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How banks continue to ignore climate disaster-induced debt

As India is convulsed with industrial development-induced climate emergencies — heatwaves, pollution, heavy rains, floods, and more — not a day passes without a climate disaster. The country witnessed 99% of the disaster days in 2025, according to a study by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). As people lose lives — 4,419 in 2025 as per the CSE study — livelihoods, property, and health, each episode of disaster inevitably turns into a financial catastrophe. A major aspect of the financial aftermath is the debt obligations on small borrowers — personal, retail, or agricultural — which loom on those who have lost loved ones, assets, and sources of livelihood. What are our banks and financial institutions doing to relieve the financial stress of the disaster-affected? In the recently concluded winter session of parliament, the Ministry of Finance’s response to Congress MPs’ questions on loan relief provided to individual borrowers and small traders by scheduled commercial banks in the aftermath of floods, landslides, and intense rainfall-related damages from 2019 onwards paints a profoundly disappointing picture. This is at a time when India is beset with climate disasters. The report Mapping Climatic and Biological Disasters in India, co-published by the National Institute of Disaster Management, states that between 1995 and 2020, India was struck by 1,058 extreme weather events, including floods, cyclones, droughts, heatwaves, and cold waves. Flooding was the most frequent hazard, making up about one-third of all events. Heatwaves were the next most common at nearly a quarter, while droughts constituted just over one-fifth. Cold waves accounted for around 16% of the total, and cyclones, which had the smallest share, accounted for roughly 5%, the report notes. The Climate Risk Index 2026, released during COP30, estimates that “between 1995 and 2024, India witnessed 430 extreme weather events, leaving 80,000 dead, 1.3 billion affected, and ₹170 billion in losses.” Loan waivers as climate disaster relief Against this backdrop, the Indian bank’s response to the financial devastation borders on indifference if not apathy. From 2019-20 to 2025-26, there is a complete absence of loan waivers for either individual borrowers or small traders in any state or year! This holds across all categories — agriculture, individuals, and small traders. The data shows that for banks, “loan waiver” — the complete cancellation of debt obligation — as a relief measure is effectively non-existent in climate-disaster contexts. Write-offs, too, are almost entirely absent. With the exception of one instance in Kerala (FY 2023-24), where write-offs amounting to ₹11.7 million were approved for individual borrowers, no write-offs have been reported for small traders in any state. This indicates that write-offs are not being provided for disaster survivors. A write-off occurs when a hard-to-recover loan is removed from a bank’s balance sheet. Technically, the borrower can still be approached by the bank to recollect the written-off loan.

Rajasthan’s Sacred Groves Vs India’s Solar Ambitions: Why Are Locals Protesting?

According to Binit Das, a renewable energy expert at Delhi-based non-profit Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), rooftop solar power systems signal a strong move towards decentralised clean energy. According to a Press Information Bureau (PIB) report dated December 2025, 23.9 lakh households had installed rooftop solar systems toward the target of one crore households by March 2027 under the PM Surya Ghar scheme. From coastal villages to forest heartlands, The Quint is telling the full story of how climate change is reshaping lives and ecosystems in India. Help us do more. Become a member. Pankaj Bishnoi is a resident of Khetolai, a village in Jaisalmer’s Pokhran tehsil, which lies close to the international border and is best known for India’s twin successful nuclear tests conducted in 1974 and in 1998. Here, the orans, or the sacred groves, are dedicated to Guru Jambheshwar, a spiritual leader revered by the Bishnoi community as its founder. Pankaj Bishnoi, who grew up in this arid landscape, tells The Quint that in the desert, the existence and survival of communities depend on these deified biodiverse woodlands. “Every village typically has an oran characterised by high biodiversity, especially the unique khejri trees that can even survive in drought. The size of orans varies from 10,000 bighas (2,500 hectares) to 60,000 bighas (15,000 hectares). The oran in Khetolai covers 5,000 bighas (1,266 hectares),” Bishnoi says. “Wildlife, and even our cattle, depend on them,” he adds. For centuries, life went on as usual in this harsh yet unique landscape. Today, however, the rapid expansion of renewable energy projects, locals like Bishnoi allege, is endangering the survival of their sacred orans.

