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India’s water crisis is not a resource scarcity problem

Speaking to Frontline, Sushmita Sengupta, senior programme manager at the Centre for Science and Environment, said that rapid urbanisation over recent decades has outpaced existing water planning frameworks. “More than 60 per cent of India remains rural and depends heavily on groundwater. But now, urban areas are also turning into major water consumers. Then you have industries alongside peri-urban regions that are not connected to municipal supply systems. For these areas, groundwater remains the only reliable source of water,” she said. “My son wanted to become a wrestler. How does a liver collapse in a healthy child like him?” Sharik Khan’s mother whimpers, tears streaming down her face. Sharik was only 13 years old when he succumbed to acute liver failure. From January 27 to February 20 this year, nearly 22 others of Chhainsa village in Haryana’s Palwal district died, many from liver failure. The victims were aged between 9 and 67. A village with a population of about 6,000, Chhainsa had all the makings of a water tragedy. It has always faced severe drainage problems; even during the dry month of February, its surroundings remained flooded with stagnant monsoon water. Most local water pipelines in the village are submerged within open drains. Any minor crack can trigger disaster, precisely what unfolded. The Gurugram Canal, which draws water from the Yamuna river, also traverses the village. Its primary purpose is irrigation; however, a spot check by Frontline revealed that the canal is heavily polluted and resembles a sewage drain more than a functional waterway. One can smell the canal even before it comes into view. Jawed, a resident whose family has inhabited the village for generations, said that the most pressing crisis revolves around water, for drinking and irrigation. Speaking to Frontline, he said, “The whole village is surviving on God’s mercy. If someone falls ill, people here would consult quack doctors rather than approach government facilities. It is a very poor village. Most of us are farmers, and this year we could not carry out sowing because we had not drained the monsoon water.” The village has only one primary health centre (PHC); it was constructed in 2009 but became operational only in 2022. The PHC is intended to serve at least 10 surrounding villages, yet it remains largely inaccessible owing to a lack of proper roads. It lacks an outpatient department and does not offer maternity services. Only one nurse was present when this reporter paid a visit, and the centre bore signs of neglect. Shrubs and creepers had overrun the premises, and the building lacked even basic maintenance. Residents shared photographs and videos showing ambulances getting stranded in muddy water while attempting to reach the facility. The nearest major healthcare institution is Shaheed Hasan Khan Mewati Government Medical College, about 20 kilometres away. Following the deaths, a response team was deployed, and a health camp was established. Of the 107 household water samples collected by authorities, 23 failed quality checks, indicating bacterial contamination and inadequate chlorination. Coliform bacteria were detected in storage tanks during another round of testing, and chlorine was found to be absent in dozens of samples. Dr Devendra Jhakad, the medical officer-in-charge of the PHC, said that the unit grapples with severe financial constraints and that funds currently arrive only through Ayushman Bharat, the Central government’s health insurance scheme. “I have submitted many letters to the government, but they have consistently fallen on deaf ears. We want to provide services to the village, but we do not possess the resources,” he said. Dr Jhakad also said that for nearly four months each year, during the monsoon season, the facility remains closed because the road leading to the PHC gets submerged. “We conduct basic check-ups, but that is all we can do. We do not even have a full-time guard on duty. There should be two Level-4 nurses, but we do not have them. We do not have a Lady Health Visitor or a pharmacist. We practically do not have anything. On top of that, several unruly elements have vandalised the property.” This tragedy in Palwal is not an isolated one. Across the country, similar incidents occur with striking regularity. In January this year, there was a waterborne typhoid outbreak in Gandhinagar in Gujarat, largely affecting children, with nearly 150 minors admitted to hospital. In Raipur, Chhattisgarh, residents received foul-smelling and visibly polluted tap water for over a month in January, with around 100 people falling ill. In Ranchi, Jharkhand, civic officials have reportedly identified more than 300 locations with damaged or broken pipelines, which heightens the risk of sewage entering the water supply during distribution. There was also a major health crisis in December 2025 in Indore, regarded as the cleanest city in the country, which claimed more than 20 lives and resulted in about 200 people being hospitalised. Between December 2025 and January 2026 alone, at least 11 incidents of piped water contamination were reported across cities nationwide. In the majority of cases, contamination was traced to sewage mixing with drinking water—often because ageing, corroded, or poorly laid pipelines run dangerously close to sewer lines. Any leak or drop in pressure allows sewage to seep directly into household drinking water supplies. India is facing a water crisis of unparalleled scale. The country possesses only 4 per cent of the world’s groundwater resources but has to sustain nearly 17 per cent of the global population. How did a civilisation whose early societies developed some of humanity’s most sophisticated water management systems descend to such a state? According to experts, India’s water crisis stems less from infrastructural scarcity and more from the failure of governance. The absence of water-sensitive design has allowed cities to expand unchecked, almost erasing existing local water bodies such as lakes and ponds. This has led to signicant depletion of groundwater, which is supposed to act as a reserve water source. The Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation finances water supply, sewerage, and green infrastructure projects. According to the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs, the government has allocated Rs. 1,93,104 crore across nearly 3,500 projects over the past decade. Yet, water supply dominates spending priorities, accounting for 62 per cent of expenditure, compared with 34 per cent directed towards sewerage. Efforts to rejuvenate water bodies, which would enable groundwater recharge and augment long-term water availability, received a negligible 3 per cent of the total funding. On March 23, the Comptroller and Auditor General of India tabled its performance audit on the functioning of the Delhi Jal Board before the Delhi Legislative Assembly. Spanning seven chapters, the report outlined multiple shortcomings in the board’s operations in recent years. Chapter 3 of the audit examined weaknesses within the board’s supply network. Between 2017 and 2022, transmission losses rose from 16 per cent to 21 per cent. Per capita availability of potable water remained below 20 gallons per capita per day (GPCD) in four zones and below 40 GPCD in eight zones, against the required benchmark of 60 GPCD, thereby exposing deep inequities in water distribution. The non-revenue water component stood between 51 per cent and 53 per cent of the average daily water supplied, resulting in revenue losses amounting to Rs. 4,988 crore. The audit also revealed the absence of flow meters at water treatment plants, reservoirs, bore wells, and emergency points, indicating that the Delhi Jal Board could not accurately quantify how much water was being treated, transmitted, or supplied. Water quality testing also fell significantly short of norms, placing public health at risk. Additionally, the audit identified deficiencies during the conceptualisation and planning stages of several sewerage and water supply projects. Speaking to Frontline, Sushmita Sengupta, senior programme manager at the Centre for Science and Environment, said that rapid urbanisation over recent decades has outpaced existing water planning frameworks. “More than 60 per cent of India remains rural and depends heavily on groundwater. But now, urban areas are also turning into major water consumers. Then you have industries alongside peri-urban regions that are not connected to municipal supply systems. For these areas, groundwater remains the only reliable source of water,” she said. According to her, groundwater is undergoing immense stress and not receiving adequate time to replenish. Many water bodies, including lakes and ponds, have been encroached upon by local residents or contaminated by waste dumped by surrounding settlements. She said, “These lakes and ponds function as major recharge zones within cities. The approach should not merely focus on creating artificial groundwater recharge structures or simply mapping and restoring select areas, but also on protecting existing lakes and water bodies that can serve as natural recharge zones at the city level.” Sengupta pointed out that several cities have now made rainwater harvesting mandatory. Authorities now require every new building to install a rainwater harvesting system before applying for occupancy permission. “These measures exist, but outcomes are still not moving in a positive direction,” she said. A major hurdle for the country remains its lethargic regulatory system. Experts claimed that many officials in urban water agencies do not even have a clear understanding of how pipeline networks are laid out across the cities, amid rapid urbanisation, and inadequate audits. According to Sengupta, the principal reason behind this is poor inter-departmental communication and a defunct central database. She said, “Data is not accessible to everyone. Another issue that emerged during our work in Indore is that consultants are deeply involved in these projects. As a result, most maps and technical information remain with them and are not shared with government departments. Different departments that should know where pipelines run do not have that clarity. How will they work on maintenance then?”’ Anshuman Karol, who heads governance and climate action at Participatory Research in Asia, an NGO, said that even if detailed maps are not available, authorities could still identify areas requiring maintenance through older audit records. “Today, many agencies possess newer technologies that can trace pipeline networks, but even in their absence, a simple review of archival data would indicate which areas require maintenance. Everything has a lifespan, and historical records would reveal where pipelines need replacement.” According to Karol, even in metropolitan centres such as Delhi, Mumbai, and Chennai, a large proportion of the population is dependent on groundwater despite the presence of sophisticated pipeline networks, as local water sources are unable to meet the demands of a rapidly expanding populace. “These cities function as economic magnets, drawing people in search of livelihoods. Urban space is limited, and as population pressure intensifies, stress on resources inevitably mounts. Water is among the most critical of these resources. Urban lakes and ponds act as aquifers, serving as natural recharge systems that buffer a city’s water demand. Why is Chennai running out of water? Because excessive concretisation has eliminated seepage. Even when good rainfall occurs, water simply flows into drains and escapes, instead of percolating into the ground. This is precisely the problem,” he said. Speaking to Frontline, Suresh Rohilla, an expert on water-sensitive urban design and professor at the University of Bradford, UK, said that ancient Indian civilisations accorded special patronage to maintaining lakes and ponds. Over time, however, water management became increasingly institutionalised, and water itself came to be viewed primarily as infrastructure rather than as an ecological system. According to him, in earlier times, farmers would collectively manage water resources, drawing upon traditional knowledge to cultivate crops in accordance with water availability. A community-based system of water governance prevailed. Civilisations expanded, and water management became increasingly institutionalised, and with the influence of Western administrative models, water gradually came to be regarded as infrastructure. “Water was subsequently treated as an organised public service requiring a dedicated department. As a result, in most large Indian cities, water supply is not administered by municipal corporations but by specialised water supply and sewerage boards, such as the Delhi Jal Board,” he said. Highlighting the persistent neglect of groundwater conservation and rejuvenation, despite groundwater being one of the most reliable water sources, he said: “Delhi draws nearly 900 million litres of water daily from outside the city. Around 90 per cent of drinking water derives either from Himalayan dams, the Yamuna canal, or the Ganga system. But, there are no adequate mechanisms to store rainwater or strengthen groundwater reserves through recharge.” Whenever a crisis emerges, say from cleaning a drinking water treatment plant or contamination in water owing to the Yamuna, tankers are deployed across the city to supply groundwater. Although groundwater continues to be a dependable source, governments do not adequately prioritise its recharge. “Water-sensitive design and planning represent a balanced approach, where surface water and groundwater are managed together, both contributing to the in situ augmentation of water capacity. This also embodies a circular approach, as it questions why consumed water should simply exit the city instead of being recycled and reintegrated, especially as urban demand continues to rise,” he said. “Why do cities discharge wastewater? Delhi has nearly 17,000 parks. Why isn’t treated wastewater utilised to irrigate these spaces? Such a measure would easily conserve at least 30 per cent of water.” Rohilla also pointed out that over the past 10-15 years, the growing discourse around water-sensitive design has generated considerable attention, prompting planners to at least acknowledge such solutions, though largely through a piecemeal approach by categorising them as good practices. Water-sensitive design and planning requires engagement with a broader range of experts rather than relying solely on civil or mechanical engineers. It demands interdisciplinary collaboration to address water challenges more holistically. “But at present, water supply and sewerage boards do not even employ groundwater specialists, landscape planners, ecologists, hydrologists, geographers, or sociologists. And even if authorities want to undertake campaigns on water conservation or the reuse of treated wastewater, officials are not equipped to engage with communities. They are trained to handle pipes, motors, and pumps, so naturally, they focus on those aspects alone. We have not yet transitioned from a linear approach to a circular or sustainable one.” According to Rohilla, the solution lies in making water everybody’s business. “Authorities cannot simply assert that they alone will be responsible for supplying safe water while citizens remain disengaged. Institutions must engage with people and involve communities and users in the process. Users should not merely remain subscribers; they must evolve into partners in sustainable water management. The subscriber, too, constitutes a stakeholder in ensuring long-term water sustainability.”

