollution handle strategy to include “waste administration to stop squander burning, parking restraints to decrease parking desire and car utilization, and focused pedestrianisation with avenue improvement to advertise lower emission zones.” One noteworthy gap in Mumbai’s rules is the limited interest to general public awareness and engagement. In contrast, other towns have shown the affect of community campaigns on air good quality problems such as community health and fitness alerts, fostering higher community involvement and support for pollution-mitigating procedures. Mumbai stands to obtain from identical initiatives that teach citizens about pollution resources and really encourage their lively participation in attaining cleaner air. Using a leaf out of the global playbook India can attract valuable insights from China’s profitable technique. Initial, it should really go beyond a single air excellent conventional and embrace interim targets with unique timelines, fostering a methodical tactic that makes sure accountability. These interim aims should be regionally tailor-made, addressing airsheds alternatively than condition or district degrees. This demands the development of complete airshed-stage action strategies (for case in point at the scale of MMR) that encompass all major sectors and pollutants, recognizing that air pollution is familiar with no boundaries. “Currently, India has implemented continuous checking in its industrial sector and has recognized deadlines for the implementation of handle systems in electric power plants. Even so, concerns persist regarding the success of this monitoring approach. Additionally, it is disconcerting that India’s development toward conference the 2017 deadline for employing Flue Gasoline Desulfurization (FGD) know-how in coal vegetation remains a work in progress,” Sivalingam mentioned. “China later on embraced citizens’ groups. These groups have been no more time observed as activists. They were witnessed as more ability for the regulators. The citizens would see smoke coming from a manufacturing facility chimney and they would pin the spot and report aspects and images on a map. It labored. Some factories were being becoming mismanaged and the regulators could validate that simple fact with mobile air high quality vans what the citizens had detected with a ₹10,000 rupee monitor or with their have eyes and pictures,” reported Smith. In India Maharashtra and Odisha, governments have supplied a very similar map. But, the reporting is in reverse purchase, stated Smith. “The condition pollution handle boards price and pin factories on a map created offered on a website to the citizens. Both of those compliant and intensely polluting industries (creating the early death of the susceptible both equally youthful and outdated) are determined for any person to see. Throughout the pandemic, the MPCB Star Ranking system went offline. It must be back soon. The individuals and the courts can easily see who is ignoring the emissions regulate tips and legislation,” he included. London’s LEZ and ULEZ procedures build cleaner air zones that limit entry or call for day by day service fees for cars that do not meet up with certain emissions specifications. The selection to produce and increase these zones was affected by air excellent data, which emphasised the require for stricter measures to improve air top quality. LEZ and ULEZ guidelines have drastically enhanced air high quality in urban parts by placing and implementing emissions expectations. This results in elevated ‘on-the-road’ cleaner vehicles and decreased targeted traffic quantity. The latest reviews highlighted the wellbeing positive aspects and reduced environmental affect due to these guidelines. On the other hand, the thriving introduction of these types of policies requires a phased solution, starting with pilot programmes in towns grappling with critical air excellent worries, this kind of as Delhi. “To make a substantial variance, stringent emission benchmarks should be founded for all kinds of cars moving into these zones. On top of that, it is crucial to generate a sturdy checking method to routinely evaluate the emissions standing of all motor vehicles. Rigorous enforcement and the imposition of penalties for violations are similarly critical elements in ensuring the success of these kinds of procedures,” mentioned Sivalingam. Badri Chatterjee is head, Communications (Local weather & Electricity) at Asar Social Impact Advisors, a investigation and communications organisation that works on social and environmental challenges
Rather than reinvent the wheel, we need to learn from the global playbook. New York, Beijing and London have tackled air pollution through specific measures. In the face of Mumbai's escalating air pollution crisis, the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) unfurled a 27-point action plan last month, a blend of urgent and strategic measures to clear the haze enveloping the city. A closer look at these guidelines, segregating them into immediate and extended actions, while scrutinising their potential effectiveness against persistent smog reveals several loopholes. Furthermore, it juxtaposes Mumbai's approach with other metropolises that have turned the tide on air pollution, seeking lessons in their clearer skies. Mumbai’s story is similar to that of many bustling global cities, so a look at other financial capitals of major countries could give us an idea of how workable policies can be implemented. From Beijing: interim targets, specific timelines Take Beijing, formerly notorious for smog, which achieved substantial progress through investments in electric public transportation, stringent vehicle emission standards, and relocating polluting industries away from the city centre. From London: clean air zones London has also gone a long way in managing its air pollution problem. The city’s impactful measures involve the Congestion Charge, imposing fees on vehicles in Central London, thus significantly reducing traffic and pollution. From New York: tackle multiple hazards simultaneously In New York, once synonymous with smog, transformative changes ensued through strict controls on industrial emissions, the promotion of electric vehicles, and the creation of green spaces. Mumbai’s 27-point guideline BMC Commissioner Iqbal Chahal's recent comments on the need for an annual air pollution mitigation strategy, mark a turning point in Mumbai's battle against air pollution, recognising it as a persistent issue linked to climate change. In response to Chief Minister Eknath Shinde's call for a public movement against pollution, Chahal stressed the need for community involvement, and measures like road cleaning and marshals at waste disposal sites to address local pollution sources. His resolute stance on enforcing compliance reflects a no-tolerance policy against violations, emphasising an equitable approach to law enforcement. Where Mumbai’s guidelines fall short On October 25, the BMC developed these guidelines over two successive meetings when the city witnessed a week-long bout of poor air quality with a layer of haze/smog covering the city. The BMC's plans for transparency and public engagement included a dedicated mobile app and integrating pollution control into building permissions — a blend of technological and regulatory strategies. Taking a leaf out of the global playbook
A study by the Indian Centre for Science and Environment found 84% of 38 popular brands of bread laced with chemicals known to cause cancer. Potassium bromate and potassium iodate were found in samples of breads, including pav, buns, and ready-to-eat burger and pizza, lifted from across Delhi. Potassium bromate is a category 2B carcinogen that can cause cancer and Potassium iodate is known to trigger thyroid disorder.