Why Iran war has forced India to bring kerosene back to the kitchens

We still need to build systems that can withstand disruptions without reverting to sources that were phased out,” says Binit Das, programme manager in the Renewable Energy unit at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) in New Delhi. India’s decades-long effort to phase out the use of kerosene, once the lifeline of household energy, has been abruptly brought to a halt. In a rare move, the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas has temporarily relaxed petroleum safety and licensing rules, allowing the distribution of kerosene through retail outlets, including petrol pumps in 21 states and Union Territories (UTs) for 60 days. The decision comes amid global supply disruptions linked to the ongoing war between the US, Israel, and Iran, which has strained LPG (liquefied petroleum gas) logistics and raised energy security concerns. Under the notification, the government has allowed oil companies to store up to 2,500 litres of kerosene per retail unit and distribute it for cooking and lighting. However, this emergency rollback poses a deeper question of how kerosene, which was once essential as a domestic energy source, became obsolete, only to resurface in a crisis. Why was kerosene once India’s lifeline household fuel? For decades after Independence, kerosene was central to India’s energy economy. It was widely used for both cooking and lighting by rural and low-income households, especially before LPG and reliable electricity became widespread. Many families depended on kerosene stoves for meals and lamps for illumination, making it an integral part of everyday life. The fuel was distributed among 160 million households (around 800 million people) by the government through the Public Distribution System (PDS) for cooking and lighting purposes, according to the Ministry of Petroleum & Natural Gas. The government heavily subsidised kerosene to ensure affordability, particularly for poor households lacking access to cleaner fuels. What led to the decline of kerosene in India’s energy system? Over time, India’s kerosene distribution system, built around heavy subsidies and the public distribution system, began to show structural weaknesses. Rising subsidy burden By the early 2000s, kerosene was one of the most heavily subsidised petroleum products in India, with the government bearing a large share of the cost to keep it affordable for households. Reports show that kerosene subsidies accounted for government spending of about 0.01 per cent of GDP in 2010–11. Even in more recent years, before being phased down, the centre continued to incur substantial expenditure, and the subsidy bill ballooned as global crude prices rose. For example, the kerosene subsidy stood at ₹7,339 crore in 2015–16, before declining to ₹3,259 crore in 2020–21 as allocations were reduced, and then to zero in 2022–23, according to the ministry’s annual budget documents. Diversion and black marketing One of the major concerns with subsidised kerosene was that a substantial amount of it did not reach the intended beneficiaries. Research and government-related studies show that there was widespread diversion of PDS kerosene into the black market, with estimates suggesting that around 40–45 per cent of PDS kerosene was diverted. Inefficiency and leakages Beyond diversion, the broader PDS system suffered from systemic inefficiencies that affected kerosene distribution. Government and independent studies highlighted: Poor targeting of beneficiaries, with ineligible households often receiving supplies Weak monitoring and outdated beneficiary databases How did policy shift drive the phase-out of kerosene? By the mid-2010s, the Government of India started to systematically reduce its dependence on kerosene in the following ways: By cutting allocations to states By launching Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) pilots for kerosene By persuading states to voluntarily scrap the quota system As a result, states such as Delhi have scrapped the supply of kerosene. How did LPG expansion under Ujjwala change household energy use? The turning point in the decline of kerosene use in the country came with the rapid growth in LPG access, which transformed the way in which households’ energy needs were fulfilled. The launch of the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY) in 2016 marked a major policy shift. The scheme was designed to provide LPG connections to women from poor households on a subsidised basis, reducing their dependence on conventional fuels such as kerosene and firewood. Since its rollout in 2016, the scheme has provided over 105.7 million LPG connections to beneficiaries, as of February 23, 2026, according to the PMUY dashboard. The growth in LPG access was accompanied by efforts to improve LPG distribution networks, improve last-mile delivery, and promote sustained usage. As LPG coverage widened, the use of kerosene began to decline rapidly. Some states began to reduce their allocations towards kerosene, with some considering stopping the distribution of kerosene completely. How sharply have kerosene production and consumption declined? According to the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation’s India Energy Statistics 2025, India’s kerosene economy has shrunk considerably in recent years, with production reducing by 83 per cent from FY17 to FY24. Production fell from around 6 million metric tonnes to almost 1 million metric tonnes. Consumption reduced even more, from 5.30 million metric tonnes in 2017 to merely 0.30 million metric tonnes in 2024. This is a reduction of around 94 per cent. This transition was also driven by growing evidence on the health risks of indoor air pollution caused by traditional fuels, reinforcing the need for faster adoption of cleaner alternatives. This shift led to a policy focus on: Subsidising a non-polluting fuel instead of a polluting fuel Moving from kerosene to LPG Moving from mere survival to better health, safety, and dignity, particularly for women The growth in LPG access, therefore, was not just about replacing kerosene with LPG, it was about redefining the link between household energy use and public well-being. Why is kerosene making a temporary comeback in India now? The revival of kerosene in India’s energy mix is linked to geopolitical tensions in West Asia, which have disrupted global fuel supply chains and created uncertainty in the availability of petroleum products. The government is trying to reduce pressure on LPG. Although LPG continues to be the primary cooking fuel in most households, disruptions in fuel supply have prompted the government to take measures to ensure that the energy requirements of households, particularly for cooking and lighting, are not adversely affected. The petroleum and natural gas ministry has introduced temporary measures to ease the fuel supply situation in the country. These include: Relaxation of kerosene distribution norms, allowing greater flexibility in storage Retail-level distribution of kerosene through petrol pumps Use of PDS stock-keeping units (SKU) to supply kerosene to specific states and UTs These measures are aimed at providing short-term safeguards and draw on an existing but largely phased-out system, enabling the government to quickly deploy an alternative fuel option in times of crisis. “This is a classic energy security move. In times of crisis, governments fall back on legacy systems that still exist. And even though bringing back kerosene addresses the immediate energy crisis, it also raises concerns around indoor air pollution. But putting everyone on electric sources of energy also comes with challenges, as a large number of people cooking together will put pressure on the grid. The temporary return of kerosene signals that, on one hand, India retains fallback options, but, on the other hand, it also highlights underlying vulnerabilities. We still need to build systems that can withstand disruptions without reverting to sources that were phased out,” says Binit Das, programme manager in the Renewable Energy unit at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) in New Delhi. Kerosene’s story in India is not merely the journey of a fuel, but of the country’s broader economic and policy transition. From a period of scarcity, when subsidised distribution was essential, to years of reform aimed at reducing financial burden and leakages, and shifting towards cleaner energy and sustainability targets, to now, when it reappears as a temporary fallback in response to external shocks.