सब्सिडी पर ब्रेक से रुक सकती है इलेक्ट्रिक वीकल पॉलिसी 2026 की रफ्तार, एक्सपर्ट्स ने गिनाई खूबियां और खामियां

अनुमिता रॉय चौधरी, एग्जिक्यूटिव डायरेक्टर, सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) कहतीं हैं कि एक ओर जहाँ टू-व्हीलर और थ्री-व्हीलर के लिए बेहद सख्त समय सीमा तय की गई है, वहीं दूसरी ओर सब्सिडी को काफी कम कर दिया गया है। टारगेट को ‘स्वैच्छिक’ के बजाय ‘नियामक’ (Regulatory) बनाया जाए, ताकि ईवी 1.0 की तरह लक्ष्य और उपलब्धि के बीच बड़ा अंतर न रहे। दरअसल, ईवी 1.0 पॉलिसी में टारगेट 25% इलेक्ट्रिफिकेशन का था, लेकिन यह 13 प्रतिशत ही रहा।

The question of energy in times of West Asia war and global disruption

The disastrous war being waged against Iran by the United States (US) and Israel has disrupted energy supply across the world. Governments in both rich and poor countries are warning their people of dire times ahead, unlike anything seen before by this generation — acute energy scarcity, rationing and the prospect of cars and planes running out of fuel. The question then is: What will the future energy map look like? As I ask this, I request you to not make light of the assassinations, the thousands of lives lost, and the senseless destruction that we witness so clearly as we scroll on our screens. Let us also not make light of the real pain that this energy disruption has brought to our world. Many countries are facing shortages of cooking fuel, including liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), and households are spending vast portions of their income to procure it at any cost. Long queues at fuel stations are becoming common — again, driving up costs that people can barely afford. In most countries, particularly in our world, fuel imports are the highest charge on trade deficits and in this scenario, rising oil prices have crippling effects on economies. There is also the impending shortfall in global fertiliser supply, which is expected to hit farmers hard — people who are already reeling from extreme weather driven by climate change and distorted global food prices. All in all, the world is on its knees — not by choice, but because of its pusillanimous and pathetic response to this senseless US-Israel war on Iran. The rule-based order and all its morality lie in tatters. Let’s at least be clear on this. But we are left with the question of what the impact of this energy shock will be. Even before this unseemly war, the world was in the midst of an energy transition — steadily replacing coal with renewables for electricity, and displacing the use of petrol and diesel in vehicles. According to the International Renewable Energy Agency’s March 2026 report, by the end of 2025, renewables accounted for close to 50 per cent of the world’s installed electricity generation; 85 per cent of new power additions that year were renewables, mainly solar and wind. What is interesting is that this energy transition was not only happening where one might expect, like China or Europe, but also in developing and emerging economies. A recent report by think tank Ember, in partnership with a coalition of 74 of the world’s most climate-vulnerable countries, found that they were fast-tracking electrotechnology (electrotech) — not due to climate change but because it was faster, cheaper, and more reliable. These low- and middle-income economies are fuel importers, and for them, the energy crisis is real: Over 700 million still lack reliable energy for basic needs. This also means they are not yet connected to the grid and so can adopt an alternative energy system at speed and scale. The costs of solar panels and batteries and electric vehicles (EVs) have become affordable, and importing from China is feasible for them. These countries can bypass fossil fuel and fast-track renewables. The report says: “Namibia and Togo lead in solar generation, Jordan and Kyrgyzstan in battery sales, and Nepal and Sri Lanka in EV uptake.” In the latter two countries, close to 70 per cent of new vehicles were electric. The current disruption has raised the cost of energy imports and made countries aware of the need for energy security. Already, there is a new scramble to gain markets for oil and gas — Nigeria, Guyana, Russia, and, of course, the US will be sourced for energy. This could well push countries to utilise more of their own resources — from coal to charcoal — both of which are polluting. But it could also spur the transition away from fossil fuels, as imported solar panels and batteries are now available. All this will reshape the future of energy. The current oil and gas crisis is not just short-term. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has disrupted some 20 per cent of the global flows but even if it opens, damages to production facilities in the region will take time to repair. This could well mean that the time for cheap and abundant fossil fuels is over. The cost of energy is the cost of economic growth and so, this changed scenario will mean reworking plans for energy security. The drivers would be cost; the national manufacturing capability of green technologies, including solar and electric vehicles; and also what is better for energy security-related supply chains. In all this, sources of clean energy and more efficient use of existing supplies can and must play a central role. But this time, the rationale for the clean-energy transition would be rooted in national energy security, with the possibility to achieve the co-benefit of climate mitigation. As I write this, I must acknowledge, with much sadness, that the future is not going to be easy. The current time tells me that we, as a global society, have regressed. It is going to be hard to pick up the pieces from these ruins of human depredation and depravity. We will find it hard to solve global problems like climate change in a world that is so abjectly broken and divided. The author is at the Centre for Science and Environment. sunita@cseindia.org, X: @sunitanar

