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Why Does India Want to Import the EU’s Waste?

The European Union (EU) generated 2,233 million tonnes of waste, including 42,5 million tonnes of plastic waste, in 2022. India imported 3.5 million tonnes of it, roughly 20 times the waste the country itself generates in a single day, becoming the bloc’s second-largest waste destination. Plastic, metal, paper, textiles, e-waste: all of it flowed in. Now, as the EU moves to clamp down on waste exports to developing countries, India is among 24 countries asking for special exemptions to keep those shipments flowing. The request has reopened an uncomfortable question. Why does a country struggling to manage its own waste want to import Europe’s? While India maintains that these waste imports are vital for its recycling industry, there are concerns that waste gets poorly managed, imposing environmental and health costs on workers and local communities, and fuelling illegal trade networks. “We have enough waste in our own country that requires a well-defined collection system, and a sound reprocessing and recycling system,” says Satish Sinha, associate director at Toxics Link, a Delhi-based non-profit. Europe’s green image In March 2025, Inger Andersen, Under Secretary-General of the United Nations, told the European Union Council on Environment that Europe’s environmental leadership “has never been more needed or more welcome.” This came as yet another reminder of how the EU has positioned itself in environmental politics. However, this narrative overlooks the EU’s dependence on developing countries to meet its environmental goals through waste exports or resource extraction. Since 2004, EU waste exports have risen by 72%. Every year, the bloc ships out around 33 million tonnes of waste, nearly half of it to developing countries. The problem is not just volume, but oversight. Studies estimate that 15-30% of EU waste shipments may be illegal. The Basel Convention, which underpins global waste trade rules, has long been criticised for weak enforcement and loopholes that allow toxic waste to move under the label of recyclables, as researchers Lekha Sridhar and Parul Kumar’s 2019 study shows. The convention has been criticised for having made a negligible impact on international waste trade, not imposing a blanket ban on the export of toxic waste, and for the lack of a comprehensive non-compliance mechanism that could punish those breaching rules. In this light, it remains to be seen how effective the EU’s new waste regulation, under which India seeks authorisation to import “non-hazardous” European waste, will be. According to the European Commission, the new regulation aims to ensure that the EU doesn’t export its waste management problems to third countries, and that waste is managed in an “environmentally sound” manner. It is also intended to prevent illegal shipment of waste within the EU and exports to developing, non-OECD countries. (The OECD is a group of primarily rich market economies; all other countries are non-OECD.) The Indian government and recycling industry, in seeking imports, argue that these imports do not constitute dumping and instead provide feedstock for India’s nascent recycling industry. With rising consumption and dwindling access to virgin raw materials, imported scrap, they say, is essential. What India is asking for In 2024, the EU overhauled its Waste Shipment Regulations (WSR), implementing tougher controls on waste trade. Rules framed under WSR ban plastic waste exports to non-OECD countries from November 2026, alongside a general ban on waste export for disposal and on hazardous waste exports for materials recovery. But non-OECD countries can formally request permission to keep importing non-hazardous waste. In February 2025, India did just that. In its request for exemption, India has asked for about 150 types of waste from the EU, including plastic waste under B3011, which refers to mixtures of plastic wastes consisting of polyethylene (PE), polypropylene (PP) or polyethylene terephthalate (PET), as well as a group of cured resins, and non-halogenated and fluorinated polymers. India has also requested plastic under A3210, which covers hazardous plastic waste.  The request for exemptions includes paper waste, hazardous e-waste, rubber waste, waste tyres, lead scrap excluding metal waste in massive form, textile waste and waste collected from households. “We are a growing economy,” says Sanjay Mehta, President of the Mumbai-headquartered Material Recycling Association of India. “India has asked for plastic waste since a lot of demand for granules is coming from overseas countries, and we have skilled labour, which is economically cheaper than [EU labour].” Import, he says, is the only option as the availability of virgin-grade materials is decreasing. “We want to import [the right] quality and quantity of scrap material until we generate sufficient raw materials in the domestic market,” he says.  Critics warn that the exemption leaves the door open for continued illegal waste trade, and suggest India manage domestic plastic waste better. A country drowning in its own waste India generates around 1,60,038 tonnes of solid waste every day, which is about 111 tonnes or 10 trucks per minute. A little more than 18% goes straight to landfills – dumping grounds that create severe environmental and health concerns across India – while almost a third remains unaccounted for. About 80% of municipal solid waste is untreated or disposed of unscientifically. India is also the world’s third-largest fossil carbon dioxide emitter, according to the latest Global Carbon Project report. Pollution from waste generation and mismanagement contributes significantly to this footprint. Sinha says it does not make economic or environmental sense for India to import plastic waste. “We are the largest generators of plastic waste, and finding it difficult to manage our own plastic waste, so why import more? The whole country is littered with plastic at this point in time,” he emphasises. Data shows that no more than 60% of plastic waste in India is recycled, most of it by the informal sector, yet a significant amount continues to worsen environmental harm, biodiversity loss and pollution. Nearly 77% of the waste generated in cities is dumped. In its request for exemption, India has also asked for textile waste, when it is already home to about 8.5% ( 7,793 ktons) of global textile waste annually. Much of this flows to the Indian city of Panipat, which handles about 60% of India’s recycled textile waste, including a big chunk of imports from the European Union. The textile industry is the third-largest contributor to dry municipal solid waste and only about a third of India’s textile waste is reused, according to a 2025 report by the Center for Study of Science, Technology and Policy (CSTEP). The majority of the recycled yarns do not meet global quality standards. The rest of the waste is incinerated, downcycled or landfilled. Inclusion of e-waste on India’s list is also concerning, as escalating domestic e-waste generation has been a crucial issue. India generates about 2.9 million metric tonnes of e-waste, which makes it the third-largest e-waste generator globally. The majority of e-waste is processed by the informal waste management sector. In this process, informal workers are constantly put at risk with primitive, mostly manual, operations where environmental and occupational health and safety measures are largely ignored. In fact, in February, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) highlighted gaps in the management of e-waste across the country, stating that 17 states and union territories did not currently have any e-waste recycling facilities. So what is India’s rationale? Mehta cites a range of reasons why the import of waste is necessary – the lack of quality virgin feedstock, the need to support a growing recycling industry, generating employment and reducing mining. If India wants to export to the international market, Mehta explains, it needs high-value products, which require high-grade raw materials as feedstock – materials that are not hazardous and come from overseas markets. “If we don’t receive the material from the EU, then our circular economy will suffer greatly. There will be massive unemployment. We are receiving 35% of our raw materials from the European Union, so there’s a big dependency,” he says. The exemption is not a blanket permission and will be subject to strict EU requirements, Mehta clarifies, adding that imports will only be handled by those recyclers that comply with EU law. Further, waste imports are monitored and governed by the Central Pollution Control Board and the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change to ensure there is no malpractice and mismanagement. According to the European Union, the first list of countries exempted from the ban, which will continue to receive non-hazardous waste, was to be announced by 21 November 2026, with updates every two years, but there’s been no news so far. If approved, the exemptions will take effect