India’s capital, New Delhi, is preparing a new weapon in the fight against deadly air pollution: cloud seeding. The experiment, which could take place as early as next week, would introduce chemicals like silver iodide into a cloudy sky to create rain and, it’s hoped, wash away the fine particulate matter hovering over one of the world’s largest cities. The need is desperate. Delhi has already tried traffic restriction measures, multimillion-dollar air filtration towers, and the use of fleets of water-spraying trucks to dissolve the particulate matter in the air—but to no avail. The use of cloud seeding, if it goes ahead, would be controversial. “It’s not at all a good use of resources because it’s not a solution, it’s like a temporary relief,” says Avikal Somvanshi, a researcher at the Center for Science and Environment in New Delhi. Environmentalists and scientists worry that most of the government’s response is focused on mitigating the pollution rather than trying to cut off its source. “There is just no political intent to solve this, that is one of the biggest problems,” says Bhavreen Kandhari, an activist and cofounder of Warrior Moms, a network of mothers demanding clean air. The air is so bad that schools in Delhi and its surrounding areas have announced closures, and offices are allowing employees to work from home. The government has advised children, elderly people, and those with chronic diseases to stay indoors as much as possible. Diesel trucks, except those carrying essential goods, are no longer allowed into the city. Spells of rain last week cleaned up the air, but the respite was short-lived as air quality worsened again, aided by firecrackers set off over the weekend to celebrate Diwali, the Hindu festival of lights. Now, Delhi officials are seeking permission from federal agencies in India to try cloud seeding. The technique involves flying an aircraft to spray clouds with salts like silver or potassium iodide or solid carbon dioxide, also known as dry ice, to induce precipitation. The chemical molecules attach to moisture already in the clouds to form bigger droplets that then fall as rain. China has used artificial rain to tackle air pollution in the past—but for cloud seeding to work properly, you need significant cloud cover with reasonable moisture content, which Delhi generally lacks during the winter. If weather conditions are favorable, scientists leading the project at the Indian Institute of Technology in Kanpur plan to carry out cloud seeding around November 20. Until then, at least, Delhi will remain shrouded in a thick gray haze, which has become a toxic winter ritual. The smog, a dangerous cocktail of particulate matter and noxious gasses, results from a series of unfortunate events that happen at the start of winter.
GURGAON: The city's air quality deteriorated to 'very poor' again on Tuesday as winds slowed down, washing away gains made a day before in clearing pollutants. The 24-hour average air quality index (AQI) was 331 on Tuesday, a rise of 40% compared to Monday's 234 (poor). The wind speed was 2kmph on Tuesday morning, down from 3kmph the day before. Gurgaon pollution According to data by the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), three of the city's four air monitoring stations recorded 'very poor' AQI on Tuesday. Teri Gram recorded the highest pollution levels with an AQI of 358, followed by Sector 51 (332) and Vikas Sadan (304). Data wasn't available for the Gwalpahari station. Track the pollution level in your city "At present, dispersion of pollutants is low because of meteorological conditions. The AQI is likely to remain 'very poor' in the coming days as the wind speed will be low. As a result, the pollutant load will stay in the atmosphere for a longer time," said Shubhansh Tiwari, a research associate at the Centre for Science and Environment. Earlier this month, the Supreme Court pulled up the governments of NCR states for failing to curb winter pollution as every year in this season, the region is engulfed in toxic smog. "Something has to be done immediately," the apex court had said. Satellite data by Nasa collated by the Indian Agricultural Research Institute has recorded 52,555 instances of farm fires across six states, the majority in Punjab (35,093), between September 15 and November 21 this year. On Tuesday, 54 farm fires were detected in Haryana, whereas 513 were observed in Punjab. Pollution across NCR cities is only expected to worsen in the coming days as temperatures dip and wind speed hovers to less than 6kmph, both conditions that allow smog to linger in the air. The central government's System of Air Quality and Weather Forecasting and Research (Safar) said the AQI in Delhi-NCR will remain 'very poor'. On Tuesday, Delhi's AQI was 372, followed by Faridabad (322), Noida (355) and Ghaziabad (346), all 'very poor'. Residents with pre-existing respiratory conditions or other ailments are at higher risk of breathing discomfort, doctors said. Tiny pollutants such as PM2.5, according to them, are among the most damaging to health when inhaled. The average PM2.5 level recorded at Sector 51 station was 328g/m³ on Tuesday. At Teri Gram, it was 348g/m³, and at Vikas Sadan, 307g/m³. Gwalpahari's data wasn't available. The share of stubble burning in Delhi-NCR's PM2.5 was estimated at 10.24% on Tuesday against 2.25% on Monday, according to the Decision Support System, the forecasting body under the Union ministry of earth sciences. Wind speed picked up during the day in the capital, but failed to improve the air quality. After calm winds on Monday night and early hours of Tuesday, "wind speed increased up to 15kmph for a few hours during daytime. Even calm winds are unlikely on Tuesday night as winds are likely to blow", said an official of the meteorological department. But it is predicted to decrease from Wednesday evening. "Winds at the speed of 10 to 12kmph are likely to blow on Wednesday till noon," said an official.