New Lancet Commission aims to tackle health and justice concerns from sea-level rise

The commission’s other Asian Pacific members include Cunrui Huang of Tsinghua University, Susan Mercado of the Philippines Red Cross and former Department of Health undersecretary, and Sunita Narain of the Centre for Science and Environment in New Delhi. With worsening climate change leading to rising seas, a new commission of global experts has been established to investigate and address its health impacts. Named the Lancet Commission on Sea-Level Rise, Health and Justice, it is the first to investigate the growing threat of rising seas on human well-being and equity through a health lens. The 26-member commission was convened with the support of the World Health Organisation’s Asia Pacific Centre for Environment and Health (WHO ACE). Its co-chairs include Christiana Figueres, former executive secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. “Dea-level rise is no longer a distant threat. It is already disrupting lives, health and wellbeing, especially for the most vulnerable,” she said in a statement last Wednesday. “By the end of this century, hundreds of millions of people could be displaced, facing floods, food insecurity and disease.” The commission said that it aims to generate evidence-based, science-led policy recommendations to mitigate health risks, strengthen adaptation and resilience, and ensure equitable and ethical responses to sea-level rise. It will “contribute to global dialogue and decision-making processes, including engagement at key international platforms,” it said in the statement. The commission’s two other co-chairs are Kathryn Bown, deputy director of Melbourne Climate Futures at the University of Melbourne and Jiho Cha, member of parliament of South Korea. “Sea-level rise is not just an environmental issue – it is a test of our commitment to people, equity, and future generations,” said Cha. “As a Member of Parliament, I see this as a defining policy challenge of our time. This Commission brings the science and leadership needed to act with urgency and fairness.” According to WHO ACE, up to 410 million people are projected to live on land below high-tide levels by the end of the century, with hundreds of millions at risk of displacement. As issues cut across geographies and disciplines, the commission also includes multidisciplinary, intergenerational leadership, according to the commission’s commentary in medical journal Lancet. “Rising sea levels don’t just threaten coastlines, they threaten lives, livelihoods and basic fairness. This is not only a climate problem. It is a health crisis, a justice crisis, and an urgent call for collective action,” said Professor Dr. Jemilah Mahmood, the executive director of Sunway Centre for Planetary Health in Malaysia and one of the commissioners. The commission’s other Asian Pacific members include Cunrui Huang of Tsinghua University, Susan Mercado of the Philippines Red Cross and former Department of Health undersecretary, and Sunita Narain of the Centre for Science and Environment in New Delhi. Among the health risks of rising seas is an increasing susceptibility to waterborne and vector-borne diseases, such as malaria and dengue. This is typically caused by failed sanitation systems and a lack of accessible freshwater supplies, creating food security risks, especially for those living in the coastal areas. “Sea-level rise is no longer a distant threat – it is a public health emergency unfolding now,” said Dr Sandro Demaio, director of WHO ACE. The commission will also integrate for the knowledge perspectives of coastal and Island communities, taking into account lived experiences, First Nations Knowledges, Indigenous sciences and robust scientific analysis, it said.

दिल्ली सरकार की नई ईवी नीति: विशेषज्ञ क्या कहते हैं?

सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (सीएसई) की कार्यकारी निदेशक अनुमिता रॉय चौधरी का कहना है कि एक तरफ जहां दोपहिया और तिपहिया वाहनों के लिए बेहद सख्त समय सीमा तय की गई है, वहीं दूसरी ओर सब्सिडी में काफी कटौती की गई है। उन्होंने सुझाव दिया कि लक्ष्यों को 'स्वैच्छिक' के बजाय 'नियामक' (Regulatory) बनाया जाए, ताकि ईवी 1.0 की तरह लक्ष्य और उपलब्धि के बीच एक बड़ा अंतर न रहे। दिल्ली सरकार ने अपनी नवीनतम इलेक्ट्रिक वाहन (ईवी) नीति-2026 का मसौदा जारी कर दिया है। विशेषज्ञों का मानना है कि यह नीति कई मायनों में प्रशंसनीय है। इसमें न केवल इलेक्ट्रिक वाहनों को अपनाने पर बल दिया गया है, बल्कि बुनियादी ढांचे, बैटरी कचरा प्रबंधन, वाणिज्यिक और सरकारी वाहनों के लिए भी महत्वाकांक्षी लक्ष्य निर्धारित किए गए हैं। हालांकि, इन सकारात्मक पहलुओं के बावजूद, विशेषज्ञों को इस नीति में कुछ कमियां भी नजर आ रही हैं। सबसे महत्वपूर्ण चिंता यह है कि बड़े लक्ष्यों के साथ सब्सिडी में उल्लेखनीय कटौती की जा रही है। लक्ष्य निर्धारण और कार्यान्वयन को लेकर भी विशेषज्ञों ने संदेह व्यक्त किया है। नीति की सकारात्मक बातें: पर्यावरण और बैटरी प्रबंधन पर विशेष ध्यान दिया गया है। दिल्ली विश्वविद्यालय के पर्यावरण अध्ययन विभाग के प्रमुख राधेश्याम शर्मा का कहना है कि इस नीति में 'बैटरी रीसायकल' को शामिल करना एक सराहनीय कदम है। यह दर्शाता है कि सरकार केवल ईवी की संख्या बढ़ाने पर ही ध्यान केंद्रित नहीं कर रही है, बल्कि पर्यावरण की सुरक्षा के प्रति भी गंभीर है। हालांकि, इस पहल की सफलता मजबूत निगरानी, सुरक्षित लॉजिस्टिक्स और उच्च रिकवरी मानकों को प्रभावी ढंग से लागू करने पर निर्भर करेगी। 'एनवायरोकेटलिस्ट' के संस्थापक सुनील दहिया का कहना है कि दिल्ली सरकार की यह नीति स्वच्छ हवा के अधिकार को जीवन के मौलिक अधिकार से जोड़ती है। आंकड़ों के अनुसार, 2019-20 में जहां 23,684 ईवी थे, वहीं 2025-26 तक यह संख्या 1.07 लाख से अधिक हो गई है, जो जनता के बढ़ते रुझान को दर्शाती है। यह स्पष्ट रूप से दिखाता है कि लोग इलेक्ट्रिक वाहनों को अपनाने के लिए तेजी से आगे बढ़ रहे हैं। यह नीति पर्यावरण संरक्षण और प्रदूषण नियंत्रण की दिशा में एक महत्वपूर्ण कदम है। इलेक्ट्रिक वाहनों का उपयोग वायु प्रदूषण को कम करने और शहर को स्वच्छ बनाने में मदद करेगा। सरकार का यह कदम भविष्य के लिए एक स्थायी और पर्यावरण के अनुकूल परिवहन प्रणाली स्थापित करने की दिशा में एक महत्वपूर्ण शुरुआत है। प्रमुख चिंताएं और चुनौतियां: सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (सीएसई) की कार्यकारी निदेशक अनुमिता रॉय चौधरी का कहना है कि एक तरफ जहां दोपहिया और तिपहिया वाहनों के लिए बेहद सख्त समय सीमा तय की गई है, वहीं दूसरी ओर सब्सिडी में काफी कटौती की गई है। उन्होंने सुझाव दिया कि लक्ष्यों को 'स्वैच्छिक' के बजाय 'नियामक' (Regulatory) बनाया जाए, ताकि ईवी 1.0 की तरह लक्ष्य और उपलब्धि के बीच एक बड़ा अंतर न रहे। ईवी 1.0 की सफलता और कमियों से सबक लेते हुए, सरकार को इस नई नीति को अधिक प्रभावी बनाने की आवश्यकता है। सब्सिडी में कटौती को लेकर भी चिंता जताई जा रही है, क्योंकि यह इलेक्ट्रिक वाहनों को अपनाने की गति को धीमा कर सकता है। इसके अलावा, बुनियादी ढांचे को विकसित करने और चार्जिंग स्टेशनों की संख्या बढ़ाने की भी आवश्यकता है। नीति को सफल बनाने के लिए, सरकार को निजी क्षेत्र के साथ मिलकर काम करना होगा और इलेक्ट्रिक वाहनों के उपयोग को बढ़ावा देने के लिए जागरूकता अभियान चलाने होंगे। नीति में पारदर्शिता और जवाबदेही सुनिश्चित करना भी महत्वपूर्ण है। सरकार को नियमित रूप से प्रगति की समीक्षा करनी चाहिए और आवश्यकतानुसार नीति में संशोधन करना चाहिए। कुल मिलाकर, दिल्ली सरकार की ईवी नीति-2026 एक महत्वाकांक्षी प्रयास है, लेकिन इसकी सफलता चुनौतियों का सामना करने और प्रभावी कार्यान्वयन पर निर्भर करेगी