from 21 May 2027, and the non-OECD countries on the list will continue to receive waste exports from the EU. Can India actually recycle what it wants to import? Do developing countries, which have become destinations for plastic dumping, have the capacity to recycle imported waste? Specifically, does India have the capacity? Mehta says yes, as it has the skilled manpower and a waste management industry that is working with the government to better organise the sector. Environmental experts are not so sure. “Even if India achieves all its recycling targets for plastics under its Extended Producer Responsibility regulations, the country’s recycling infrastructure still won’t have the capacity to handle more imports,” says Siddharth Ghanshyam Singh, Programme Manager at Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment. “India generates as much rigid-plastic waste as it can recycle,” Singh says, “and it actually generates more flexible plastics than its recycling systems can process. By no stretch of the imagination does it make sense to import plastic waste from other countries.” Moreover, Sinha points out, plastic recycled in India gets downcycled – its quality deteriorates from the original. “Most of the recycling industry does not use high-tech technology, especially in small-scale recycling facilities. So it creates more pollution as well as more problems than solutions it provides because of energy consumption, and the waste that it generates,” he explains. Impact on domestic waste sector “If India imports plastic waste, it is bound to impact the local recycling markets and how waste is picked up domestically. Recyclers can easily pick up better-quality plastic waste from the shipyard to recycle, and more domestic plastic waste will end up not recycled, affecting the national circular economy goals,” says Nalini Shekar of Hasiru Dala, a Bengaluru-based waste management NGO. She also points out that this will impact the livelihoods of waste workers and others who depend on recycling domestic waste to earn a living. “If one waste picker picks up about 80 to 120 kilos of recyclables, they create around 24 jobs in the supply chain. This job creation will stop, as picking up waste on the street will become very expensive,” she explains. Mehta counters, on the other hand, that importing waste will create more jobs. Hiten Bheda, chairman, All India Plastic Manufacturers Association, says that what is called “waste” here can be a resource. “If the country is able to handle that resource skillfully and manage it well, and get input materials for the economy, there should not be a problem. But this is as long as it is not hurting local domestic industry,” he explains. Singh says that once waste reaches Indian ports, monitoring is weak. When there is mismanagement of imported waste, and it ends up in illegal sites, underprivileged communities are the most affected. “This waste piles up in low-income neighbourhoods, impacting their health,” he says. Shipping millions of tonnes of fossil-fuel-based plastic waste across the world has its own climate cost. “While one could argue that by importing plastic waste and recycling, there will be a reduction in the usage of virgin material, it’s important to note that recycling itself requires a lot of energy and water,” Sinha says. And since plastic can only be recycled a few times, the imported plastic will also end its life in India, he adds. Through the lens of climate, pollution and health India’s plastic waste is currently causing significant environmental harm. For instance, a substantial share is documented as ending up in rivers and coastal waters, contributing to the global crisis of marine debris. Despite the National Green Tribunal’s ban on the open burning of waste in open spaces, a 2024 study estimated that about 56.8 metric tonnes a year of municipal solid waste is open-burned in India, of which 5.8 metric tonnes is plastic. Studies have shown that open burning of plastics is associated with increased risks of heart disease, respiratory issues and neurological disorders. Moreover, the ash from open burning contains dioxins, heavy metals, and other toxicants that contaminate soil and groundwater. This harms local flora and fauna, and also disrupts their respective food chains. The degradation of plastics creates microplastics, which have been found everywhere: in soil, food and the human body. Exposure to microplastics has been linked to a wide array of concerning health risks, including cancer, heart attacks and reproductive problems. Plastic also becomes a vector for chemical pollutants. “It mobilises other pollutants, carrying them into rivers, oceans and food chains. The plastic itself may be relatively inert; what it delivers is not,” Sinha says. India also has a textile waste problem. There are severe health risks linked to long-term exposure to textile waste without proper safety measures. For instance, an investigation by The Guardian found that lung disease, skin conditions, and cancer are rising in Panipat, and this could be linked to the city’s textile waste recycling industry. In this light, importing such waste could not only risk environmental harm but also pose significant health risks if mismanaged. “Waste colonialism” The debate sits within a broader global reckoning over “waste colonialism”, a term that emerged in the late 1980s to describe wealthy countries exporting their waste burdens – often toxic – to developing and low-income countries, even though the latter didn’t have the technological or regulatory means to manage this waste. There is an evident power imbalance when the 24 countries that request exemptions to import waste from the EU are all developing countries. “To suggest that the EU is not going to continue to be reliant on Global South countries to manage its waste or the material that is not profitable for them to recirculate is absurd,” says Elizabeth Ricketts, co-founder of Ghana-based The Or Foundation and facilitator of the Stop Waste Colonialism campaign. She provides an example: “Only one per cent of clothing globally is recycled into new clothing, and right now the EU really only takes responsibility for recirculating about 10% of its own product.” There have been reports of highly contaminated waste being shipped fraudulently. Singh says “legal” waste dumping is already happening. “In the EU, costs of compliance and labour are high, and they have stricter rules regarding mismanagement, so there can’t be any burning of waste. So, sending it to countries like India is not from an environmental perspective but from an economic perspective,” he explains. Mehta rejects the colonial framing. “We are asking for waste imports. They did not ask us to compulsorily take their material. We have gone to them,” he says. Bheda says there is a need to look at a broader picture. “It’s a question of resource efficiency. Consider that by 2047, India would like to be a 30 trillion dollar economy, with 25% coming from manufacturing. If we put down the numbers, we will realise we need huge amounts of raw material to support that manufacturing activity. Do we have factories to churn out raw materials for such manufacturing? No. So, importing waste from the EU is more about importing raw materials, which is important for India’s economy,” he explains. However, he suggests a conditional and controlled exemption, provided there is no adverse effect on the domestic recycling industry because of the imports. The missing piece: Transparency Some of this opposition could be quelled with public clarity on how the imported waste will be used, where it will go, and the steps taken to prevent mismanagement. We reached out to the offices of the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change of India, the Central Pollution Control Board and the Directorate General of Foreign Trade with questions, but haven’t received a response yet. Importing countries must have strong domestic regulations and enforcement, must improve waste segregation and collection domestically, and must strengthen data collection and monitoring of waste, Sridhar and Kumar said in their study. They also called for tightening up the Basel Convention, and for improved international cooperation, including technology transfer for waste management to countries that need it. Sinha calls for transparency at every step. “Who has imported it? How has it been recycled? What quantity has been recycled? What amount of waste has been produced by it? What is the quantum of energy which has been used up in recycling this? The whole chain needs to be the tracking mechanism, and transparency is absolutely uppermost,” he says. More recently, there have also been calls for investing in “urban mining” to recover materials from India’s own e-waste. Since 2022, negotiations have been underway to frame and ratify a Global Plastics Treaty, and trade regulations would be a critical step in addressing how countries meet their commitments in the years ahead. As India weighs Europe’s scrap against its own waste crisis, the question is: are imports worth the real environmental and community costs?