Only two of the 12 thermal power plants located within a 300-km radius of Delhi have heeded to a 2015 government order integrate technologies that reduce sulphur in their emissions, records reviewed by HT show, underlining how efforts to mitigate the air pollution crisis are marred by inaction by various stakeholders. The Union government in 2015 issued notices to all coal-based thermal power plants in this particular zone to integrate flue-gas desulfurization (FGD) technology, which substantially reduces sulphur dioxide (SO2) emissions, within two years. The aim, experts aware of the matter, was to reduce pollution from power plants in the National Capital Region (NCR). But, eight years since it was issued, only two plants — the Mahatma Gandhi thermal power station (Haryana) and Dadri thermal power station (Uttar Pradesh) — have integrated this technology, data from the environment ministry shows. Of the remaining 10, two — Indira Gandhi super thermal power project (Haryana) and Rajpura thermal power project (Punjab) — have awarded a tender for FGD, which takes 24-36 months to integrate. The other plants have not only missed the first deadline of 2017-end set by the ministry, but also missed three subsequent deadlines, the experts said. Coal combustion leads to a spike in sulphur dioxide (SO2), releases oxides of nitrogen (NOx) and also increases PM2.5 particulates. Thermal power plants are the only industry within NCR where the use of coal is permitted — the Commission of Air Quality Management (CAQM) had banned coal as a permissible fuel from all other industries in NCR from October 1, 2022. The other missed deadlines were of December 2019, March 2021 and then December 2022. Central Pollution Control Board has fined the plants ₹18 lakh per month each for non-compliance between January, 2020 and March, 2021. The Union government has now laid down a fifth deadline, which for four of the plants is for December 2024 and the remaining six for December 2026. The status of compliance has been assessed by Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), which said the 12 plants have a combined 36 units that are operational, but only seven units have FGD in place. “Ample time has been given to these power plants to meet not just one, but four deadlines now. Our assessment shows that out of the 36 units, only seven have FGD installed and bids have been awarded for six more units. For 15 units, a notice inviting tender has been issued and for the remaining eight units, only a feasibility study has been done,” said Sunil Dahiya, an analyst at CREA. HT reached out to the environment ministry, but officials there did not respond to queries for a comment on the matter. Data shows thermal power plants are a key contributor to Delhi’s air pollution throughout the year. A source apportionment study carried out by IIT Kanpur in 2015-16 found that nearly 52% of NOx emissions and 90% of sulphur dioxide emissions in Delhi could be attributed to industrial point sources, largely from power plants. A 2018 source apportionment study by TERI further found coal, fly ash, and secondary particles from thermal power plants and industries in Delhi contribute around 35% of the PM2.5 load in the winter, and 41% of the PM2.5 load in the summer. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director, research and advocacy at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), said these plants are a known source of pollution for the region. “In NCR, this is the only place where coal is permitted. Had FGDs been in place, the impact of SO2 being emitted, and even NOx, would have been much lower, but this is not the case. We have seen multiple deadlines pass, but even now, we are unsure how many will meet the next deadline of December 2024,” she said.