अपने कचड़े से उर्वरक संकट का समाधान करें

वर्तमान में वैश्विक राजनीति और युद्ध की अनिश्चितताओं ने भारत के समक्ष एक गंभीर चुनौती पेश कर दी है। ईरान युद्ध के कारण हॉर्मुज जलडमरूमध्य से होने वाली तेल और गैस की आपूर्ति बाधित हुई है, जिसका सीधा असर भारत के उर्वरक क्षेत्र पर पड़ा है। खरीफ सीजन से ठीक पहले देश में उर्वरकों की भारी कमी देखी जा रही है। सरकारी आंकड़ों के अनुसार, 39 मिलियन टन की आवश्यकता के विरुद्ध स्टॉक केवल 18 मिलियन टन ही है। ऐसे में, भारत की आयात और ऊर्जा-गहन उत्पादन श्रृंखलाओं पर निर्भरता ने हमें भू-राजनीतिक उथल-पुथल के प्रति संवेदनशील बना दिया है। इस संकट के बीच, एक समाधान हमारे घरों के कचरे के डिब्बों में छिपा है। घरेलू गीला कचरा—जिसे हम सड़ा-गला भोजन मानकर फेंक देते हैं—खेतों के लिए कार्बन-समृद्ध खाद का एक बेहतरीन पूरक बन सकता है। यद्यपि यह पूरी तरह से रासायनिक उर्वरकों का स्थान नहीं ले सकता, लेकिन यह मिट्टी की उर्वरता बढ़ाने में चमत्कारिक भूमिका निभाता है। नीति आयोग और सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट के हालिया अध्ययन बताते हैं कि भारत में इस कचरे को खाद में बदलने की क्षमता पहले से ही मौजूद है। इंदौर के पास एक किसान का अनुभव इस विचार को पुख्ता करता है: खाद के उपयोग से मिट्टी हल्की हो जाती है और लंबे समय तक नमी बनाए रखती है। इस प्रक्रिया को अर्बन रूरल न्यूट्रिएंट एंड कार्बन साइकिल कहा जाता है। यह एक ऐसा चक्र है जहाँ खेतों में भोजन उगता है, शहरों में उसका कचरा खाद बनता है और फिर वही खाद वापस खेतों तक पहुँचती है। यह व्यवस्था नगर पालिकाओं को कचरा प्रबंधन में मदद करती है और किसानों को सस्ता, कार्बन-समृद्ध विकल्प प्रदान करती है। आवास और शहरी मामलों के मंत्रालय के अनुसार, भारत प्रतिदिन 1.62 लाख टन से अधिक ठोस कचरा उत्पन्न करता है, जिसमें से 80 फीसद का अब प्रसंस्करण किया जा रहा है। देश में 2,800 से अधिक खाद संयंत्र हैं जिनकी कुल क्षमता 1.14 लाख टन प्रतिदिन है। लेकिन यह कहानी का केवल आधा हिस्सा है। सबसे बड़ी समस्या इस खाद के वितरण की है। वर्तमान में, अधिकतर खाद संयंत्रों में यह संसाधन बिना उपयोग के पड़ा रहता है क्योंकि इसे खेतों तक पहुँचाने का कोई विश्वसनीय नेटवर्क नहीं है। खाद को उर्वरक के विकल्प के रूप में स्थापित करने के लिए केंद्र, राज्य और नगर पालिकाओं को मिलकर एक व्यवस्थित हस्तक्षेप करने की आवश्यकता है। इसमें एक मजबूत विनियामक तंत्र, सख्त गुणवत्ता नियंत्रण और एक कार्यात्मक वितरण नेटवर्क शामिल होना चाहिए। इनके बिना, यह चक्र अधूरा है। इंदौर, वेल्लोर, मैसूरु, अंबिकापुर और कराड जैसे शहरों ने दिखाया है कि यह संभव है। इंदौर में, कचरे को बड़े संयंत्रों में संसाधित, पैक और बेचा जाता है। मध्य प्रदेश के अंबिकापुर में, महिला स्वयं सहायता समूहों द्वारा संचालित विकेंद्रीकृत केंद्रों के माध्यम से कचरे का प्रसंस्करण किया जाता है। वेल्लोर के बाहरी इलाकों में किसानों ने इस खाद को अपनी खेती का हिस्सा बना लिया है। उन्होंने पाया है कि जो काम यूरिया नहीं कर सकता, वह गीला कचरा करता है—यह मिट्टी की संरचना को पुनर्जीवित करता है और सूक्ष्म पोषक तत्वों की कमी को पूरा करता है। केरल में भी इसी तरह के मॉडल उभर रहे हैं। इन स्थानों पर कचरा शहर की सीमा पर जाकर समाप्त नहीं होता, बल्कि उसे विंडरो (लंबे ढेर) में फैलाकर, पलटकर और सड़ाकर गहरे रंग की, भुरभुरी जैविक खाद में बदल दिया जाता है। भारतीय कृषि वर्तमान में रासायनिक उर्वरकों के इर्द-गिर्द मजबूती से बुनी हुई है और इसे रातों-रात बदलना संभव नहीं है। लेकिन खाद का उपयोग निश्चित रूप से उर्वरकों पर निर्भरता को कम करता है और किसानों को वैश्विक आपूर्ति श्रृंखला की अस्थिरता से सुरक्षा प्रदान करता है। अनिश्चितता के इस दौर में, शहरों के जैविक कार्बन को वापस खेतों तक पहुँचाना केवल एक पर्यावरण अनुकूल विचार नहीं है, बल्कि यह कृषि की आत्मनिर्भरता के लिए एक आवश्यक बीमा है। यदि सरकारें वितरण और गुणवत्ता सुनिश्चित कर लें, तो हमारे डस्टबिन का कचरा वास्तव में खेतों के लिए कंचन साबित होगा।

Why Does India Want to Import the EU’s Waste?