The Climate Without, The Hunger Within

For more than three decades now, the evidence on climate change has been accumulating with a consistency that science rarely achieves. Each year’s measurements confirm and extend the last. The warming is real, it is accelerating, and its costs are being paid unevenly, falling heaviest on those who contributed least to producing it. This much is established beyond reasonable argument. And yet something in us does not quite respond to it as established fact. The Centre for Science and Environment’s State of India’s Environment 2026 report offers the latest occasion to notice this. In 2025, extreme weather events struck on ninety-nine percent of all days between January and November, killing 4,419 people and destroying 17.41 million hectares of cropland; four years ago, the crop damage figure stood at just over 2 million hectares. Thirty states and union territories experienced extreme weather for eight consecutive months. The report additionally warns that seven of the nine planetary boundaries that define a safe operating space for life on earth have now been breached, among them climate change, freshwater depletion, and ocean acidification, whose acidity has increased by thirty to forty percent since the industrial era. The Germanwatch Climate Risk Index 2026 ranks India ninth among the most climate-affected countries across the last three decades. These are not projections. They are last year’s account, and the year before that, and the year before that, each worse than the one preceding it.

यमुना सफाई- 8372 करोड़ खर्च, फिर भी सबसे प्रदूषित नदी: 37 में से 33 एसटीपी का ट्रीटेड पानी फिर नालों में मिल रहा; दिल्ली का यमुना प्रदूषण में 80% हिस्सा

Over ₹8300 crore spent and 37 STPs built, yet Yamuna remains India's most polluted river in Delhi. CSE report highlights poor infrastructure planning and...

Q&A: What does India’s new Paris Agreement pledge mean for climate action?