This core component of the Paris Agreement involves an exhaustive appraisal of how far the world has come in tackling climate change and how far it still has to go. Over the past two years, governments, scientists and civil society groups have submitted thousands of documents into this process and spent hundreds of hours debating their contents. The main technical conclusions emerging from the stocktake are not new. Nations are not cutting emissions fast enough, they are not sufficiently prepared for climate hazards and developed countries are not providing enough support to developing countries, But the stocktake is more than just a review of progress. It is a key part of the Paris Agreement’s “ratchet mechanism”, which encourages countries to scale up their climate ambitions over time so as to avoid dangerous warming. Governments have submitted proposals for how the main, political outcome of the stocktake could accelerate climate action. Ideas include phasing out fossil fuels, tripling renewable energy capacity and raising climate finance to the trillions that developing countries need. At COP28, countries will negotiate which elements make it into the final outcome, which will help determine the pace of change in the coming years. However, one expert tells Carbon Brief that, with so much on the table, the global stocktake risks becoming a “dumping ground” for “politically thorny discussions”, which may hamper its ability to drive meaningful change. What is the global stocktake? The global stocktake (GST) is a five-yearly temperature check that is a vital part of the Paris Agreement, housed under Article 14. Nations that signed on to the agreement in 2015 also agreed to monitor, assess and periodically review collective progress towards meeting the Paris long-term temperature goal and to take stock of their climate actions. The GST is meant to help countries collectively assess where they are, where they want to go and how to get there in terms of climate action and to identify gaps to course correct. It is meant to be an assessment of mitigation and adaptation actions so far, as well as climate finance provided and technology transferred from developed to developing countries, “in the light of equity and the best available science”, per the Paris Agreement. We’re not going to get to where we need to without engaging with a wider landscape of action and actors, and engaging with the idea of the stocktake and the Paris Agreement as trigger[s] and catalys[ts for] domestic policy shifts towards the transformations that we need. Dr Lavanya Rajamani, professor of international environmental law, University of Oxford The GST is split into three phases: an information collection phase to gather inputs from all parties and non-parties, a technical assessment phase of these inputs and other evidence, and a “consideration of outputs” phase, for countries to decide what to collectively take away from the process. The final, political phase is scheduled to conclude at COP28, to inform the next round of submissions of countries’ climate pledges in 2024-2025 and to “enhanc[e] international cooperation for international climate action”. What is the scope of the stocktake? The information feeding into the GST comprised more than 170,000 pages of documents from governments, business and civil society groups, supported by over 252 hours of meetings and discussions. These submissions were categorised into three main areas of climate action, which were decided back in 2018 at COP24 in Katowice, Poland. Nations agreed to evaluate progress on mitigation – cutting emissions – as well as adaptation to climate hazards and “means of implementation and support”. The latter point refers to how much finance has been raised to help developing countries take climate action. It also covers nations sharing low-carbon technologies and increasing their capacities to deal with the challenges ahead. Parties specified numerous “sources of input”, including greenhouse gas inventories, assessments of national climate plans and analysis of adaptation projects. They also agreed that the stocktake “may take into account, as appropriate” two more major topics. These were the unavoidable loss and damage resulting from climate change and “response measures”, which includes the social and economic consequences of climate action, for example on people working in the fossil-fuel industry. In the final synthesis report that emerged from the technical phase of the stocktake, which will inform political decisions taken at COP28, loss and damage was included as part of the section on adaptation. Response measures were filed under mitigation. However, in the draft GST text that has been prepared ahead of COP28, these issues are separated out under their own subheads. Civil society groups have emphasised the importance of ensuring loss and damage, in particular, is prominent in proceedings. How has the stocktake progressed so far? The GST began after COP26 in 2021, with a period of data collection that continued until March 2023. Prior to this, parties had negotiated the rules of the stocktake process and what kind of “inputs” would feed into it. During this period, country reports, scientific studies and other documents were submitted into the stocktake process for consideration. The second phase – the technical assessment – began in June 2022. This consisted of three “dialogues” that took place at the UN intersessional talks in Bonn in 2022 and 2023, and at COP27 in Sharm el-Sheikh. These sessions provided time for evidence to be discussed by country representatives, civil society groups and climate experts. The dialogues proceeded relatively smoothly within the UN talks but, as Carbon Brief has reported, familiar issues emerged within them. Examples include disputes between developed and developing countries over historical responsibility for climate change and civil society groups highlighting the role of fossil-fuel lobbyists in the discussions. The outcomes of each technical dialogue were recorded in summary reports released a few months after the close of each session. These were followed by a 46-page synthesis report prepared by the stocktake’s co-facilitators, with the assistance of the UN Climate Change secretariat. This serves as a “comprehensive overview” of all the inputs and discussions. The evidence laid out in this report will serve as the basis for the political part of the GST at COP28. Nations have already submitted documents to the UN outlining how they interpret the synthesis report’s findings and the stocktake-related outcomes they would like to see emerge from the COP28 summit. How could the global stocktake accelerate climate action? The GST synthesis report concludes that there is a “rapidly narrowing window to raise ambition and implement existing commitments in order to limit warming to 1.5°C”. Achieving the 1.5°C target, or even the “well below 2°C” goal, requires nations to fill the extensive “implementation gaps” between their climate strategies and real-world action. It would also require them to come forward with new strategies that are Paris Agreement-aligned. According