The European Union (EU) generated 2,233 million tonnes of waste, including 42,5 million tonnes of plastic waste, in 2022. India imported 3.5 million tonnes of it, roughly 20 times the waste the country itself generates in a single day, becoming the bloc’s second-largest waste destination. Plastic, metal, paper, textiles, e-waste: all of it flowed in. Now, as the EU moves to clamp down on waste exports to developing countries, India is among 24 countries asking for special exemptions to keep those shipments flowing. The request has reopened an uncomfortable question. Why does a country struggling to manage its own waste want to import Europe’s? While India maintains that these waste imports are vital for its recycling industry, there are concerns that waste gets poorly managed, imposing environmental and health costs on workers and local communities, and fuelling illegal trade networks. “We have enough waste in our own country that requires a well-defined collection system, and a sound reprocessing and recycling system,” says Satish Sinha, associate director at Toxics Link, a Delhi-based non-profit. Europe’s green image In March 2025, Inger Andersen, Under Secretary-General of the United Nations, told the European Union Council on Environment that Europe’s environmental leadership “has never been more needed or more welcome.” This came as yet another reminder of how the EU has positioned itself in environmental politics. However, this narrative overlooks the EU’s dependence on developing countries to meet its environmental goals through waste exports or resource extraction. Since 2004, EU waste exports have risen by 72%. Every year, the bloc ships out around 33 million tonnes of waste, nearly half of it to developing countries. The problem is not just volume, but oversight. Studies estimate that 15-30% of EU waste shipments may be illegal. The Basel Convention, which underpins global waste trade rules, has long been criticised for weak enforcement and loopholes that allow toxic waste to move under the label of recyclables, as researchers Lekha Sridhar and Parul Kumar’s 2019 study shows. The convention has been criticised for having made a negligible impact on international waste trade, not imposing a blanket ban on the export of toxic waste, and for the lack of a comprehensive non-compliance mechanism that could punish those breaching rules. In this light, it remains to be seen how effective the EU’s new waste regulation, under which India seeks authorisation to import “non-hazardous” European waste, will be. According to the European Commission, the new regulation aims to ensure that the EU doesn’t export its waste management problems to third countries, and that waste is managed in an “environmentally sound” manner. It is also intended to prevent illegal shipment of waste within the EU and exports to developing, non-OECD countries. (The OECD is a group of primarily rich market economies; all other countries are non-OECD.) The Indian government and recycling industry, in seeking imports, argue that these imports do not constitute dumping and instead provide feedstock for India’s nascent recycling industry. With rising consumption and dwindling access to virgin raw materials, imported scrap, they say, is essential. What India is asking for In 2024, the EU overhauled its Waste Shipment Regulations (WSR), implementing tougher controls on waste trade. Rules framed under WSR ban plastic waste exports to non-OECD countries from November 2026, alongside a general ban on waste export for disposal and on hazardous waste exports for materials recovery. But non-OECD countries can formally request permission to keep importing non-hazardous waste. In February 2025, India did just that. In its request for exemption, India has asked for about 150 types of waste from the EU, including plastic waste under B3011, which refers to mixtures of plastic wastes consisting of polyethylene (PE), polypropylene (PP) or polyethylene terephthalate (PET), as well as a group of cured resins, and non-halogenated and fluorinated polymers. India has also requested plastic under A3210, which covers hazardous plastic waste.  The request for exemptions includes paper waste, hazardous e-waste, rubber waste, waste tyres, lead scrap excluding metal waste in massive form, textile waste and waste collected from households. “We are a growing economy,” says Sanjay Mehta, President of the Mumbai-headquartered Material Recycling Association of India. “India has asked for plastic waste since a lot of demand for granules is coming from overseas countries, and we have skilled labour, which is economically cheaper than [EU labour].” Import, he says, is the only option as the availability of virgin-grade materials is decreasing. “We want to import [the right] quality and quantity of scrap material until we generate sufficient raw materials in the domestic market,” he says.  Critics warn that the exemption leaves the door open for continued illegal waste trade, and suggest India manage domestic plastic waste better. A country drowning in its own waste India generates around 1,60,038 tonnes of solid waste every day, which is about 111 tonnes or 10 trucks per minute. A little more than 18% goes straight to landfills – dumping grounds that create severe environmental and health concerns across India – while almost a third remains unaccounted for. About 80% of municipal solid waste is untreated or disposed of unscientifically. India is also the world’s third-largest fossil carbon dioxide emitter, according to the latest Global Carbon Project report. Pollution from waste generation and mismanagement contributes significantly to this footprint. Sinha says it does not make economic or environmental sense for India to import plastic waste. “We are the largest generators of plastic waste, and finding it difficult to manage our own plastic waste, so why import more? The whole country is littered with plastic at this point in time,” he emphasises. Data shows that no more than 60% of plastic waste in India is recycled, most of it by the informal sector, yet a significant amount continues to worsen environmental harm, biodiversity loss and pollution. Nearly 77% of the waste generated in cities is dumped. In its request for exemption, India has also asked for textile waste, when it is already home to about 8.5% ( 7,793 ktons) of global textile waste annually. Much of this flows to the Indian city of Panipat, which handles about 60% of India’s recycled textile waste, including a big chunk of imports from the European Union. The textile industry is the third-largest contributor to dry municipal solid waste and only about a third of India’s textile waste is reused, according to a 2025 report by the Center for Study of Science, Technology and Policy (CSTEP). The majority of the recycled yarns do not meet global quality standards. The rest of the waste is incinerated, downcycled or landfilled. Inclusion of e-waste on India’s list is also concerning, as escalating domestic e-waste generation has been a crucial issue. India generates about 2.9 million metric tonnes of e-waste, which makes it the third-largest e-waste generator globally. The majority of e-waste is processed by the informal waste management sector. In this process, informal workers are constantly put at risk with primitive, mostly manual, operations where environmental and occupational health and safety measures are largely ignored. In fact, in February, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) highlighted gaps in the management of e-waste across the country, stating that 17 states and union territories did not currently have any e-waste recycling facilities. So what is India’s rationale? Mehta cites a range of reasons why the import of waste is necessary – the lack of quality virgin feedstock, the need to support a growing recycling industry, generating employment and reducing mining. If India wants to export to the international market, Mehta explains, it needs high-value products, which require high-grade raw materials as feedstock – materials that are not hazardous and come from overseas markets. “If we don’t receive the material from the EU, then our circular economy will suffer greatly. There will be massive unemployment. We are receiving 35% of our raw materials from the European Union, so there’s a big dependency,” he says. The exemption is not a blanket permission and will be subject to strict EU requirements, Mehta clarifies, adding that imports will only be handled by those recyclers that comply with EU law. Further, waste imports are monitored and governed by the Central Pollution Control Board and the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change to ensure there is no malpractice and mismanagement. According to the European Union, the first list of countries exempted from the ban, which will continue to receive non-hazardous waste, was to be announced by 21 November 2026, with updates every two years, but there’s been no news so far. If approved, the exemptions will take effect from 21 May 2027, and the non-OECD countries on the