According to estimates from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), India could hit the 60% target as early as 2028. India has set a new target to reduce its “emissions intensity” – greenhouse gas emissions per unit of economic output – to 47% below 2005 levels by 2035. The much-awaited announcement comes within India’s delayed new nationally determined contribution (NDC) for 2035 under the Paris Agreement, which had been due last year. The pledge, which has not yet been published by the UN, was approved by India’s cabinet and issued as a government press release on 25 March. The updated NDC from the world’s third-largest emitter lands amid the global energy crisis triggered by the Iran war, which has already led to Indians grappling with gas shortages. In its pledge, India has committed to non-fossil energy making up 60% of its installed electricity-generating capacity by 2035. The country has also announced an increase to its target for the amount of CO2 that will be absorbed by carbon sinks, such as forests – the first such rise since India made its first pledge to the Paris Agreement. Some climate experts in India have welcomed the new pledge, saying the country “is pulling more than its weight given its minimal historical contribution to emissions” and “despite recent geopolitical headwinds”. However, others point out that the targets “underestimate India’s potential” for clean-energy growth and “allow for an acceleration” of emissions, while “hiding” deforestation. Below, Carbon Brief outlines India’s new climate pledge for 2035 and its implications for the nation’s energy sector, emissions and adaptation efforts. This article will be updated once the full NDC has been formally published by the UN. What is in India’s updated climate pledge? What do India’s pledges mean for its energy sector? What do India’s pledges mean for its land sector? What are the political considerations behind India’s new climate pledge? How have India’s new pledges been received? What is in India’s updated climate pledge? The 1,200-word press release announcing the approval of India’s new NDC for 2035 is thin on detail. For example, it does not spell out any climate-finance needs for adaptation, mitigation or climate change-induced loss and damage. The details provided in the press release include three headline quantified targets for three areas: GDP emissions intensity “Non-fossil fuel” share of electricity generation Land and forestry First, India commits to cutting the “emissions intensity” of its GDP to 47% below 2005 levels by 2035, a small increase from the 45% target for 2030 set out in its previous pledge in 2022. Emissions intensity is defined as the total amount of greenhouse gas emitted for each unit of GDP, which means it applies to all sectors of the economy and covers all gases, such as methane and nitrous oxide, as well as carbon dioxide (CO2). However, there is no globally agreed benchmark to measure this type of target. According to the Indian government’s fourth “biennial update report” submitted to the UN on 30 December 2024, India had already reduced its emissions intensity by 36% between 2005 and 2020. By setting an intensity target, India would be able to continue increasing its emissions as its economy grows, as Carbon Brief has previously explained. This target, therefore, depends on the size of India’s economy in 2035, as well as its total emissions. (Under the terms of the Paris Agreement and the first “global stocktake” agreed in 2023, only developed countries are expected to set “absolute” targets to cut their emissions. Developing countries are “encouraged” to move towards such targets “over time”.) The two-point increase in India’s intensity target, to 47% by 2035, “will not bring any real emission reductions, given India’s fast-growing GDP”, says a statement from climate research group Climate Action Tracker. It says this new goal is ‘unlikely to drive significantly more ambitious action”. India’s GDP is expected to grow by an average 6.1% per year out to 2035, which is “more than any other major country or region”, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA). Second, the country has pledged to raise the share of “non-fossil fuel-based energy resources in installed electric power capacity” to 60%. (India defines “non-fossil sources” as including large-scale hydropower, nuclear, bioenergy, solar and wind power.) The target is a 10-percentage point increase from the previous goal of “about 50%” by 2030. In July 2025, the Indian government announced that it had achieved this target, five years ahead of schedule. As of February 2026, non-fossil sources already made up 52.6% of installed capacity. The IEA estimates that India’s existing policies would be sufficient to achieve the newly targeted 60% share as early as 2030, reaching 70% by 2035. Third, the country has raised its land and forestry sector target for the first time since 2015. According to the press release description of the new pledge: “[India has] further enhanced the ambition of creating [a] carbon sink through forest and tree cover to 3.5-4.0bn tonnes of CO2-equivalent [GtCO2e] by 2035 from 2005 level[s].” However, the baseline from which India calculates its emissions reductions from forests was only clarified in 2024 and its metrics for measuring forest and tree cover remain controversial. (See: What does India’s pledge mean for its land sector?) Additionally, the target corresponds to a “business-as-usual scenario”, according to India’s own forest authorities, with no additional policies required to achieve it. Beyond the three quantitative headline goals, the NDC pledge also contains five qualitative targets. The government release says these are “intended to embed sustainability into everyday life and governance systems, promote climate-resilient development pathways and enable a just and inclusive transition for all sections of society”. They include a target to “mobilise domestic, and new and additional finance from developed countries”. Another qualitative target is a commitment to develop “resilient infrastructure” in order to “adapt to climate change in various sectors like agriculture, water resources, health, disaster management and fragile ecosystems”. The government release does not explicitly mention the 1.5C aspirational global warming limit agreed as part of the Paris Agreement, but it does “recogni[se] that climate change impacts are already being felt”. It also says the government has “placed strong emphasis on adaptation and disaster resilience across the key actors of its economy”. The release lists a range of adaptation actions and initiatives that the government is engaged in, from mangrove restoration to “heat action plans” and monitoring glacial lake outburst floods. However, it does not set any new adaptation goals. According to India’s national economic survey for 2025/26, adaptation and “resilience-related” domestic spending “surged” to 5.6% of the country’s GDP in 2022-23, from 3.7% in 2016-17, with 98% of adaptation finance sourced domestically. The Indian government says that the NDC “mark[s] a significant step towards the goal of achieving