to the synthesis report, existing pledges would result in warming of 2.4-2.6C, with the possibility of cutting this to 1.7-2.1C if long-term net-zero targets are fully implemented. As part of the Paris Agreement’s “ratchet mechanism”, the stocktake is explicitly intended to encourage such raising of ambition. There are several ways in which governments and civil society groups are proposing it could achieve this. Much of the focus is on signalling to countries what they should submit in their new, enhanced climate plans, known as nationally determined contributions (NDCs). Nations are obliged to submit NDCs every five years and the next round is due in 2025. The synthesis report notes that “more ambitious mitigation targets in NDCs are needed to reduce emissions more rapidly”. Greater ambition could involve new targets for both 2030 and 2035, and NDCs that cover emissions from entire national economies, not just parts of them. It could also involve NDCs based on absolute emissions reductions rather than cuts in emissions intensity. (Many nations have targets based on reducing emissions per unit of GDP, even as their overall emissions increase.) Article 4.4 of the Paris text says that developed countries should “tak[e] the lead” with “economy-wide absolute emission reduction targets”, whereas developing countries were “encouraged” to move towards “economy-wide emission reduction or limitation targets”. As it stands, many developing countries with high emissions, including China, India and Saudi Arabia, have less comprehensive NDCs, as Tom Evans, a policy advisor on climate diplomacy at E3G, tells Carbon Brief: “There [was] this agreement that developed countries would set economy-wide targets from the get go, and the developing countries would move towards setting them over time… Many of the developed countries – the EU and the US – [say] ‘over time’ is now.” At COP26, nations were “requested” to come forward with more ambitious plans in 2022, but this was largely ignored. The 2025 deadline for new NDCs, on the other hand, is part of the original Paris Agreement and is therefore widely accepted. In their suggestions for the GST outcome, some have made a point of emphasising that new NDCs should be submitted as early as possible – either “well ahead of” or up to a year before COP30, at the end of 2025. Perhaps the most high-profile elements being considered for inclusion in the final stocktake outcome are sector-specific proposals, including targets for phasing out fossil fuels, tripling renewable energy capacity and doubling energy efficiency around the world. (For more on these ideas, and others, see: What are countries and blocs expecting from the stocktake?) Another priority for some is ensuring that, beyond simply committing to global goals, countries use their new NDCs to explain how exactly they would contribute to such targets. Evans tells Carbon Brief that while there is a lot of focus on “flashy” topics such as fossil fuel phaseout, NDCs remain the main mechanism for making the Paris Agreement work. “The NDCs are what you can actually hold everyone accountable to. It’s the agreed terrain,” he says. Alongside measures to cut emissions, developing nations in particular would like to see the GST usher in greater ambition around climate adaptation. The synthesis report concludes that progress on both adaptation and loss and damage “must undergo a step change in fulfilling the ambition set out in the Paris Agreement”. Negotiations over a “global goal on adaptation” (GGA) will still be on-going at COP28. As a result, this component in the international effort to make countries more resilient to climate change will not feed into the stocktake. However, Sandeep Chamling Rai, a global advisor on adaptation policy at WWF, tells Carbon Brief that the stocktake could still work to inform and reinforce the GGA: “For this first round of the GST, parties might create a concrete link with the GGA and might have more concrete links established for the second global stocktake cycle.” A key element of adaptation and mitigation efforts for many developing countries will be assurances that adequate climate finance is provided after the first stocktake. Groups such as the Like-Minded Developing Countries (LMDCs) have made it clear that, from their perspective, any scaling up of mitigation ambition needs to go hand-in-hand with scaling up climate finance. Avantika Goswami, a climate policy researcher at the Centre for Science and Environment in India, tells Carbon Brief: “Without dedicated efforts to ramp up finance, you’re not going to achieve the triple [renewable] energy target, so that’s definitely something that needs to be reckoned with in the global stocktake outcome.” The synthesis report concludes that “accelerated action is required to scale up climate finance from a wide variety of sources, instruments and channels, noting the significant role of public funds”. More broadly, the report also says it is “essential to unlock and redeploy trillions of dollars to meet global investment needs” and make global financial flows consistent with Paris Agreement goals. Countries must finalise a “new collective quantified goal” (NCQG) for developing country climate finance in 2024. Developing countries want to see a goal that is more ambitious and based on an assessment of their needs – rather than picked arbitrarily, as with the previous “US$100bn by 2020” target. Many have stated they want to see the analysis from the stocktake inform this new goal. Alongside finance, developing countries have also pushed for the GST outcome to include language that encourages developed countries to share their climate technologies and provide more support for capacity building in developing countries. What are countries and blocs expecting from the stocktake? From “keeping 1.5°C alive” and fossil fuel phase-down language, to addressing unkept climate finance promises, countries’ expectations from the GST are varied. Submissions made this year against the backdrop of increasing climate impacts reveal growing divergence between developed and developing countries. Broader conversations suggest that the GST is being seen both as a defining moment for climate ambition for the coming decade and as a moment of accountability for decades of inaction. Forward versus backward One of the chief differences in expectation is whether the GST looks back at the lack of climate progress from the developed world to date – and if so, how far back does it look. Alternatively, it could look more to the future and what should be done now, at a time when emerging economies contribute significantly to rising emissions and could arguably be expected to pledge more. Developing countries that are part of the G77+China negotiating bloc demanded a full assessment of how rich countries have delivered – or failed to deliver – on their pre-2020 and post-2020 climate commitments. The bloc called on the stocktake, in its political outputs, to highlight historical gaps in mitigation actions “since the start of the multilateral climate regime”. The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) was agreed in 