Delhi's push for clear air: No tax on EVs up to ₹30 lakh, only electric 2-wheelers from Apr 2028

During last year's peak winter pollution period, vehicles contributed about 46 per cent to 53 per cent of the city's local PM2.5 levels, according to a report by the Centre for Science and Environment released on December 31 last year. In a far-reaching move, the Delhi government on Saturday proposed a hugely reformist electric vehicle policy, which includes zero registration fee and road tax on EVs priced up to 30 lakh, massive proliferation of charging stations and a ₹1 lakh incentive on purchase of new EVs upon scrapping old vehicles. The draft policy, which also requires at least 10 per cent of school buses to be electrically powered within two years, is largely aimed at reducing vehicular emissions, which have made Delhi one of the most polluted cities in the world. The government has proposed a 100 per cent exemption on road tax and registration fees for electric cars with an ex-showroom price of up to ₹30 lakh, valid till March 31, 2030. These segments, known for high daily usage, are seen as key contributors to Delhi's pollution. Cars priced above ₹30 lakh will not receive such benefits, while strong hybrid vehicles will be eligible for a 50 per cent tax exemption, signalling a transitional approach. Recognising that two-wheelers constitute the bulk of Delhi's vehicle population, the policy offers declining incentives to encourage early adoption. A Delhi resident buying an electric two-wheeler priced up to ₹2.25 lakh (ex-showroom) will receive an incentive of ₹10,000 per kilowatt-hour (kWh), up to a maximum of ₹30,000 in the first year from the date of notification of the policy. "In the second year, buyers will receive ₹6,600 per kWh, capped at ₹20,000, while in the third year, the incentive will drop to ₹3,300 per kWh, up to a maximum of ₹10,000," according to the draft policy. Meanwhile, only electric two-wheelers will be registered in Delhi from April 1, 2028. People of Delhi will get up to ₹1 lakh as a scrapping incentive on purchasing a new electric car in exchange for scrapping their old BS-IV and older vehicles. The benefit is limited to the first 1 lakh eligible applicants. Petrol and diesel vehicles will no longer be added to delivery and ride aggregator fleets in Delhi from this year, while only electric auto-rickshaws will be registered from next year. Besides, all vehicles hired by the Delhi government will be electric once the policy is notified. Chief Minister Rekha Gupta said the draft policy, proposed to be in force until March 31, 2030, outlines a comprehensive framework to promote clean and sustainable transport in the city. "The proposed Delhi EV Draft Policy 2026 is a significant step towards establishing a clean, accessible and sustainable transport system in the capital," she said. "Extensive financial incentives, tax exemptions, mandatory provisions and infrastructure development have been emphasised to promote electric vehicles in Delhi," the chief minister added. The Delhi government has earmarked a total outlay of ₹3,954.25 crore for the policy. This includes ₹1,236.25 crore for purchase incentives, ₹1,718 crore for scrapping incentives and ₹1,000 crore for charging infrastructure development, she added. Transport and vehicular emissions remain the single largest contributor to Delhi's local PM2.5 burden, accounting for nearly half of the pollution load. During last year's peak winter pollution period, vehicles contributed about 46 per cent to 53 per cent of the city's local PM2.5 levels, according to a report by the Centre for Science and Environment released on December 31 last year. Sunil Dahiya, founder and lead analyst at Envirocatalyst, said the Delhi EV Policy, 2026-2030, anchors the right to clean air directly to the constitutional right to life. "By addressing vehicular emissions, a primary pollution source, the government is finally ensuring the transport sector takes ownership of its responsibility to provide a livable environment," Dahiya told PTI. An apex committee chaired by the transport minister will oversee implementation and EV fund management, while a high-level committee headed by the chief secretary will coordinate among departments. The Delhi government unveiled its draft Electric Vehicle (EV) Policy, 2026-2030, placing financial incentives at the centre of an ambitious push to accelerate electric mobility and combat worsening air pollution in the capital. Keeping in mind vehicular pollution, the policy proposes a mix of subsidies, tax exemptions and scrappage incentives aimed at making electric vehicles more affordable. Electric three-wheelers and goods carriers are also covered under the incentives. This includes an e-auto subsidy of ₹50,000 in the first year, ₹40,000 in the second year, and ₹30,000 in the third year. For e-goods vehicles (N1 category), incentives up to ₹1 lakh will be provided in the first year from the date of notification. Under the policy, the Delhi government may also mandate 30 per cent of all school buses shift to electric by the end of March 2030. Total vehicle registrations in Delhi rose by 17.9 per cent to 8.50 lakh units in FY 2025-26, up from about 7.21 lakh units in 2024-25. Between the financial years 2019-20 and 2025-26, more than 4.07 lakh EVs were registered in the city. An analysis of data from the Vahan dashboard of the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways by EnviroCatalysts, an independent research body, showed that EV registrations increased from 83,512 in 2024 25 to 1.07 lakh in 2025 26. Hybrid electric vehicle registrations also rose during the same period, from 6,796 to 8,476. According to the draft policy, departments, autonomous bodies and civic agencies, including the Municipal Corporation of Delhi, the New Delhi Municipal Council and the Delhi Cantonment Board, will have to ensure that new civil projects are EV-charging-ready, with adequate electrical capacity for installing charging infrastructure. The policy proposes a "gradual decline in subsidies" to encourage early adoption and reduce long-term fiscal burden. While financial benefits form a major component of the policy, it also focuses on enabling infrastructure, including the expansion of the charging network across Delhi, promotion of battery swapping, dedicated EV fund for financing, battery recycling and traceability systems. The government aims to create a "comprehensive EV ecosystem" alongside consumer incentives. To support infrastructure, Delhi Transco Limited has been designated as the nodal agency for the planning and implementation of charging and battery swapping networks. A dedicated digital portal will be developed to streamline approvals, monitoring and operations.

Go local

The capacities are in place, a study by the NITI Aayog and the Centre for Science and Environment claims. Cities are increasingly converting domestic waste into compost and, as this writer has found in multiple locations, farmers think it works wonders. “Soil becomes lighter,” one farmer near Indore said, “and holds moisture longer.” The circuit — food grown on farms; food waste in cities processed into compost; compost going back to farms — is called the Urban Rural Nutrient and Carbon Cycle, a system that helps municipalities with waste management while providing farmers with cheap, carbon-rich compost. This idea is no longer theoretical. It has acquired urgency.

India’s 500 GW clean energy goal faces a critical mineral challenge

Sehr Raheja, programme officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, said, “Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and ‌refining, not just mining.” India is increasing its focus on renewable energy further, owing to the rising tensions in the Middle East, which create concerns about fuel supply. The country depends on imports for about 80 per cent of its oil and gas, now exposed to global risks. It also relies heavily on imports of key minerals required for clean energy technologies. India aims for 500 GW in renewables, including solar, wind, and hydro, by 2030. It is also scaling up battery storage and electric vehicles. The current climate goal of the nation aims for 60 per cent of power capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035, which will further increase demand for minerals. While India produces some materials like aluminium, copper and graphite, it relies on imports for key minerals such as lithium, cobalt and nickel. A report by NITI Aayog said demand for these minerals is expected to rise sharply by 2030 due to growth in renewable energy, storage and electric vehicles. A study by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry and Deloitte warned that rising demand could create supply risks if India does not build domestic capacity. Sehr Raheja, programme officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, said, “Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and ‌refining, not just mining.” India has launched a National Critical Mineral Mission to improve supply through mining, recycling and overseas sourcing, but progress has been slow due to project delays and other challenges. Saloni Sachdeva Michael, lead energy specialist at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, pointed out, “Even if companies want to set up refining units, there are gaps around financing, technology and clarity on who will buy the processed materials.”

India’s renewable energy drive exposes reliance on foreign mineral supplies

“Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining,” said Sehr Raheja, program officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. The conflict in the Middle East is pushing India, which imports 80 percent of its oil and gas, to accelerate its shift to renewables, but the country is also dependent on imports for the minerals and rare earth metals needed to power its green transition. India aims to install 500 gigawatts of green energy capacity including solar, wind and hydropower by 2030, alongside expanding battery storage and electric transport. The country’s latest climate goals, announced last month, also aim for 60 percent power capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035, which could further increase demand for critical minerals. While India produces some green minerals like copper and graphite, it remains highly dependent on imports for several others such as lithium, cobalt and nickel. A report by NITI Aayog, the government’s premier think-tank, found demand for these minerals is likely to rise sharply by 2030, driven by demand for renewable energy, storage and electric vehicles. A separate analysis by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry and Deloitte warned this rising demand could expose India to supply chain risks unless it built domestic capabilities. India’s energy transition is increasingly tied to securing these minerals and building processing capacity, areas where it remains dependent on foreign suppliers. It also faces difficult choices on where to invest, whether to prioritize mining, processing or recycling, each requiring time, capital and technological capability, energy experts told Thomson Reuters Foundation. “Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining,” said Sehr Raheja, program officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. “Batteries, electric vehicles and clean-tech manufacturing are more directly exposed, but the broader power transition is not immune,” Raheja said. Building the entire value chain domestically will take time, said Saloni Sachdeva Michael, lead energy specialist.