net-zero by 2070”, but does not offer further explanation. Additionally, it does not mention two targets announced by president Narendra Modi in 2021 at COP26 in Glasgow. These were to install 500 gigawatts (GW) of non-fossil capacity by 2030 and to reduce cumulative emissions between 2021-30 to 1bn tonnes of CO2 (GtCO2) below expected levels. However, the release does reiterate that the “achievement of our targets ahead of time…provides strong confidence in the country’s ability to deliver on future commitments”. The release also says that India has “considered” the outcomes of the first ”global stocktake” and the “need for greater ambition” in line with the Paris Agreement’s long-term temperature goal in “shaping” India’s 2035 NDC. It adds that, when formulating the pledge, the government took into account the principles of equity and common, but differentiated responsibility, as well as development and energy security priorities. What does India’s pledge mean for its energy sector? India’s new target for non-fossil sources to make up 60% of installed electricity generating capacity builds on its 2022 NDC target to reach “about 50%” by 2030. Although not specified in the latest release, the previous goal was said to have been conditional on the availability of low-cost international finance. In July 2025, India announced that it had already achieved this 50% target, five years ahead of schedule. When this announcement was made in June last year, India’s installed non-fossil capacity comprised 38.1% renewables, 10.2% of large hydropower and 1.8% nuclear energy. In January 2026, India’s non-fossil installed capacity reached 50.6% and, per the announcement, had already reached 52.6% in February. Meeting the new 2035 target would, therefore, require only another 8 percentage-point increase in the non-fossil share of installed capacity over the next nine years. This is much less ambitious than India’s own national generation adequacy plan, published in March 2026, which says that non-fossil fuel-based installed capacity would reach “70% of the total installed capacity by 2035-36”. According to estimates from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), India could hit the 60% target as early as 2028. Beyond the overall non-fossil capacity target, the NDC release does not include specific goals for domestic renewable generation or capacity installation. According to the Central Electricity Authority, renewable energy, including large hydropower, only accounted for 22.4% of total electricity generation – a far lower share than the installed capacity percentage. As of January 2026, coal-fired power still accounted for 69% of total generation. India is still planning to add approximately 56GW of new coal-fired power generation capacity by 2030, because of the expected growth in peak electricity demand. According to a report by government thinktank Niti Aayog, India’s coal consumption for all uses “could more than double by mid-century before plunging sharply”. On the other hand, research for Carbon Brief by the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA) shows that electricity generation from coal in India fell by 3% year-on-year in 2025. It suggests that power-sector emissions could peak before 2030, if clean-energy capacity and electricity demand grow as expected. The analysis found that the fall in coal-fired power was partly a result of accelerated clean-energy growth, which played a significant role in driving down coal generation for the first time. Nevertheless, a range of challenges are holding back the growth of India’s grid-based solar power, according to a 2025 report by the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA), which points to issues including delays in power supply agreements and transmission challenges. Solar manufacturing has seen a “13-fold jump” that has outpaced domestic demand. In September, it was reported that India had 44GW of renewable energy “ready for deployment”, but challenges around secure long-term power contracts were holding back its deployment. Experts tell Carbon Brief that off-grid solar might absorb some of this glut, which could explain additional outlays for rooftop solar in India’s February budget. In 2025, India added 7.1GW of rooftop solar capacity, a 122% increase from the previous year. However, Reuters reports that this rooftop solar push “is falling short of targets despite heavy subsidies” because of poor financing and limited support from state utilities and vendors. The country is expanding its hydropower fleet in the high eastern Himalayan region – near a disputed border with China – despite biodiversity concerns, drought and flood impacts on dams and reservoirs. According to Down To Earth, the country is also “prioritising pumped hydropower storage projects over battery systems”, expecting to add around 50GW of such capacity by 2032. India is also looking to nuclear energy to serve as a steady source of power to complement variable renewable output. In December 2025, the government enacted a landmark new nuclear law, dubbed the “Shanti” act – an acronym for “sustainable harnessing and advancement of nuclear energy for transforming India”. It aims to help India increase its nuclear capacity more than tenfold, from 8GW in 2024 to 100GW by 2047. (India has some 6GW of nuclear capacity under construction.) However, given high costs, extended timescales and India’s long history of public protests against nuclear energy over safety and land-acquisition concerns, it remains to be seen how quickly this capacity can be ramped up. What does India’s pledge mean for its land sector? For the first time since issuing its first target in 2015, India has raised its land and forestry carbon-sink goal in its updated NDC. This target aims to create an additional annual carbon sink of 3.5GtCO2e through “additional tree and forest cover” by 2035, compared with 2005 levels. This is a 1GCO2e increase from its target for 2030, which was to sequester 2.5-3GtCO2e through additional forest and tree cover by 2030. This time, India finally spells out a clear 2005 baseline from which these targets are to be measured. According to the Forest Survey of India’s (FSI) last India state of forest report, the country had “already reached 2.29Gt of additional carbon sink” against its 2005 baseline in 2023. Dr Sharad Lele, professor of environmental policy and governance at the Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment, tells Carbon Brief that the increase in India’s forest NDC target is “concerning” for several reasons. First among these, Lele says, is that the FSI’s official claim of sequestration so far “is based on shaky methods and non-transparent datasets”. He continues: “Second, the country continues to lose dense forests of high conservation and livelihood value to development projects while sequestration seems to be done through plantations. Third, and most important, carbon as well as conservation goals should not bypass the rights of Indigenous and local communities, [which] continues to result in both forest destruction and plantation happening in ways that disregard community concerns and priorities.”