1992. The G77+China also asked that the GST cover results of work under the Kyoto Protocol, the UNFCCC and the Paris Agreement, while also suggesting that its outputs be “both backward and forward-looking”. In contrast, developed countries including the UK, US, Japan and Australia stress the need for “forward-looking” GST outcomes, which encourage “major emitters” [a term seen by many as a loaded reference to India and China that obscures equity and historical responsibility for emissions] to “aggressively” increase the ambition of their 2030 and 2035 climate pledges. Other developing country blocs, such as AILAC, have stated that the insistence on pre-2020 discussions “has only served to delay current deliberations” and that the “historical emissions gap is narrowing between developed countries and developing countries that have substantially increased their emissions.” The group called on “all Parties to be actively involved in climate action” but that “developed nations must exhibit stronger global leadership”. According to analysis by the Centre for Science and Environment, BASIC, LMDC and African countries also raised the issue of inequities in IPCC models and their implications for decarbonisation, going forward. Mitigation The idea of “keeping 1.5°C alive” has historically been a rallying cry from Small Island Developing States and Least Developed Countries. In their submissions, most developed countries, including the UK and Japan, called for a GST outcome that recommends policies that “keep 1.5 alive”, for global emissions to peak in 2025 and for all 2030 targets of “major emitters” to be 1.5°C aligned. The US called for “phasing down unabated fossil fuel generation steadily and rapidly”, including “immediately ceasing to permit new unabated coal power generation”, as well as “increasing global carbon management capacity to capture 1.5bn tons of CO2 (GtCO2) annually by 2035.” Russia, meanwhile, dubbed it “unacceptable” to analyse progress towards limiting the temperature rise to 1.5°C instead of 2°C, while suggesting gas should be considered “a transitional fuel”. In turn, LMDCs submitted that the GST should “urge developed countries to achieve net-zero significantly ahead of the global timeframe”. Meanwhile, Zambia on behalf of the African Group of Nations urged for “a political signal from COP28” that “affirms differentiated pathways for countries in the pursuit of net-zero and fossil fuel phasedown”. It also suggested “no further exploration of fossil fuels in developed countries is targeted well ahead of 2030”, affording developing countries breathing space to close their energy access gap in the short-term. In a joint US-China statement issued on 14 November, both countries stated that they were working together and with other countries to reach a consensus on a GST decision that could be adopted at COP28. Elements put forward in the statement – such as “send[ing] signals with respect to the energy transition (renewable energy, coal/oil/gas)” – were significantly different from their individual positions on fossil fuels and on trade, indicating ongoing divergence. Finance Another key expectation from the GST is an assessment of climate finance failures so far, and how a new climate finance target can be informed by them. “Trust has been eroded by inadequate delivery on the commitments made by developed Parties, including the failure to deliver on the US$100bn target for the mobilisation of climate finance, and also by the failure of leadership by developed countries which led to a woefully inadequate mitigation outcome in 2020, putting more pressure on developing countries with less resources,” said South Africa in its submission. While developed countries, such as Australia, acknowledge the failure to deliver on the US$100bn target, they state that the stocktake should “celebrate and welcome the confidence of Parties that the goal is expected to be met” imminently and ask that “this should be more than a statement of disappointment, but a constructive reflection”. Both Australia and the US called to increase the scope of countries providing climate finance, along with an assessment on whether finance furnished by rich countries so far has been effective, to increase donor confidence. “The scope of countries that are capable of such support has evolved considerably since 2015, and the stocktake should reflect their responsibility in the decade of the 2020s and beyond,” said the US, in its submission to the GST. Developing countries, including the Climate Vulnerable Forum, called for an assessment of pre-2020 climate finance, reform of multilateral development banks and not increasing the debt burden on vulnerable countries. Adaptation and loss and damage In their submissions, countries and blocs were generally in agreement that the framework for the Global Goal on Adaptation be finalised, and its targets inform and evolve with the GST. On behalf of the African Group of Nations, Zambia called for the GST’s preamble to note “the lack of parity and balance in support between mitigation and adaptation” and to “affirm the understanding that adaptation and loss and damage are a global responsibility because they were caused by global emissions”. The Least Developed Countries bloc called for a separate section on loss and damage, distinct from adaptation in the GST, while some developed countries sought to retain the existing structure. While most developed countries echoed the need to operationalise the loss and damage fund that they agreed to at COP27, many referred to a “mosaic” of different sources and emphasised private finance mobilisation, with the US pointing to insurance solutions for loss and damage. Trade, response measures and just transition Trade policies, response measures and international cooperation also feature heavily in stocktake submissions, reflecting an external atmosphere pockmarked by geopolitical conflict. In its September submission, China stated it wants the preamble to “acknowledge that the first global stocktake is taking place in rising unilateralism, protectionism, and anti-globalism, and enabling environment for climate actions is undergoing critical challenges, including inadequate means of implementation support, sanctions on low-carbon products and industries, restrictions on technology investment and cooperation, green barriers, discriminatory legislation [and] plurilateral constraints”. G77+China, along with the LMDCs, expect the GST to “identify challenges to global cooperation” and prioritise multilateral measures over unilateral ones, such as trade barriers. Latin American countries, in their submission, hoped for a broadening of the stocktake’s assessment of the socio-economic impact of response measures, given “unexpected consequences from initiatives such as deforestation control measures and low-carbon agricultural systems”. The US meanwhile, highlighted its own domestic just transition policies, saying that “lack of implementation of response measures, especially by major emitters…building new unabated fossil fuel infrastructure not only contributes to global GHG emissions, but also risks stranded assets