INDIA’S GREEN PLEDGE: NEW CLIMATE TARGETS SET 60% CLEAN POWER AND 47% EMISSIONS

The Centre for Science and Environment similarly projected the 60 per cent target may be reached seven years ahead of schedule, even without new policy action, assuming policy inertia continues. India’s updated climate targets to the Paris Agreement have come, well over a year later, and the debate over whether the world’s third-largest emitter has put forth sufficient targets has begun. On March 25, Prime Minister Narendra Modi-chaired Union Cabinet cleared India’s third Nationally Determined Contribution, which will be effective from 2031 to 2035. Its key three points: achieving a 47 per cent reduction in the emissions intensity of its GDP compared to 2005 levels by 2035 (up from 45 per cent by 2030); 60 per cent non-fossil fuel-based electricity installed capacity by 2035; and a forest and tree cover carbon sink of 3.5 to 4 billion tons of CO equivalent by 2035. “We will achieve these targets very easily by the speed at which we are pushing non-fossil fuel sources in our country. Successive targets in India’s climate plans always built upon the past objectives, many of which were achieved much ahead of schedule,” Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw declared happily. It’s true that India achieved its non-fossil installed capacity of over 50 per cent 5 years early and had achieved 52.57 per cent by February 2026. But critics contend the new goals aren’t bold enough given the projected pace. Vibhuti Garg, with IEEFA, stated the 60 per cent goal ‘does not truly reflect the pace of development nor the extent of opportunity going forward, noting India may even reach 60 per cent as early as 2028. The Centre for Science and Environment similarly projected the 60 per cent target may be reached seven years ahead of schedule, even without new policy action, assuming policy inertia continues. Avantika Goswami of CSE noted that the goals demonstrate ‘that India is doing more than its fair share, given that its historical contribution to global emissions is negligible, and a time when developing countries are going backwards on climate ambitions, strengthening their dependency on fossil fuels, and dragging the world towards war; India’s message conveys that the global south will lead with concrete and effective climate actions. The World Resources Institute characterised the declaration as one that ‘keeps India deeply attached to the multilateral climate process’. However, it also expressed concern over structural barriers, as 69% of India’s power comes from coal, and India is looking to add 56 GW of new coal plants by 2030.

Whether oil and gas, or green tech, India depends on imports

"Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining,” said Sehr Raheja, program officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. "Batteries, electric vehicles and clean-tech manufacturing are more directly exposed, but the broader power transition is not immune,” Raheja said. The conflict in the Middle East is pushing India, which imports 80 percent of its oil and gas, to accelerate its shift to renewables, but the country is also dependent on imports for the minerals and rare earth metals needed to power its green transition. India aims to install 500 gigawatts of green energy capacity including solar, wind and hydropower by 2030, alongside expanding battery storage and electric transport. The country’s latest climate goals, announced last month, also aim for 60 percent power capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035, which could further increase demand for critical minerals. While India produces some green minerals like copper and graphite, it remains highly dependent on imports for several others such as lithium, cobalt and nickel. A report by NITI Aayog, the government’s premier think-tank, found demand for these minerals is likely to rise sharply by 2030, driven by demand for renewable energy, storage and electric vehicles. A separate analysis by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry and Deloitte warned this rising demand could expose India to supply chain risks unless it built domestic capabilities. India’s energy transition is increasingly tied to securing these minerals and building processing capacity, areas where it remains dependent on foreign suppliers. It also faces difficult choices on where to invest, whether to prioritize mining, processing or recycling, each requiring time, capital and technological capability, energy experts told Thomson Reuters Foundation. “Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining,” said Sehr Raheja, program officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. “Batteries, electric vehicles and clean-tech manufacturing are more directly exposed, but the broader power transition is not immune,” Raheja said. Building the entire value chain domestically will take time, said Saloni Sachdeva Michael, lead energy specialist at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, an energy policy think-tank. Last year India launched a National Critical Mineral Mission to boost domestic supply through mining, recycling and overseas sourcing. But progress has been slow, with limited participation in mining auctions, long project timelines, and land and environmental hurdles. While India is focusing on expanding mining of these minerals, the bigger hurdles lie in processing and refining them. “Even if companies want to set up refining units, there are gaps around financing, technology and clarity on who will buy the processed materials,” Sachdeva said, adding that cost competitiveness with global suppliers is a concern. The global race for these minerals is intensifying. Resource-rich countries, particularly in Africa, are pushing to capture more value domestically through processing, while China dominates refining and major economies such as the United States and European Union are moving to lock in supply chains. While India is a late entrant in this race, Sachdeva said it could still build a role in processing, refining and recycling, even if it continues to rely on imports for some materials. India is the third-largest producer of electronic waste and is making early investments to recover more minerals from waste. “Recycling is the lowest hanging fruit for India right now,” Sachdeva said. For India, Raheja and Sachdeva said the challenge was no longer just adding renewable capacity, but building the material backbone needed to support it in a tightening global supply system. – Reuters

15 साल पुरानी बसें तो बंद होंगी पर हवा में जहर घोल रहे भोपाल नगर निगम के 50 साल पुराने वाहनों का क्या...?

भोपाल में पांच साल पहले तक वाहनों से होने वाला प्रदूषण देश के बड़े शहरों में सबसे कम माना जाता था। सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरमेंट (सीएसई) की 14 शहरों पर जारी रिपोर्ट में यह बात सामने आई थी। उस समय दिल्ली में परिवहन से सबसे ज्यादा प्रदूषण था, जबकि भोपाल सबसे बेहतर स्थिति में था। लेकिन अब हालात पूरी तरह बदल चुके हैं। राजधानी में वर्तमान वायु प्रदूषण में 30 फीसदी हिस्सेदारी वाहनों की हो गई है, जिसमें 15 फीसदी डीजल और 15 फीसदी पेट्रोल वाहन शामिल हैं। वाहनों से निकलने वाले पार्टिकुलेट मैटर, नाइट्रोजन ऑक्साइड और कार्बन डाईऑक्साइड पर्यावरण को नुकसान पहुंचा रहे हैं।

Pre-monsoon season emerging as new high-risk period for crops, analysis shows

The monsoon has long been seen as the most destructive season for Indian agriculture, with heavy rains and floods between June and September damaging crops across large areas. However, an analysis of data from 2022 to early April 2026 suggests a shift in both the timing and scale of risks to farming.Alongside the monsoon, the pre-monsoon season is now emerging as a new period of high risk to crops, according to the analysis based on India’s Interactive Atlas on Weather Disasters. Rising crop losses before the monsoonUnseasonal rains and hailstorms during the pre-monsoon period are increasingly damaging crops at a time once considered relatively safe for farming.In three of the past four years — 2022, 2024 and 2025 — a significant cropped area was affected by extreme weather events, particularly hailstorms, during the pre-monsoon season.The trend appears to be continuing in 2026. In just the first 38 days of the pre-monsoon period this year (March 1 to April 7), unseasonal rains ... Source: downtoearth.news https://www.downtoearth.org.in/climate-change/pre-monsoon-season-emerging-as-new-high-risk-period-for-crops-analysis-shows

What are the health impacts of sea-level rise, and who should pay?