list will continue to receive waste exports from the EU. Can India actually recycle what it wants to import? Do developing countries, which have become destinations for plastic dumping, have the capacity to recycle imported waste? Specifically, does India have the capacity? Mehta says yes, as it has the skilled manpower and a waste management industry that is working with the government to better organise the sector. Environmental experts are not so sure. “Even if India achieves all its recycling targets for plastics under its Extended Producer Responsibility regulations, the country’s recycling infrastructure still won’t have the capacity to handle more imports,” says Siddharth Ghanshyam Singh, Programme Manager at Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment. “India generates as much rigid-plastic waste as it can recycle,” Singh says, “and it actually generates more flexible plastics than its recycling systems can process. By no stretch of the imagination does it make sense to import plastic waste from other countries.” Moreover, Sinha points out, plastic recycled in India gets downcycled – its quality deteriorates from the original. “Most of the recycling industry does not use high-tech technology, especially in small-scale recycling facilities. So it creates more pollution as well as more problems than solutions it provides because of energy consumption, and the waste that it generates,” he explains. Impact on domestic waste sector “If India imports plastic waste, it is bound to impact the local recycling markets and how waste is picked up domestically. Recyclers can easily pick up better-quality plastic waste from the shipyard to recycle, and more domestic plastic waste will end up not recycled, affecting the national circular economy goals,” says Nalini Shekar of Hasiru Dala, a Bengaluru-based waste management NGO. She also points out that this will impact the livelihoods of waste workers and others who depend on recycling domestic waste to earn a living. “If one waste picker picks up about 80 to 120 kilos of recyclables, they create around 24 jobs in the supply chain. This job creation will stop, as picking up waste on the street will become very expensive,” she explains. Mehta counters, on the other hand, that importing waste will create more jobs. Hiten Bheda, chairman, All India Plastic Manufacturers Association, says that what is called “waste” here can be a resource. “If the country is able to handle that resource skillfully and manage it well, and get input materials for the economy, there should not be a problem. But this is as long as it is not hurting local domestic industry,” he explains. Singh says that once waste reaches Indian ports, monitoring is weak. When there is mismanagement of imported waste, and it ends up in illegal sites, underprivileged communities are the most affected. “This waste piles up in low-income neighbourhoods, impacting their health,” he says. Shipping millions of tonnes of fossil-fuel-based plastic waste across the world has its own climate cost. “While one could argue that by importing plastic waste and recycling, there will be a reduction in the usage of virgin material, it’s important to note that recycling itself requires a lot of energy and water,” Sinha says. And since plastic can only be recycled a few times, the imported plastic will also end its life in India, he adds. Through the lens of climate, pollution and health India’s plastic waste is currently causing significant environmental harm. For instance, a substantial share is documented as ending up in rivers and coastal waters, contributing to the global crisis of marine debris. Despite the National Green Tribunal’s ban on the open burning of waste in open spaces, a 2024 study estimated that about 56.8 metric tonnes a year of municipal solid waste is open-burned in India, of which 5.8 metric tonnes is plastic. Studies have shown that open burning of plastics is associated with increased risks of heart disease, respiratory issues and neurological disorders. Moreover, the ash from open burning contains dioxins, heavy metals, and other toxicants that contaminate soil and groundwater. This harms local flora and fauna, and also disrupts their respective food chains. The degradation of plastics creates microplastics, which have been found everywhere: in soil, food and the human body. Exposure to microplastics has been linked to a wide array of concerning health risks, including cancer, heart attacks and reproductive problems. Plastic also becomes a vector for chemical pollutants. “It mobilises other pollutants, carrying them into rivers, oceans and food chains. The plastic itself may be relatively inert; what it delivers is not,” Sinha says. India also has a textile waste problem. There are severe health risks linked to long-term exposure to textile waste without proper safety measures. For instance, an investigation by The Guardian found that lung disease, skin conditions, and cancer are rising in Panipat, and this could be linked to the city’s textile waste recycling industry. In this light, importing such waste could not only risk environmental harm but also pose significant health risks if mismanaged. “Waste colonialism” The debate sits within a broader global reckoning over “waste colonialism”, a term that emerged in the late 1980s to describe wealthy countries exporting their waste burdens – often toxic – to developing and low-income countries, even though the latter didn’t have the technological or regulatory means to manage this waste. There is an evident power imbalance when the 24 countries that request exemptions to import waste from the EU are all developing countries. “To suggest that the EU is not going to continue to be reliant on Global South countries to manage its waste or the material that is not profitable for them to recirculate is absurd,” says Elizabeth Ricketts, co-founder of Ghana-based The Or Foundation and facilitator of the Stop Waste Colonialism campaign. She provides an example: “Only one per cent of clothing globally is recycled into new clothing, and right now the EU really only takes responsibility for recirculating about 10% of its own product.” There have been reports of highly contaminated waste being shipped fraudulently. Singh says “legal” waste dumping is already happening. “In the EU, costs of compliance and labour are high, and they have stricter rules regarding mismanagement, so there can’t be any burning of waste. So, sending it to countries like India is not from an environmental perspective but from an economic perspective,” he explains. Mehta rejects the colonial framing. “We are asking for waste imports. They did not ask us to compulsorily take their material. We have gone to them,” he says. Bheda says there is a need to look at a broader picture. “It’s a question of resource efficiency. Consider that by 2047, India would like to be a 30 trillion dollar economy, with 25% coming from manufacturing. If we put down the numbers, we will realise we need huge amounts of raw material to support that manufacturing activity. Do we have factories to churn out raw materials for such manufacturing? No. So, importing waste from the EU is more about importing raw materials, which is important for India’s economy,” he explains. However, he suggests a conditional and controlled exemption, provided there is no adverse effect on the domestic recycling industry because of the imports. The missing piece: Transparency Some of this opposition could be quelled with public clarity on how the imported waste will be used, where it will go, and the steps taken to prevent mismanagement. We reached out to the offices of the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change of India, the Central Pollution Control Board and the Directorate General of Foreign Trade with questions, but haven’t received a response yet. Importing countries must have strong domestic regulations and enforcement, must improve waste segregation and collection domestically, and must strengthen data collection and monitoring of waste, Sridhar and Kumar said in their study. They also called for tightening up the Basel Convention, and for improved international cooperation, including technology transfer for waste management to countries that need it. Sinha calls for transparency at every step. “Who has imported it? How has it been recycled? What quantity has been recycled? What amount of waste has been produced by it? What is the quantum of energy which has been used up in recycling this? The whole chain needs to be the tracking mechanism, and transparency is absolutely uppermost,” he says. More recently, there have also been calls for investing in “urban mining” to recover materials from India’s own e-waste. Since 2022, negotiations have been underway to frame and ratify a Global Plastics Treaty, and trade regulations would be a critical step in addressing how countries meet their commitments in the years ahead. As India weighs Europe’s scrap against its own waste crisis, the question is: are imports worth the real environmental and community costs?