and job losses”. Russia stated that the GST should “specifically consider the socio-economic risks and negative consequences of an accelerated phase-out of fossil fuels, including rising electricity prices, unemployment and capital expenditures for re-equipment of facilities.” What do experts and observers expect from the global stocktake and what it means for climate action? COP watchers, commentators and participants have markedly different views on what the outcomes of the GST will be and what they could achieve, much like the parties themselves. The stocktake has been framed as a moment of reckoning, especially by those involved in the two-year process. UN Climate Change’s executive secretary Simon Stiell has described the GST as a “moment for course correction”, an opportunity to “bend the curve decisively on emissions” and as an “ambition, accountability and acceleration exercise”. The US’ climate envoy John Kerry previously “expressed hope” that the stocktake and COP28 “will mark a chance to renew climate action”, Energy Monitor reported. Kerry is quoted as saying: “A lot of interested parties around the world – whether NGOs, activists or companies – are no longer going to be impressed by repetition of previously announced things, or by sidestepping some of the realities of where we clearly now find ourselves.” According to Farhan Akhtar, one of the co-facilitators of the stocktake’s technical dialogues, the process had the “broad participation” of all stakeholders: governments, experts and non-state actors. He stated: “Across discussions, it was clear that the Paris Agreement has inspired widespread action that has significantly reduced forecasts of future warming. This global stocktake is taking place at a crucial moment to inspire further global action in responding to the climate crisis.” While the stocktake’s synthesis report sparked headlines, the form of the final deal is a key question ahead of COP28. Dr Jennifer Allan at Cardiff University’s School of Law and Politics tells Carbon Brief that while the technical process has been “very inclusive” and has an “incredibly wide scope”, the format that its outcomes will take is “really uncertain…partly because the Paris Agreement and its rulebook are vague and silent on a lot of important issues”. These include a lack of clarity on how exactly the stocktake will inform the next set of pledges. The stocktake is supposed to be in its political phase at this COP, but the text for a ministerial declaration is “nowhere near the level of completeness” for delegates to finalise quickly, warns Allan, stating that “it’s too late for a ministerial declaration, if that was ever envisioned.” This makes it likely that the outcome is restricted to a COP decision. She adds: “For me, personally, this falls short of the type of political signalling that we need in order to ratchet up ambition. I think we’ll land at a short decision encompassing the few points on which parties agree.” “What worries me is that there are many placeholders and calls for other agenda items to be brought in. If the GST decision becomes a dumping ground for other politically thorny discussions, like the mitigation work programme, then it will be very difficult to untie and land a solution. We may end up with something vague, which again could undermine its ability to inform more ambitious NDCs targeted to the priorities identified by the GST technical phase.” The enormous variety and divergence in submissions and countries’ own wishlists for the final form of the deal – be it a target to double green hydrogen production or references to protectionism – make agreement in limited time seem unlikely. Experts, therefore, welcomed the US-China statement and efforts to work with other countries towards consensus on a broad political GST decision, even if countries don’t see eye-to-eye on many, significant details. For Indrajit Bose, climate change adviser at the Third World Network, the stocktake is an opportunity to “correct injustice”. Developed countries, he tells Carbon Brief, “must assume responsibility for this gap”, as they have “consistently failed to deliver their commitments under the Convention and tried to transfer the burden of their inaction onto developing countries”. He adds: “They call for fossil fuel phase-out, but they have huge fossil fuel expansion plans. They speak of the importance of finance, but they have not delivered their past commitments and rely unrealistically on the private sector to do their job. Their hypocrisy knows no bounds.” According to Bose, the argument by developed countries to end differentiation between developed and developing countries based on the fact that the world has changed since the first climate agreements in 1992 “rings hollow”. He explains: “[I]n more ways than one, the world has not changed. There is still massive poverty and development needs in the global south. Regular climate-induced disasters are further exacerbating their challenges. The global stocktake must correct this injustice and developed countries must show leadership in climate action, engage in good faith and stop considering people in the global south as unimportant, second-class citizens.” To Dr Lavanya Rajamani, professor of international environmental law at the University of Oxford, this stocktake is the “most consequential because it’s coming in the middle of the critical decade up to 2030” and provides a template for future stocktakes. However, its actual outcome, she told Carbon Brief last month, “is not likely to tell us something we don’t know”. She adds: “There are gaps in implementation, ambition, fairness and accountability. These have all been documented very well in the synthesis report of the GST’s technical dialogue. I think what we might see – which would be helpful – is ways of actually plugging those gaps. How do we get back on track?” Rajamani believes there will be an emphasis on scaling up renewable energy, phasing out all unabated fossil fuels and that there will “need to be a strong outcome on finance and support countries to actually be able to do these things”. While she hopes that there is a “strong follow-up process” embedded in the stocktake to inform new pledges in 2025, she believes there has been a “subtle shift” in the framing around target-setting following on from the stocktake. Rajamani explains: “I think there is a pivot towards focusing on implementation and understanding that implementation triggers iteratively increasing ambition. Ramping up pressure on states to just set target after target is like building a house of cards.” The second important shift to Rajamani is that “equity and fairness have been reframed”, both in terms of systems transitions domestically, and between states, where green development can be seen as “something that fosters ambition rather than something that detracts from it.” She adds: “We’re not going to get to where we need to without engaging with a wider landscape of action and actors, and engaging with the idea of the stocktake and the Paris Agreement as trigger[s] and catalys[ts for] domestic policy shifts towards the transformations that we need.”