The director general of India’s Centre for Science and Environment, Sunita Narain, said: “It is clear that women are disproportionately hit … The increased frequency and intensity of these weather events puts pressure on livelihoods and this means that the men are the first to migrate in search of work. “This then puts additional pressure on women to cope and indeed survive.” In November in Solomon Islands, the former Tongan health minister Dr Saia Ma’u Piukala stood outside the main hospital in Honiara and “watched seawater lapping at its outer walls”. “The facility is now under threat, with plans under way to relocate it to higher ground – a massive and costly undertaking,” Saia, a surgeon and now the World Health Organization’s regional director for the western Pacific, tells the Guardian. “It should never have come to this.” The impact on patients and health services is just one part of a growing health burden driven by sea-level rise, including water contamination, infectious disease, food insecurity, displacement and worsening mental health. In 2024, at the inaugural UN general assembly meeting on sea-level rise, representatives of small island developing states and low-lying countries described the issue as a global crisis threatening 1 billion people worldwide, urging governments globally to act to protect their health and lives. “We contributed almost nothing to this global scourge but it is our land that is being consumed by the sea,” Samoa’s then prime minister, Afioga Fiamē Naomi Mataʻafa, told the meeting. The result is a Lancet Commission on sea-level rise health and justice, co-chaired by the leading climate negotiator Christiana Figueres and enlisting almost two dozen health and environment experts as commissioners – Saia among them. One of the most difficult questions the commission will grapple with is this: who should be responsible for paying when cities like Honiara are forced to rebuild critical infrastructure due to the impacts of some of the most polluting corporations and countries? In 14 Pacific island countries, Saia says, 62% of health infrastructure lies within 500 metres of the coast. “The consequences of inaction are now too severe to ignore,” he says. “The evidence of climate‑related health harm is overwhelming and irrefutable. “As both a doctor and a former health minister, I firmly believe that health is ultimately a political choice.” What are the health impacts of sea-level rise? One of the most immediate health consequences is unsafe water, as saltwater seeps into underground freshwater sources and contaminates drinking supplies. Flooding can overwhelm sanitation systems, pushing sewage and pollutants into water sources and increasing the risk of waterborne diseases such as cholera and leptospirosis. Human migrations and displacements caused by sea-level rise also lead to overcrowding and poor conditions, fuelling the spread of infectious disease. Salinated water may lead to increases in blood pressure, with higher salt intake linked to hypertension and damage to the heart, brain, kidneys and blood vessels. And when salinated water destroys crops, populations become malnourished, with many losing their livelihoods as farmland becomes unviable. A co-chair of the commission, Prof Kathryn Bowen, said sea-level rise would be a core component of the health chapter of the seventh report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the UN body that assesses the science related to climate change. “One of the core human needs is fresh water,” she says. “We’re starting to see that this salinity and contamination is linked to worse cardiovascular, renal and pregnancy related health outcomes, and we know that the combination of sea water intrusion and agricultural practices has also been linked to heavy metal sources being found in groundwater.” What are the gender inequality impacts? In some countries, women and girls are largely responsible for collecting water for cooking and sanitation, and are forced to travel further when local supplies are polluted. Longer journeys increase their exposure to sexual violence, as well as exploitation and waterborne disease. Sea-level rise also makes weather events more dangerous, as storm surges and flooding reach further inland. Crowded emergency shelters can expose women and girls to sexual violence and poor sanitation, leading some to avoid shelters altogether. Pregnant women and young children are particularly vulnerable to diseases from drinking-water contamination, and disrupted healthcare access is linked to poor pregnancy outcomes and child health risks. The director general of India’s Centre for Science and Environment, Sunita Narain, said: “It is clear that women are disproportionately hit … The increased frequency and intensity of these weather events puts pressure on livelihoods and this means that the men are the first to migrate in search of work. “This then puts additional pressure on women to cope and indeed survive.” What impacts does relocation have? Even when relocation in response to the threat of sea-level rise is planned, Bowen says, deliberate and permanent relocation ahead of disaster has profound impacts, with education, housing and other critical services also needing to move. Saia has seen the health impacts of this relocation first-hand. “In the Pacific, health is inseparable from identity,” he says. “Sea‑level rise does not just take land; it erodes culture, traditions and people’s sense of belonging. “In low‑lying atoll countries such as Kiribati, Nauru, the Marshall Islands and Tuvalu, families are being pushed off ancestral land as erosion worsens and flooding becomes routine. This disrupts food systems, community practices and social cohesion. “Protecting health means safeguarding both physical facilities and the deep connections to place that sustain wellbeing.” How will the Lancet Commission work? The commission will focus its work on areas where sanitation systems are compromised, waterborne and vector-borne diseases are accelerating and health services are strained. By the end of 2027, it will present recommendations designed for adoption by governments, institutions and civil society. “This commission is obviously going to be fairly dire in many of its findings,” Bowen says. “But we have to balance that with the fact that we know how to get ourselves out of this, that we’ve got so many ingredients to propose a strong set of solutions. “One of the principals of the Commission’s work is imagination, and as part of that we need to find ways to promote empathy and connection and move away from the individualistic ways of life we are all being pushed towards, particularly through political structures. “But quite fundamentally, we need to be urgently reducing our emissions. We can’t adapt our way out of this.”

Be warned: Soft drinks are silent killers

Research conducted by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has raised serious concerns about the contents of soft drinks, including the presence of pesticide residues. These beverages are composed of carbonated water, high quantities of sugar or corn syrup, artificial sweeteners like aspartame, caramel coloring, phosphoric and citric acids, caffeine, and chemical preservatives such as potassium benzoate and potassium citrate. Some studies have also reported traces of harmful pesticides including lindane, DDT, and malathion, highlighting the potential risks associated with regular consumption. With the onset of summer, a familiar yet troubling pattern emerges across society. Alongside rising temperatures comes an equally sharp rise in the consumption of soft drinks. Fueled by relentless advertising campaigns, particularly during high-profile events like the IPL, these beverages are promoted as symbols of refreshment and enjoyment. Supermarkets and shopping malls witness a surge in bulk purchases, while refrigerators in many homes are stocked with bottles of sugary drinks, often treated as essential summer staples. However, the perception that soft drinks provide cooling relief is largely misleading. Scientific evidence increasingly points to the contrary, indicating that these beverages contribute significantly to deteriorating health. Over time, people have unknowingly embraced habits that undermine their well-being, influenced by modern consumer culture and aggressive marketing strategies. Research conducted by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has raised serious concerns about the contents of soft drinks, including the presence of pesticide residues. These beverages are composed of carbonated water, high quantities of sugar or corn syrup, artificial sweeteners like aspartame, caramel coloring, phosphoric and citric acids, caffeine, and chemical preservatives such as potassium benzoate and potassium citrate. Some studies have also reported traces of harmful pesticides including lindane, DDT, and malathion, highlighting the potential risks associated with regular consumption. Despite such alarming findings, regulatory responses have remained inadequate. Soft drink companies continue to generate enormous profits, often at the expense of public health. Compounding the issue is the role of celebrities and athletes who endorse these products for substantial financial gain, thereby normalizing and encouraging their consumption among the masses. The health implications of soft drink consumption are profound and far-reaching. Their acidic nature, often compared to that of certain cleaning agents, can have damaging effects on the human body. Regular intake is linked to obesity, hypertension, diabetes, respiratory complications, weakened bones, joint pain, and digestive disorders. Over the long term, it increases the risk of kidney failure, liver disease, cardiovascular problems, and even cancer. Pregnant women who consume these beverages may inadvertently expose their unborn children to potential health risks. The high sugar content in soft drinks frequently exceeds recommended daily limits, leading to weight gain, insulin resistance, and the development of Type 2 diabetes. Their acidity erodes dental enamel, resulting in cavities and long-term dental damage, while also causing irritation to the digestive system. One striking illustration of their corrosive nature is often cited: human teeth, which can withstand extreme conditions such as fire and prolonged burial, have been observed to deteriorate when immersed in soft drinks over a period of days. While this example is often used symbolically, it underscores growing concerns about the impact of these beverages on the body’s internal systems. In contrast, traditional and natural alternatives such as buttermilk, lassi, fresh fruit juices, ragi malt, and seasonal fruits like watermelon and cucumber offer safer and more nutritious options, particularly during the summer months. Encouraging these choices requires a conscious shift in lifestyle, beginning within households and extending to social practices. Avoiding soft drinks at public gatherings, including weddings and celebrations, can serve as an important step toward promoting healthier habits. The issue also calls for broader societal and policy-level interventions. Increased public awareness, responsible advertising practices, and stricter regulatory measures are essential to curb the unchecked spread of unhealthy consumption patterns. There is also a need to hold public figures accountable for endorsing products that may harm community health. Soft drinks, often perceived as harmless refreshments, demand closer scrutiny. The growing body of evidence suggests that they function less as thirst quenchers and more as contributors to long-term health risks. Recognizing this reality is the first step toward safeguarding public health and fostering a culture that prioritizes well-being over convenience and commercial influence.