Delhi's push for clear air: No tax on EVs up to ₹30 lakh, only electric 2-wheelers from Apr 2028

During last year's peak winter pollution period, vehicles contributed about 46 per cent to 53 per cent of the city's local PM2.5 levels, according to a report by the Centre for Science and Environment released on December 31 last year. In a far-reaching move, the Delhi government on Saturday proposed a hugely reformist electric vehicle policy, which includes zero registration fee and road tax on EVs priced up to 30 lakh, massive proliferation of charging stations and a ₹1 lakh incentive on purchase of new EVs upon scrapping old vehicles. The draft policy, which also requires at least 10 per cent of school buses to be electrically powered within two years, is largely aimed at reducing vehicular emissions, which have made Delhi one of the most polluted cities in the world. The government has proposed a 100 per cent exemption on road tax and registration fees for electric cars with an ex-showroom price of up to ₹30 lakh, valid till March 31, 2030. These segments, known for high daily usage, are seen as key contributors to Delhi's pollution. Cars priced above ₹30 lakh will not receive such benefits, while strong hybrid vehicles will be eligible for a 50 per cent tax exemption, signalling a transitional approach. Recognising that two-wheelers constitute the bulk of Delhi's vehicle population, the policy offers declining incentives to encourage early adoption. A Delhi resident buying an electric two-wheeler priced up to ₹2.25 lakh (ex-showroom) will receive an incentive of ₹10,000 per kilowatt-hour (kWh), up to a maximum of ₹30,000 in the first year from the date of notification of the policy. "In the second year, buyers will receive ₹6,600 per kWh, capped at ₹20,000, while in the third year, the incentive will drop to ₹3,300 per kWh, up to a maximum of ₹10,000," according to the draft policy. Meanwhile, only electric two-wheelers will be registered in Delhi from April 1, 2028. People of Delhi will get up to ₹1 lakh as a scrapping incentive on purchasing a new electric car in exchange for scrapping their old BS-IV and older vehicles. The benefit is limited to the first 1 lakh eligible applicants. Petrol and diesel vehicles will no longer be added to delivery and ride aggregator fleets in Delhi from this year, while only electric auto-rickshaws will be registered from next year. Besides, all vehicles hired by the Delhi government will be electric once the policy is notified. Chief Minister Rekha Gupta said the draft policy, proposed to be in force until March 31, 2030, outlines a comprehensive framework to promote clean and sustainable transport in the city. "The proposed Delhi EV Draft Policy 2026 is a significant step towards establishing a clean, accessible and sustainable transport system in the capital," she said. "Extensive financial incentives, tax exemptions, mandatory provisions and infrastructure development have been emphasised to promote electric vehicles in Delhi," the chief minister added. The Delhi government has earmarked a total outlay of ₹3,954.25 crore for the policy. This includes ₹1,236.25 crore for purchase incentives, ₹1,718 crore for scrapping incentives and ₹1,000 crore for charging infrastructure development, she added. Transport and vehicular emissions remain the single largest contributor to Delhi's local PM2.5 burden, accounting for nearly half of the pollution load. During last year's peak winter pollution period, vehicles contributed about 46 per cent to 53 per cent of the city's local PM2.5 levels, according to a report by the Centre for Science and Environment released on December 31 last year. Sunil Dahiya, founder and lead analyst at Envirocatalyst, said the Delhi EV Policy, 2026-2030, anchors the right to clean air directly to the constitutional right to life. "By addressing vehicular emissions, a primary pollution source, the government is finally ensuring the transport sector takes ownership of its responsibility to provide a livable environment," Dahiya told PTI. An apex committee chaired by the transport minister will oversee implementation and EV fund management, while a high-level committee headed by the chief secretary will coordinate among departments. The Delhi government unveiled its draft Electric Vehicle (EV) Policy, 2026-2030, placing financial incentives at the centre of an ambitious push to accelerate electric mobility and combat worsening air pollution in the capital. Keeping in mind vehicular pollution, the policy proposes a mix of subsidies, tax exemptions and scrappage incentives aimed at making electric vehicles more affordable. Electric three-wheelers and goods carriers are also covered under the incentives. This includes an e-auto subsidy of ₹50,000 in the first year, ₹40,000 in the second year, and ₹30,000 in the third year. For e-goods vehicles (N1 category), incentives up to ₹1 lakh will be provided in the first year from the date of notification. Under the policy, the Delhi government may also mandate 30 per cent of all school buses shift to electric by the end of March 2030. Total vehicle registrations in Delhi rose by 17.9 per cent to 8.50 lakh units in FY 2025-26, up from about 7.21 lakh units in 2024-25. Between the financial years 2019-20 and 2025-26, more than 4.07 lakh EVs were registered in the city. An analysis of data from the Vahan dashboard of the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways by EnviroCatalysts, an independent research body, showed that EV registrations increased from 83,512 in 2024 25 to 1.07 lakh in 2025 26. Hybrid electric vehicle registrations also rose during the same period, from 6,796 to 8,476. According to the draft policy, departments, autonomous bodies and civic agencies, including the Municipal Corporation of Delhi, the New Delhi Municipal Council and the Delhi Cantonment Board, will have to ensure that new civil projects are EV-charging-ready, with adequate electrical capacity for installing charging infrastructure. The policy proposes a "gradual decline in subsidies" to encourage early adoption and reduce long-term fiscal burden. While financial benefits form a major component of the policy, it also focuses on enabling infrastructure, including the expansion of the charging network across Delhi, promotion of battery swapping, dedicated EV fund for financing, battery recycling and traceability systems. The government aims to create a "comprehensive EV ecosystem" alongside consumer incentives. To support infrastructure, Delhi Transco Limited has been designated as the nodal agency for the planning and implementation of charging and battery swapping networks. A dedicated digital portal will be developed to streamline approvals, monitoring and operations.

Go local

The capacities are in place, a study by the NITI Aayog and the Centre for Science and Environment claims. Cities are increasingly converting domestic waste into compost and, as this writer has found in multiple locations, farmers think it works wonders. “Soil becomes lighter,” one farmer near Indore said, “and holds moisture longer.” The circuit — food grown on farms; food waste in cities processed into compost; compost going back to farms — is called the Urban Rural Nutrient and Carbon Cycle, a system that helps municipalities with waste management while providing farmers with cheap, carbon-rich compost. This idea is no longer theoretical. It has acquired urgency.

India’s 500 GW clean energy goal faces a critical mineral challenge

Sehr Raheja, programme officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, said, “Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and ‌refining, not just mining.” India is increasing its focus on renewable energy further, owing to the rising tensions in the Middle East, which create concerns about fuel supply. The country depends on imports for about 80 per cent of its oil and gas, now exposed to global risks. It also relies heavily on imports of key minerals required for clean energy technologies. India aims for 500 GW in renewables, including solar, wind, and hydro, by 2030. It is also scaling up battery storage and electric vehicles. The current climate goal of the nation aims for 60 per cent of power capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035, which will further increase demand for minerals. While India produces some materials like aluminium, copper and graphite, it relies on imports for key minerals such as lithium, cobalt and nickel. A report by NITI Aayog said demand for these minerals is expected to rise sharply by 2030 due to growth in renewable energy, storage and electric vehicles. A study by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry and Deloitte warned that rising demand could create supply risks if India does not build domestic capacity. Sehr Raheja, programme officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, said, “Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and ‌refining, not just mining.” India has launched a National Critical Mineral Mission to improve supply through mining, recycling and overseas sourcing, but progress has been slow due to project delays and other challenges. Saloni Sachdeva Michael, lead energy specialist at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, pointed out, “Even if companies want to set up refining units, there are gaps around financing, technology and clarity on who will buy the processed materials.”

India’s renewable energy drive exposes reliance on foreign mineral supplies

“Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining,” said Sehr Raheja, program officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. The conflict in the Middle East is pushing India, which imports 80 percent of its oil and gas, to accelerate its shift to renewables, but the country is also dependent on imports for the minerals and rare earth metals needed to power its green transition. India aims to install 500 gigawatts of green energy capacity including solar, wind and hydropower by 2030, alongside expanding battery storage and electric transport. The country’s latest climate goals, announced last month, also aim for 60 percent power capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035, which could further increase demand for critical minerals. While India produces some green minerals like copper and graphite, it remains highly dependent on imports for several others such as lithium, cobalt and nickel. A report by NITI Aayog, the government’s premier think-tank, found demand for these minerals is likely to rise sharply by 2030, driven by demand for renewable energy, storage and electric vehicles. A separate analysis by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry and Deloitte warned this rising demand could expose India to supply chain risks unless it built domestic capabilities. India’s energy transition is increasingly tied to securing these minerals and building processing capacity, areas where it remains dependent on foreign suppliers. It also faces difficult choices on where to invest, whether to prioritize mining, processing or recycling, each requiring time, capital and technological capability, energy experts told Thomson Reuters Foundation. “Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining,” said Sehr Raheja, program officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. “Batteries, electric vehicles and clean-tech manufacturing are more directly exposed, but the broader power transition is not immune,” Raheja said. Building the entire value chain domestically will take time, said Saloni Sachdeva Michael, lead energy specialist.