Extreme Weather in 2025 Raises Alarm Over Kenya’s Climate Readiness

Kenya is heading into a year of heightened climate uncertainty after experiencing one of its warmest years on record in 2025. The latest climate assessment by the Kenya Meteorological Department paints a concerning picture: rising temperatures, erratic rainfall, and escalating risks to food security, public health, and livelihoods. The trends observed are not isolated anomalies but part of a long-term shift driven by climate change, with serious implications for the country’s future. A steady rise in temperatures Data shows that Kenya’s climate has been warming consistently over the past few decades. Since 1991, average temperatures have increased at a rate of about 0.22°C per decade, with the pace of warming accelerating after 2005. In 2025, the country recorded its seventh warmest year in 36 years, underlining the persistence of this upward trend. Temperatures remained above average throughout the year, including during typically cooler months. Early in the year, temperatures were already 0–1°C above normal, climbing further in subsequent months. Even the June–August season, usually marked by cooler weather, saw temperatures rise significantly above average. The situation peaked in December, which emerged as the hottest month of the year, with several regions experiencing intense heat. Such prolonged warming is altering seasonal cycles and increasing stress on ecosystems, water resources, and human populations. Erratic rainfall and agricultural stress Alongside rising temperatures, rainfall patterns in 2025 were highly uneven. While some regions, particularly the western and central highlands, received above-normal rainfall, large parts of the country—especially arid and semi-arid areas—faced drier-than-usual conditions. This imbalance had severe consequences for agriculture, a sector that underpins Kenya’s economy and food security. Staple crops such as maize and beans recorded production declines ranging between 21 and 35 per cent. Factors such as drought, pest infestations, high input costs, and unreliable rainfall compounded these losses. Flooding in certain regions further damaged crops and reduced yields, while pests and water shortages hit horticultural production, including tomatoes. Although some gains were seen in irrigated farming and drought-resistant crops like sorghum, these were not enough to offset broader losses. The result has been reduced food availability, shrinking reserves, and increased dependence on markets—leaving vulnerable communities exposed to price shocks. Rising health and environmental risks The impacts of extreme weather extended beyond agriculture, affecting public health and the environment. Kenya experienced multiple climate extremes in 2025, including heatwaves, cold spells, heavy rainfall events, and strong coastal winds. Flooding led to water contamination and displacement, increasing the risk of waterborne diseases such as cholera. At the same time, prolonged dry conditions contributed to malnutrition and weakened water security. Climate-sensitive diseases like visceral leishmaniasis also became more widespread. Environmental pressures are also mounting. Increased heat and dryness raise the likelihood of forest fires and biodiversity loss, particularly in already fragile ecosystems. In pastoral regions, shrinking water availability is intensifying competition over resources, sometimes leading to conflict between communities and wildlife. A risky outlook for 2026 Looking ahead, forecasts for 2026 suggest that the challenges are far from over. The country is expected to experience above-average temperatures combined with uneven rainfall distribution. Some regions may see heavy rains, raising the risk of floods, landslides, and infrastructure damage, while others may continue to face drought conditions. There is also a 58–61 per cent probability of El Niño conditions developing later in the year, which could further intensify weather extremes. These conditions are likely to disrupt agriculture, strain water systems, and increase the frequency of disasters. Already, parts of western Kenya have experienced deadly floods, highlighting the urgency of preparedness and response measures. Urgent need for adaptation and investment To address these mounting challenges, significant investment is required. Estimates suggest that Kenya will need substantial financial resources in 2026 to support food aid, water infrastructure, healthcare, livestock systems, and agricultural inputs. Experts emphasise the importance of strengthening early warning systems, improving climate services, and investing in resilient infrastructure. In wetter regions, better flood management and disease monitoring are crucial, while in drier areas, strategies such as water harvesting, drought-resistant crops, and diversified livelihoods are essential. The broader message is clear: climate change is no longer a distant threat but a present reality reshaping Kenya’s economy and society. Without timely and sustained action, the risks—from food insecurity to health crises—are likely to intensify. As the country moves into an uncertain climatic future, building resilience will be key to safeguarding both people and ecosystems. References: https://meteo.go.ke/documents/3009/State_of_the_Climate_Report_2025.pdf https://www.downtoearth.org.in/africa/kenya-faces-hotter-riskier-year-after-one-of-its-warmest-years-in-2025