Whether oil and gas, or green tech, India depends on imports

"Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more ⁠immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining," said Sehr Raheja, programme officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. The conflict in the West Asia is pushing India, which imports 80 per cent of its oil and gas, to accelerate its shift to renewables, but the country is also dependent on imports for the minerals and rare earth metals needed to power its green transition. India aims to install 500 gigawatts of green energy capacity including solar, wind and hydropower by 2030, alongside expanding battery storage and electric transport. The country's latest climate goals, announced last ‌month, also aim for ⁠60 per cent power ⁠capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035, which could further increase demand for critical minerals. While India produces some green minerals like copper and graphite, it remains highly dependent on imports for several others such as lithium, cobalt and nickel. A report by NITI Aayog, the government's premier think-tank, found demand for these minerals is likely to rise sharply by 2030, driven by demand for renewable energy, storage and electric vehicles. A separate analysis by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry and Deloitte warned this rising demand could expose India to supply chain risks unless it built domestic capabilities. India's energy transition is increasingly tied to securing these minerals and building processing capacity, areas where it remains ⁠dependent on foreign ‌suppliers. It also faces difficult choices on where to invest, whether to prioritise mining, processing or recycling, each requiring time, capital and technological capability, energy experts told Thomson Reuters Foundation. "Critical minerals are a real strategic vulnerability for India. The more ⁠immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining," said Sehr Raheja, programme officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. "Batteries, electric vehicles and clean-tech manufacturing are more directly exposed, but the broader power transition is not immune," Raheja said. Global race for minerals Building the entire value chain domestically will take time, said Saloni Sachdeva Michael, lead energy specialist at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, an energy policy think-tank. Last year India launched a National Critical Mineral Mission to boost domestic supply through mining, recycling and overseas sourcing. But progress has been slow, with limited participation in mining auctions, long project timelines, and land and environmental hurdles. While India is focusing on expanding mining of these minerals, ‌the bigger hurdles lie in processing and refining them. "Even if companies want to set up refining units, there are gaps around financing, technology and clarity on who will buy the processed materials," Sachdeva said, adding that cost competitiveness with global suppliers is a concern. The global race ⁠for these minerals is intensifying. Resource-rich countries, particularly in Africa, are pushing to capture more value domestically through processing, while China dominates refining and major economies such as the United States and European Union are moving to lock in supply chains. While India is a late entrant in this race, Sachdeva said it could still build a role in processing, refining and recycling, even if it continues to rely on imports for some materials. India is the third-largest producer of electronic waste and is making early investments to recover more minerals from waste. "Recycling is the lowest hanging fruit for India right now," Sachdeva said. For India, Raheja and Sachdeva said the challenge was no longer just adding renewable capacity, but building the material backbone needed to support it in a tightening global supply system.