Bhubaneswar: The adverse impact of climate change is now being felt globally while global warming has become a major cause of concern. Given the backdrop, Dharitri, the most credible and impartial regional daily of Odisha which is turning 50 this year, initiates steps to create awareness among the youth about this most urgent issue of climate change by hosting the third edition of Dharitri Youth Conclave November 24, 2023 at the Rail Auditorium here. This year’s conclave brings together youth icons and environmentalists to discuss climate emergency and the path ahead. The expert panelists include environmentalist Sneha Shahi, managing editor of Down To Earth magazine Richard Mahapatra, conservationist and Forest Man of India Padma Shri Jadav Payeng, and environment activist & founder of Environmental Foundation of India (EFI) Arun Krishnamurthy. One of the brightest examples of youths fighting to save the earth from pollution is Sneha Shahi. Hailing from Gujarat, Sneha is one of the 18 young activists affiliated with UNEP’s Plastic Tide Turner Campaign and winner of the Youth for Earth Award. Growing up in Gujarat, Sneha was always a girl who showed keen interest in environmental activities. In 2019, Sneha led a team of volunteers to clean up the Bhukhi stream, linked to Vishwamitri river in Vadodara, to remove 700 kg of plastic waste, following which crocodiles that were part of the waters, began to appear regularly. Sneha, who is pursuing her PhD in Extreme Hydrological Events at Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment (ATREE), Bangalore, is on a mission to revive the waterbody. “The best advice I can give young people is to channel their empathy and passion into working towards a greater cause. The planet is dying and there are solutions, but there is no implementation. So, if people can work towards effective execution of plans and policies, that would be wonderful,” she opined.
सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) की कार्यकारी निदेशक, (अनुसंधान और वकालत) अनुमिता रॉयचौधरी ने कहा, 'नवंबर में आमतौर पर मौसम संबंधी बदलावों के कारण सीजन का पहला स्मॉग एपिसोड देखा जाता है जो स्थानीय और क्षेत्रीय प्रदूषण को रोकता है और फसल जलने से निकलने वाले धुएं से प्रभावित होता है।' उन्होंने आगे कहा, 'पिछले साल अक्टूबर में अधिक बारिश वाले दिन थे। भले ही दिवाली के बाद पराली जलाने की घटनाएं केंद्रित थीं, लेकिन यह अक्टूबर के अंत के गर्म हिस्से के दौरान हुआ। इस साल, ठंडी और शांत सर्दियों की स्थिति गहराने, स्थानीय प्रदूषण बढ़ने, पराली जलाने और दिवाली पटाखों के कारण नवंबर पिछले साल की तुलना में अधिक गंदा हो गया है।' नैशनल इंस्टीट्यूट ऑफ एडवांस्ड स्टडीज (NIAS) के चेयर प्रोफेसर और सिस्टम ऑफ एयर क्वालिटी एंड वेदर फोरकास्टिंग एंड रिसर्च (एसएएफएआर) के संस्थापक गुफरान बेग ने कहा, 'इस नवंबर में हाई पलूशन लेवल दर्ज किया जा रहा है क्योंकि किसी भी सक्रिय पश्चिमी विक्षोभ ने अभी तक शहर को प्रभावित नहीं किया है।' एक सक्रिय पश्चिमी विक्षोभ नमी और बारिश लाता है जो प्रदूषकों को व्यवस्थित करने में मदद करता है।
NEW DELHI: This November is turning out to be the second most polluted in the past six years, after 2021. This month has witnessed eight ‘severe’ days and nine ‘very poor’ days so far. Of these ‘very poor’ days, air quality readings were above 390 on four days. An analysis of Central Pollution Control Board’s data shows that the average Air Quality Index (AQI) between November 1 and 20 from 2018 to 2023 was the highest at 383 in 2021. This November has seen an average AQI of 372 during the same period as against 329 in November 2020, 353 in November 2019 and 342 in November 2018. CPCB’s data shows that the overall AQI at 4pm was 392 on November 2, but it deteriorated further into the ‘severe’ category at 5pm with a reading of 402. The AQI from November 3 to 6 remained in ‘severe’ category and improved slightly to 395 on November 7. However, the readings again surpassed the 400-mark on November 8 and 9. Rain in Delhi-NCR on November 10 provided relief from high pollution levels as air quality crept up to the ‘poor’ category. However, the AQI saw a sharp rise from 218 on November 12 to 358 on November 13 due to Diwali firecrackers coinciding with adverse weather conditions and stubble burning. AQI was at the upper end of ‘very poor’ category on November 14 and 15 at 397 and 398, respectively, while two more ‘severe’ days were seen on November 16 and 17. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director, research and advocacy, Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), said, “November usually witnesses the season’s first smog episode due to meteorological changes that trap local and regional pollution and is impacted by smoke from crop burning.” She added, “Last year, October had more rainy days. Even though there was concentrated stubble burning post-Diwali, but it happened during the warmer part of October-end. This year, the deepening of cool and calm winter conditions, local pollution build-up, concentrated stubble burning and Diwali crackers coincided to make November dirtier than last year.” Gufran Beig, chair professor of National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS) and founder of System of Air Quality and Weather Forecasting and Research (SAFAR), said, “This November has been recording high pollution levels as no active western disturbance has impacted the city so far. An active western disturbance brings moisture and rain which helps in settling down the pollutants.”