Uttar Pradesh Approves Water Reuse Policy: Infra Boom Expected, Hurdles Loom

Uttar Pradesh has approved its Safe Reuse of Treated Water Policy, 2026. It aims for 50% treated wastewater reuse by 2030, reaching 100% by 2035, targeting sectors like agriculture and industry. The policy, supported by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), seeks to boost water security and economic growth in India's water sector. However, it faces common challenges, including regulatory fragmentation, funding issues for local governments, and operational difficulties seen in other states. Uttar Pradesh Approves Ambitious Treated Water Reuse Policy Uttar Pradesh's cabinet has approved the Safe Reuse of Treated Water Policy, 2026. The policy sets phased targets: 50% treated wastewater reuse by 2030, aiming for 100% by 2032 in areas with sewage treatment plants (STPs). Regions without STPs will target 30% reuse by 2030, rising to 100% by 2045. Supported by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), this policy treats wastewater as a resource, aiming to ease pressure on freshwater and reduce groundwater extraction for agriculture, industry, and construction. Infrastructure Growth Expected The policy's goals are expected to drive significant growth in India's water and wastewater treatment market, projected to reach USD 5.17 billion by 2031. The broader wastewater treatment sector could hit USD 19.4 billion by 2034. UP's policy, combined with national programs like Jal Jeevan Mission and Namami Gange, contributes to an estimated USD 35 billion opportunity in the treated used water sector by 2047. This investment could create over one lakh new jobs by 2047, particularly in operations and maintenance for STPs and related infrastructure. Companies like Va Tech Wabag Ltd., Enviro Infra Engineers Ltd., and Indian Hume Pipe Company Ltd. are set to gain. State Policies and National Challenges Many Indian states are also focusing on water reuse. Gujarat aims for 100% reuse by 2030, Maharashtra mandates industrial use, Tamil Nadu promotes it for industry and green projects, and Haryana prioritizes it for industry. However, national implementation faces significant challenges. Currently, only about 28% of India's sewage is treated, with just 3% reused. This shows a large gap between policy goals and actual practice. Experts cite issues like policy fragmentation (only 11 states have dedicated reuse policies), unclear standards, poor coordination between agencies, and funding problems for local governments. UP's policy success will depend on overcoming these common obstacles. Operational and Financial Hurdles Despite its forward-thinking nature, UP's policy faces execution risks. A key challenge is India's fragmented water management system, where multiple agencies share responsibility, often leading to poor coordination and enforcement. Local governments, especially in smaller cities, struggle with funding and the lack of clear pricing for treated water, which can make projects unviable. The large capital investment needed for infrastructure, estimated at USD 18-27 billion nationally by 2047, is another significant barrier. Public acceptance and the lack of standard quality rules for reused water could also slow adoption. The state's phased plan will require strong political commitment and project management to overcome these operational and financial difficulties, which have challenged other states. Outlook: Sector Growth Continues India's water sector is growing steadily due to urbanization, industrialization, and a greater focus on sustainability. Government funding, like the ₹35,189 crore allocated for water infrastructure in the 2025-26 budget, shows strong policy backing. Analysts expect further market expansion. If UP's policy overcomes its challenges, it could become a key model for investment and innovation in water management nationwide. Demand for advanced, efficient water solutions is expected to increase, creating opportunities for technology and infrastructure firms.