दिल्ली के उद्योग का दम घुट रहा है: प्रदूषण जांच और नाला-सड़क-पानी की चुनौती

दिल्ली-एनसीआर के औद्योगिक क्षेत्र जगह और बुनियादी ढांचे की भारी कमी के बीच काम कर रहे हैं, जिससे साझा पर्यावरणीय सुविधाओं को लागू करना मुश्किल हो जाता है… औद्योगिक क्षेत्रों के अंदर टूटी-फूटी, धूल भरी सड़कों जैसी रोज़मर्रा की असलियत प्रदूषण के स्तर को काफ़ी बढ़ा देती हैं. -शोभित श्रीवास्तव, प्रोग्राम मैनेजर, औद्योगिक प्रदूषण, CSE तरनजीत सिंह संधू के दिल्ली के उपराज्यपाल पद पर शपथ लेने के एक हफ़्ते बाद, सत्ता के गलियारों में एक जानी-पहचानी दस्तक फिर सुनाई दी. यह “स्वागत और बधाई” देने के लिए एक मुलाकात का अनुरोध था, लेकिन इसके पीछे दिल्ली के उद्योगों को फिर से ज़िंदा करने की एक लंबे समय से नज़रअंदाज़ की जा रही और लगातार बढ़ती हताशा भरी कोशिश छिपी थी. जब भी कोई नया मुख्यमंत्री या उपराज्यपाल पदभार संभालता है, तो यह सिलसिला हर बार दोहराया जाता है. उद्योगपति अपनी शिकायतें इस उम्मीद में पेश करते हैं कि सत्ता बदलने पर उनकी बात सुनी जाएगी. इस बार, यह अपील नारायणा इंडस्ट्रीज़ एसोसिएशन (NIA) की ओर से आई, जो शहर के सबसे पुराने औद्योगिक केंद्रों में से एक का प्रतिनिधित्व करता है. संधू को 18 मार्च को लिखे पत्र में कहा गया है, “हम आपका ध्यान नारायणा औद्योगिक क्षेत्र में बुनियादी ढांचे की मौजूदा स्थिति की ओर भी विनम्रतापूर्वक दिलाना चाहेंगे. इस क्षेत्र के सुधार और औद्योगिक गतिविधियों के सुचारू रूप से चलने के लिए इस पर तत्काल ध्यान देने और हस्तक्षेप की आवश्यकता है.” दिल्ली का औद्योगिक क्षेत्र लगभग 4 लाख लोगों को रोज़गार देता है और शहर की अर्थव्यवस्था में 50,000 करोड़ रुपये से ज़्यादा का योगदान देता है, लेकिन इसकी सबसे ज़रूरी मांगें तकनीक को बढ़ाने या वैश्विक प्रतिस्पर्धा से जुड़ी नहीं हैं. यह चाहता है कि बुनियादी ज़रूरतों जैसे कि नाला, सड़क, पानी पर ध्यान दिया जाए. दिल्ली-एनसीआर के औद्योगिक क्षेत्र जगह और बुनियादी ढांचे की भारी कमी के बीच काम कर रहे हैं, जिससे साझा पर्यावरणीय सुविधाओं को लागू करना मुश्किल हो जाता है… औद्योगिक क्षेत्रों के अंदर टूटी-फूटी, धूल भरी सड़कों जैसी रोज़मर्रा की असलियत प्रदूषण के स्तर को काफ़ी बढ़ा देती हैं. -शोभित श्रीवास्तव, प्रोग्राम मैनेजर, औद्योगिक प्रदूषण, CSE ये चिंताएं दिल्ली के औद्योगिक समूहों में हर जगह फैली हुई हैं—ओखला की कपड़ों और प्रिंटिंग यूनिट्स से लेकर नारायणा के भारी-भरकम औद्योगिक रसोई और होटल उपकरणों के केंद्रों तक और पूर्वी दिल्ली में छाए पॉलीविनाइल क्लोराइड (PVC) केबल और इस्पात उद्योगों तक. नारायणा इंडस्ट्रीज़ एसोसिएशन के अध्यक्ष राकेश सचदेवा ने कहा, “एक दशक से भी ज़्यादा समय से, हम उन्हीं चिंताओं, उन्हीं परेशानियों को ढो रहे हैं.” उनके चेहरे पर साफ-साफ थकान झलक रही थी. उन्होंने कहा, “एमसीडी हर साल इन क्षेत्रों से संपत्ति कर वसूलती है, लेकिन रखरखाव पर कुछ भी खर्च नहीं करती. हम विक्रेताओं के लिए अलग ज़ोन और उद्योगों के लिए बिजली की कम दरें तय करने की मांग कर रहे हैं.” उन्होंने आगे कहा कि औद्योगिक क्षेत्रों में अतिक्रमण इतना ज़्यादा बढ़ गया है कि माल ढोने वाले वाहन गलियों से मुश्किल से ही गुज़र पाते हैं. 1990 के दशक में, फैक्ट्रियों पर ‘प्रदूषण फैलाने वाले उद्योगों’ का ठप्पा लग गया था और उन्हें खास इंडस्ट्रियल ज़ोन में शिफ़्ट कर दिया गया था, जो अक्सर शहर के बाहरी इलाकों में होते थे. इन ज़ोन को आर्थिक गतिविधियों के केंद्र के तौर पर सोचा गया था, लेकिन आज वे थके-हारे से दिखते हैं, सड़कों पर गड्ढे ही गड्ढे हैं, नालियां कचरे से अटी पड़ी हैं और बिजली की सप्लाई भी ठीक नहीं है. यह सेक्टर एक मुश्किल हालात में फंसा हुआ है. फैक्ट्रियां बिना सही इंफ्रास्ट्रक्चर के प्रदूषण से जुड़े नियमों का पालन करने के लिए जूझ रही हैं. शहर की अर्थव्यवस्था में मैन्युफैक्चरिंग का हिस्सा कम हो गया है और रोज़गार के आंकड़े भी घट गए हैं. 2025-26 के दिल्ली आर्थिक सर्वेक्षण में भी इसकी वजह बड़े पैमाने पर रोज़गार देने वाली कंपनियों का “प्रदूषण से जुड़े सख़्त नियमों” के कारण दूसरी जगहों पर चले जाना बताया गया है. रेखा गुप्ता के नेतृत्व वाली भाजपा सरकार ने इंडस्ट्रियल इलाकों को बेहतर बनाने और प्रदूषण से निपटने का वादा किया है, लेकिन ऐसे ही वादे शीला दीक्षित और अरविंद केजरीवाल के कार्यकाल में भी सुने गए थे. पिछले 15 सालों में, दो इंडस्ट्रियल नीतियां बनाई गई हैं और अनगिनत चर्चाएं हुई हैं. फिर भी, शहर की इंडस्ट्रियल रीढ़ की हड्डी सबसे बुनियादी सुधारों का इंतिज़ार कर रही है. कई उद्योगपतियों के लिए, यह विरोधाभास बहुत ही परेशान करने वाला है. उनसे आधुनिक बनने और साफ-सफाई रखने के लिए कहा जाता है, और फिर उन्हें उनके हाल पर छोड़ दिया जाता है.

Whether oil and gas or green tech, India depends on imports

The conflict in the Middle East is pushing India, which imports 80% of its oil and gas, to accelerate its shift to renewables, but the country is also dependent on imports for the minerals and rare earth metals needed to power its green transition. India aims to install 500 gigawatts of green energy capacity including solar, wind and hydropower ​by 2030, alongside expanding battery storage and electric transport. The country's latest climate goals, announced last month, also aim for ‌60% power ‌capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035, which could further increase demand for critical minerals. While ​India produces some green minerals like copper and graphite, it remains highly dependent on imports for several others such as lithium, cobalt and nickel. A report by NITI Aayog, the government's premier think tank, found demand for these minerals is likely ⁠to rise sharply by 2030, driven by demand for renewable energy, storage and electric vehicles. A separate analysis by the Federation of Indian ⁠Chambers of Commerce & Industry and Deloitte warned this rising demand could expose India to supply chain risks unless it built domestic capabilities. India's energy transition is increasingly tied to securing these minerals and building processing capacity, ​areas where it remains dependent on foreign suppliers. It ⁠also faces difficult choices on where to invest and whether to prioritize mining, processing or recycling, each requiring time, capital and technological capability, energy experts said. "Critical minerals are ⁠a real strategic vulnerability ​for India. The more immediate weak link is processing and refining, not just mining," ​said Sehr Raheja, program officer at the Centre for Science and Environment, a Delhi-based think tank. "Batteries, ​electric vehicles and ‌clean-tech manufacturing are more directly exposed, but the broader power transition is not immune," Raheja said. Building the entire value chain domestically will take time, said Saloni Sachdeva Michael, lead energy specialist at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, an energy policy think tank. Last year, India launched a National Critical Mineral ‌Mission to boost domestic supply through mining, recycling and overseas sourcing. But progress has been slow, with limited participation in mining auctions, long project timelines, and land and environmental hurdles. While India is focusing on expanding mining of these minerals, the bigger hurdles lie in processing and refining them. "Even if companies want to set up refining units, there are gaps around financing, technology and clarity on who ​will ​buy the processed materials," Sachdeva said, adding that cost competitiveness with global suppliers is a concern. The ​global race for these minerals is intensifying. Resource-rich countries, particularly in Africa, are pushing to capture more value domestically through processing, ⁠while China dominates refining and major economies such as the United States and European Union are moving to lock in supply chains. While India is a late entrant in this race, Sachdeva said it could still build a role in processing, refining and recycling, even if it continues to rely on imports for some materials. India ​is the third-largest producer of electronic waste and is making early investments to recover more minerals from waste. "Recycling is the lowest hanging fruit for India right now," Sachdeva said. For India, Raheja and Sachdeva said the challenge was no longer just adding renewable capacity, but building the material backbone needed to support it in a tightening global supply system.

What’s Ailing India’s Green Credit Programme?