INDIA’S GREEN PLEDGE: NEW CLIMATE TARGETS SET 60% CLEAN POWER AND 47% EMISSIONS

The Centre for Science and Environment similarly projected the 60 per cent target may be reached seven years ahead of schedule, even without new policy action, assuming policy inertia continues. India’s updated climate targets to the Paris Agreement have come, well over a year later, and the debate over whether the world’s third-largest emitter has put forth sufficient targets has begun. On March 25, Prime Minister Narendra Modi-chaired Union Cabinet cleared India’s third Nationally Determined Contribution, which will be effective from 2031 to 2035. Its key three points: achieving a 47 per cent reduction in the emissions intensity of its GDP compared to 2005 levels by 2035 (up from 45 per cent by 2030); 60 per cent non-fossil fuel-based electricity installed capacity by 2035; and a forest and tree cover carbon sink of 3.5 to 4 billion tons of CO equivalent by 2035. “We will achieve these targets very easily by the speed at which we are pushing non-fossil fuel sources in our country. Successive targets in India’s climate plans always built upon the past objectives, many of which were achieved much ahead of schedule,” Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw declared happily. It’s true that India achieved its non-fossil installed capacity of over 50 per cent 5 years early and had achieved 52.57 per cent by February 2026. But critics contend the new goals aren’t bold enough given the projected pace. Vibhuti Garg, with IEEFA, stated the 60 per cent goal ‘does not truly reflect the pace of development nor the extent of opportunity going forward, noting India may even reach 60 per cent as early as 2028. The Centre for Science and Environment similarly projected the 60 per cent target may be reached seven years ahead of schedule, even without new policy action, assuming policy inertia continues. Avantika Goswami of CSE noted that the goals demonstrate ‘that India is doing more than its fair share, given that its historical contribution to global emissions is negligible, and a time when developing countries are going backwards on climate ambitions, strengthening their dependency on fossil fuels, and dragging the world towards war; India’s message conveys that the global south will lead with concrete and effective climate actions. The World Resources Institute characterised the declaration as one that ‘keeps India deeply attached to the multilateral climate process’. However, it also expressed concern over structural barriers, as 69% of India’s power comes from coal, and India is looking to add 56 GW of new coal plants by 2030.

Whether oil and gas, or green tech, India depends on imports

"Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining,” said Sehr Raheja, program officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. "Batteries, electric vehicles and clean-tech manufacturing are more directly exposed, but the broader power transition is not immune,” Raheja said. The conflict in the Middle East is pushing India, which imports 80 percent of its oil and gas, to accelerate its shift to renewables, but the country is also dependent on imports for the minerals and rare earth metals needed to power its green transition. India aims to install 500 gigawatts of green energy capacity including solar, wind and hydropower by 2030, alongside expanding battery storage and electric transport. The country’s latest climate goals, announced last month, also aim for 60 percent power capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035, which could further increase demand for critical minerals. While India produces some green minerals like copper and graphite, it remains highly dependent on imports for several others such as lithium, cobalt and nickel. A report by NITI Aayog, the government’s premier think-tank, found demand for these minerals is likely to rise sharply by 2030, driven by demand for renewable energy, storage and electric vehicles. A separate analysis by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry and Deloitte warned this rising demand could expose India to supply chain risks unless it built domestic capabilities. India’s energy transition is increasingly tied to securing these minerals and building processing capacity, areas where it remains dependent on foreign suppliers. It also faces difficult choices on where to invest, whether to prioritize mining, processing or recycling, each requiring time, capital and technological capability, energy experts told Thomson Reuters Foundation. “Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining,” said Sehr Raheja, program officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. “Batteries, electric vehicles and clean-tech manufacturing are more directly exposed, but the broader power transition is not immune,” Raheja said. Building the entire value chain domestically will take time, said Saloni Sachdeva Michael, lead energy specialist at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, an energy policy think-tank. Last year India launched a National Critical Mineral Mission to boost domestic supply through mining, recycling and overseas sourcing. But progress has been slow, with limited participation in mining auctions, long project timelines, and land and environmental hurdles. While India is focusing on expanding mining of these minerals, the bigger hurdles lie in processing and refining them. “Even if companies want to set up refining units, there are gaps around financing, technology and clarity on who will buy the processed materials,” Sachdeva said, adding that cost competitiveness with global suppliers is a concern. The global race for these minerals is intensifying. Resource-rich countries, particularly in Africa, are pushing to capture more value domestically through processing, while China dominates refining and major economies such as the United States and European Union are moving to lock in supply chains. While India is a late entrant in this race, Sachdeva said it could still build a role in processing, refining and recycling, even if it continues to rely on imports for some materials. India is the third-largest producer of electronic waste and is making early investments to recover more minerals from waste. “Recycling is the lowest hanging fruit for India right now,” Sachdeva said. For India, Raheja and Sachdeva said the challenge was no longer just adding renewable capacity, but building the material backbone needed to support it in a tightening global supply system. – Reuters

15 साल पुरानी बसें तो बंद होंगी पर हवा में जहर घोल रहे भोपाल नगर निगम के 50 साल पुराने वाहनों का क्या...?

भोपाल में पांच साल पहले तक वाहनों से होने वाला प्रदूषण देश के बड़े शहरों में सबसे कम माना जाता था। सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरमेंट (सीएसई) की 14 शहरों पर जारी रिपोर्ट में यह बात सामने आई थी। उस समय दिल्ली में परिवहन से सबसे ज्यादा प्रदूषण था, जबकि भोपाल सबसे बेहतर स्थिति में था। लेकिन अब हालात पूरी तरह बदल चुके हैं। राजधानी में वर्तमान वायु प्रदूषण में 30 फीसदी हिस्सेदारी वाहनों की हो गई है, जिसमें 15 फीसदी डीजल और 15 फीसदी पेट्रोल वाहन शामिल हैं। वाहनों से निकलने वाले पार्टिकुलेट मैटर, नाइट्रोजन ऑक्साइड और कार्बन डाईऑक्साइड पर्यावरण को नुकसान पहुंचा रहे हैं।

Pre-monsoon season emerging as new high-risk period for crops, analysis shows

The monsoon has long been seen as the most destructive season for Indian agriculture, with heavy rains and floods between June and September damaging crops across large areas. However, an analysis of data from 2022 to early April 2026 suggests a shift in both the timing and scale of risks to farming.Alongside the monsoon, the pre-monsoon season is now emerging as a new period of high risk to crops, according to the analysis based on India’s Interactive Atlas on Weather Disasters. Rising crop losses before the monsoonUnseasonal rains and hailstorms during the pre-monsoon period are increasingly damaging crops at a time once considered relatively safe for farming.In three of the past four years — 2022, 2024 and 2025 — a significant cropped area was affected by extreme weather events, particularly hailstorms, during the pre-monsoon season.The trend appears to be continuing in 2026. In just the first 38 days of the pre-monsoon period this year (March 1 to April 7), unseasonal rains ... Source: downtoearth.news https://www.downtoearth.org.in/climate-change/pre-monsoon-season-emerging-as-new-high-risk-period-for-crops-analysis-shows