India Sets 60% Non-Fossil Fuel Power Target for 2035

Avantika Goswami from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) remarked on India's leadership amid backtracking from developed countries. She noted, "The signal from India shows that Global South leadership on climate ambition is concrete and real," illustrating the importance of the developing world in tackling climate change. India has announced an ambitious goal to achieve 60% of its installed electric capacity from non-fossil fuel sources by the year 2035. This commitment is part of the country's updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) ahead of its obligations under the Paris Agreement, which calls for a reduction in reliance on fossil fuels and enhanced energy efficiency measures. During a press briefing following a Cabinet meeting, Union Information Technology Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw expressed confidence in meeting these targets, stating, "We will easily achieve these goals… (with) the speed with which we are expanding our non-fossil sources." In addition to the 60% target for non-fossil power, the updated NDC outlines a plan to reduce the intensity of greenhouse gas emissions per unit of GDP by 47% compared to 2005 levels. Furthermore, India aims to increase its carbon sink to between 3.5 billion and 4 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent, strengthening its commitment to tackling climate change. India's updated NDC is set to be communicated to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) as part of the global effort to combat climate issues. The obligation to update NDCs is a requirement for signatories of the Paris Agreement, and in 2025, countries are expected to present their voluntary actions detailing how they intend to transition their economies. In a recent meeting in Belem, Brazil, at the 30th Conference of the Parties (CoP), Environment Minister Bhupendra Yadav reiterated that India would announce its NDC by the end of the year. Notably, as of December 31, 2025, India and Argentina were the only two G-20 countries that had yet to unveil a 2035 NDC. As reported, 128 countries covering approximately 78% of global greenhouse gas emissions had submitted new NDCs by that date, showcasing a worldwide commitment to climate action. Many of these parties included Small Island Developing States and Least Developed Countries, alongside several G-20 members. Under its current NDC, communicated to the United Nations in August 2022, India had set a target of obtaining 50% of its installed electric capacity from non-fossil sources, reducing emissions intensity per unit of GDP by 44%, and increasing its carbon sink to at least 2.5 billion tonnes to 3 billion tonnes of CO2 equivalent by 2030. At present, about 52% of India's installed electric capacity comes from non-fossil sources, a milestone achieved before the deadline. However, only around 25% of the total power generated is from these non-fossil sources, which include solar, wind, hydropower, biomass, and nuclear energy. According to official estimates, India reported an emissions intensity reduction of 36% from 2005 to 2020. A significant carbon sink of 1.97 billion tonnes of CO2 equivalent was achieved between 2005 and 2019. Nevertheless, forest and tree cover in India accounted for approximately 24.6% of the country's geographical area in 2021, an increase from the 21% noted in 2005, but still below the national objective of 33%. In shaping its NDC for the period from 2031 to 2035, the Indian government has taken into account the outcomes of the first Global Stocktake (GST) and principles of 'Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities' (CBDR-RC). The aim is to align national realities with development priorities, energy security, and the urgent need for increased climate action. The GST, initiated in 2021, reviews the collective global progress toward limiting temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius. It concluded that many nations are currently not on track to meet this critical target. Some independent analysts have indicated that while India appears likely to achieve its NDC targets for 2030, it may not be sufficient to maintain the global temperature increase within the desired range. Vaibhav Chaturvedi, a senior fellow at the Council for Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW), highlighted that India's commitment to these targets contrasts sharply with a perceived rollback of climate policies in developed nations. He stated, "It demonstrates a strong resolve to address transmission and land availability constraints faced by the renewables sector." Avantika Goswami from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) remarked on India's leadership amid backtracking from developed countries. She noted, "The signal from India shows that Global South leadership on climate ambition is concrete and real," illustrating the importance of the developing world in tackling climate change.

देश में 9 महीने में एक्सट्रीम वेदर से 3,238 मौतें: MP में जानलेवा मौसम के दिन सबसे ज्यादा, UP-राजस्थान में फसलें सुरक्षित रहीं

देश में 9 महीने में एक्सट्रीम वेदर से 3,238 मौतें: MP में जानलेवा मौसम के दिन सबसे ज्यादा, UP-राजस्थान में फसलें सुरक्षित रहीं

India updates Paris pledge with tougher 2035 climate targets on emissions, clean energy

“India’s new targets represent a commitment to climate multilateralism,” said Avantika Goswami, programme manager for climate change at the Centre for Science and Environment. To halve its emissions intensity and have more than half of installed power capacity from non-fossil sources within nine years “shows that India is pulling more than its weight given its minimal historical contribution to emissions,” she said. “At a time when developed countries are backtracking on ambition, deepening their fossil fuel entrenchment, and dragging the world towards military conflict, the signal from India shows that Global South leadership on climate ambition is concrete and real.”

The Economics of the Daily Commute

Congestion as an Economic Variable: The survey also takes a scattered view of road congestion rather than treating it through a consolidated lens. Several studies, including the one by the Centre for Science and Environment, cite external empirical research to reveal that traffic congestion in Delhi, for example, results in a loss of income of INR 7,200 to INR 19,600 for unskilled workers, INR 8,300 to INR 23,800 for skilled workers, and INR 9,000 to INR 25,900 for highly skilled workers. The Institute for Social and Economic Change, on the other hand, estimates that late arrivals due to congestion cost Bengaluru 7.07 lakh lost productive hours in 2018, with a corresponding loss of INR 7 billion. Similarly, a 2018 estimate by Uber and the Boston Consulting Group puts the annual cost of congestion in Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, and Kolkata at around US$22 billion.