“However, GCP does not need to adhere to these standards because it is not traded internationally under the Paris Agreement,” said Trishant Dev, deputy programme manager specialising in climate, trade and green industrial policy at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). “If India were to make these credits tradable internationally under the agreement, they may fall short of the standards laid down in the agreement,” he said. First, in 2004 when the Brahmaputra river breached its banks and swallowed whole his home and farmland in Assam’s Goalpara district. Overnight, he was rendered homeless. With few options left, he and others from the inundated village pitched makeshift houses in a government land close to his village. Brick by brick, a settlement grew: homes, farms, a mosque, even an anganwadi. The Mondals rebuilt their life on a one-acre land. Then, just as suddenly as the floods did, the forest department arrived with bulldozers in early 2025. Overnight, 1,040 people were evicted and displaced. “First they buried our paddy fields under soil. Then they planted bamboo," said Mondal. “Now the land is fenced off, and we are no longer allowed near our own land,” he added. A few days later on March 24, 2025, the district forest department posted on social media: “GCP [Green Credit Program] monitoring team visits evicted site in Lakhipur, Goalpara! New beginnings: Plantation drive to revive elephant habitat to commence soon!” The GCP programme was started in October 2023 by the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEF&CC) to “encourage voluntary plantations” among corporations and industries. State forest departments provide a list of “degraded lands” which are then afforested using “green credits” bought by companies. Internal documents accessed through the Right to Information Act show that in numerous “restoration” sites, locals—like the Mondals—have been evicted in the name of ecological restoration. Furthermore, in some sites, lands claimed by forest-dwelling communities under the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act or Forest Rights Act have been fenced off and listed for afforestation. The documents also show the rocky path to the implementation of the afforestation programme. Environment officials and funding companies have raised concerns of financial irregularities, of local authorities deviating from approved eco-restoration plans by raising monoculture plantations or planting lower densities of trees, or choosing sites where plantations would be difficult to sustain. For experts and policy analysts, these instances have added to the skepticism of the programme which they say would violate international norms, particularly on mandates of social justice and involvement of local communities, for market-linked environmental action. IndiaSpend has written to MoEFCC for comment on safeguards to assess eligible land, steps taken to address irregularities, and concerns around dilution of intent of compensatory afforestation. We will update this story when we receive a response. Expanding the scope of Green Credits The Green Credit Programme (GCP) came into effect with the notification of the Green Credit Rules on October 12, 2023 under the Environment Protection Act, 1986. The rules created a record of degraded land that can be used to promote voluntary plantation activities and eco-restoration projects across the country by awarding “green credits”. One Green Credit is equivalent to one tree planted. These credits, to be bought by individuals, communities and private companies, can be traded domestically. While the scheme hoped to enrol individuals and private sector industries, until now, it has attracted investments from only state-run oil, coal and power companies. Seventeen public sector units—including, Indian Oil Corporation and other petrochemical corporations, Coal India Limited and its subsidiaries, National Thermal Power Plant Corporation—have bought green credits. Since its launch, eco-restoration has begun in 225 sites across 12 states covering 48.53 sq.km. of “degraded land”, show data from the MoEF&CC. Plantations after evictions and displacements Internal documents accessed from the Indian Council of Forestry Research and Education (ICFRE), a government body supervising the programme, through the RTI Act, show that GCP is being carried out in multiple sites where local communities have been evicted. The documents include inspection reports conducted by ICFRE and PSU representatives in 169 GCP sites across 10 states. These sites are spread over 3,530 hectares (35.30 sq.km.) of forest involving Rs 117 crore worth of green credits. In Bihar, during March 2025, an ICFRE inspection team found mud huts and “agricultural activities” in 50 hectares and 55 hectares of degraded forest in Rohatas and Nawada districts, respectively. “Necessary action must be taken to remove the encroachments,” stated a letter dated April 29, 2025 to the Forest department, adding that protection against grazing should be in place. In Assam, five sites spanning 214 hectares were cleared of homes, farmlands, tea plantations and even two schools. One of them “will be used as a camp hut for plantation and one forest battalion will be placed there to stop any further encroachment,” said the ICFRE inspection report from March 2025. Assam has seen an uptick in anti-encroachment drives in recent years, particularly in forest land. Land Conflict Watch, an organisation that documents ongoing land and resource conflicts in India, estimates that 15,684 people were affected by evictions in forest lands in Assam. In another 84-hectare site, the ICFRE team—which included officials from Coal India Limited which is funding the eco-restoration—observed that while major portions of encroachments were cleared the previous year, “a significant portion” remained which “must be cleared before the commencement of ecorestoration activities”. “While large-scale eviction drives were successfully carried out at several sites, one location continues to face issues of residual encroachment. These must be fully cleared before plantation activities can begin to ensure sustainability and avoid future land conflicts,” said a letter dated April 15, 2025. However, Ajay Kumar from Green Credit Cell, ICFRE, told IndiaSpend that eviction drives were not linked to the programme. “We have given no such direction. This is the state's law and order problem. We try to refrain from taking such lands. All states have to give undertaking that people were not displaced from the land for plantations,” he said. He said the Green Credit Cell verifies the status of the land through satellite imagery to ensure that it did not have local communities. In Assam’s case, the sites were chosen after clarifications and assurances from the state Forest department, he said. When contacted, Tejas Maraswamy, Divisional Forest Officer (DFO), Goalpara district, said the evictions were done only after a survey revealed that the residents were not eligible for claims under the Forest Rights Act. “The evictions were conducted because the area is a reserve forest and a protected area. It was not done for the purpose of plantations,” he said, and added: “It was good we got the opportunity later for plantation and the revival of habitat through the (GCP) programme. We had to prevent encroachment because it degrades the land.” A grey zone with few safeguards The Green Credit Programme currently lacks explicit safeguards for indigenous and local communities. In contrast, internationally traded carbon credit programmes are increasingly attempting to incorporate ethical standards and safeguards to prevent human rights violations. In a bid to attract private investment, the Union government, in August 2025, expanded the scope of the GCP to allow the credits to be utilised for compensatory afforestation. Prior to this, if a company wanted to acquire forest lands to set up an industry, they would have to “compensate” for the forest loss by paying for afforestation primarily in alternative non-forest land. But, now, companies could just buy green credits which will pay for afforestation in existing forest lands. “These degraded forest lands could have anyway been regenerated using existing public funds,” said Prakriti Shrivastava, a former Indian Forest Service (IFS) officer. “Instead, companies have been allowed an easy route out through these credits,” she said. In March 2025, Shrivastava and other members of environmental groups, People for Aravalli and Rainbow Warriors, filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court questioning the criteria for determining credits or “degraded” lands. The PIL is yet to be heard. The August notification also dilutes the stated intention of the Green Credit mechanism. “I have not been too comfortable with the Carbon Credit System since it reflects “wrong doer’s penance” in monetary terms. There is a need to develop a more positive approach,” said Prime Minister Narendra Modi about GCP’s objectives, quoted prominently on the website. "There is a significant shift in logic from restitution of forest harm to market-mediated compliance. This fundamentally weakens the legal safeguards of the Compensatory Afforestation regime and normalises forest loss through market instruments," said Meenal Tatpati, independent lawyer and researcher, who has closely studied the green credit mechanism. The programme also escapes scrutiny of international guidelines. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which is the primary international treaty for coordinating the global response to climate change, had placed “mandatory environmental and human rights” safeguards while introducing the concept of carbon credits. Policy observers point to the preamble to the 2015 Paris Agreement where 194 countries (and the European Union) agreed to recognise that climate action must be grounded in justice, human rights, including the “the rights of indigenous peoples (and) local communities”. The UN body responsible for establishing the carbon market has finalised a grievance and appeals procedure for anyone affected by the carbon credit market. More safeguards are expected to be put in place to empower vulnerable communities and individuals. “However, GCP does not need to adhere to these standards because it is not traded internationally under the Paris Agreement,” said Trishant Dev, deputy programme manager specialising in climate, trade and green industrial policy at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). “If India were to make these credits tradable internationally under the agreement, they may fall short of the standards laid down in the agreement,” he said.