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Explainer: The Increasing Lightning Strikes, Deaths and the Role of Climate Change

As the world warms up, we might see increasing intensities and frequencies of lightning strikes, suggest studies. On September 28, four people, including a woman and her two children, died after lightning struck them in Karnataka’s Yadgir district. Earlier in July, lightning killed 47 people and injured 70 in Madhya Pradesh alone – all in a week’s span. Over the past few weeks and months, there have been numerous reports of deaths caused by lightning. So, is India seeing an uptick in such instances now? And, does climate change play a role here? In simple terms, lightning is a discharge of electricity from a cloud. It takes the form of a long (read more than one kilometer) spark. It occurs when the negative charges at the bottom of a cloud are drawn to the positive charges of the earth, or to the positively charged objects on its surface such as trees, and even, people. The impact of a lightning strike on a person depends on several factors – from the intensity of the current (as per some estimates, this can range from 10,000 to 2,00,000 amperes of current) to what kind of strike it is. Direct strikes, for example, occur when lightning hits an object directly. This is not as common as a ground strike, wherein electricity discharges into and along the ground. While lightning can burn, it can also cause muscle spasms, tear blood vessels, lead to multi-system dysfunction, and instant death. India has been witnessing several deaths caused by lightning over the past few months. People have been struck by lightning while taking selfies atop forts. Between July 4 and 10, lightning killed 47 people and injured 70 in Madhya Pradesh, The Week reported. Authorities said that last week, in a five-day span, 39 people had died in Uttar Pradesh from lightning strikes. Lightning affects livestock and wildlife, too. Cattle are common casualties. On August 3, a shepherd died along with his herd of 50 buffaloes, when lightning struck them in Andhra Pradesh’s Alluri Seetarama Raju district. Last year, a lightning strike killed a herd of 18 elephants in Assam. According to The Hindu, the state forest department’s autopsy report had revealed that a “strong negative lightning flash with a peak current of 39,000 amperes” had killed them. However, several reports have pointed to an increase in the frequency of lightning strikes in India. A report by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) and Down to Earth last year found that India witnessed 18.5 million lightning strikes between April 2020 and March 2021 – a 34% rise as compared to the same period in the previous year. The Annual Lightning Report 2020-21, published by the Lightning Resilient India Campaign (LRIC), also recorded the same increase over these years. (The LRIC is a joint initiative of several institutions, including the Climate Resilient Observing Systems Promotion Council and the India Meteorological Department, which aims to reduce lightning deaths by 80% in three years.) Meanwhile, some regions have also witnessed a rise in the frequency of lightning strikes. Punjab, for instance, witnessed a whopping 331% increase in lightning strikes as compared to the previous year, according to the Annual Lightning Report 2021. The states that recorded a 100-168% increase include West Bengal, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana and Bihar. Is climate change to blame? Many studies have shown that climate change may be increasing lightning frequencies and intensities. In 2014, a study projected an increase in lightning strikes in the US due to global warming. That’s because the atmospheric phenomenon of lightning is linked to climate. The heating of land masses can cause fluctuations in temperature and moisture which can in turn influence atmospheric stability – and thus trigger the birth of thunderstorms. As the world gets warmer due to human activities such as fossil fuel use, the frequency and intensity of lightning strikes over the Indian subcontinent is also likely to increase, according to a recent study by scientists at the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology. It found an increase in ‘lighting flash density’ – a measure of the frequency of lightning strikes – between 2009 and 2011 over the Indian subcontinent. It also found that as the concentration of aerosols and carbon dioxide increased, lightning flash density did too. Other scientists have also linked the uptick in lightning strikes in India to climate change. Experts, including Sanjay Srivastava, chairman of the Climate Resilient Observing Systems Promotion Council, told the Associated Press that deforestation, depletion of water bodies and pollution contribute to climate change and in turn, cause an increase in lightning. Taking into account the increase in lightning strikes in the country, the India Meteorological Department began lightning forecasts from 2019. But, while the early warning system has improved, there is a “lack of protocol and mechanism for last mile public notification and interventions”, the Annual Lightning Report 2021 noted. There is also a need for more research on lightning and climate, it added. According to the report, a lightning risk management strategy has to be customised for each state, taking into account seasonality, intensity and frequency of lightning. Lightning microzonation within states can also help in handling the risks posed by strikes, it said. The report’s state risk management analysis shows that states like Odisha and Andhra Pradesh can bring down deaths by almost 70% in a “short time”. The National Disaster Management Authority has also set up a protocol for early warning dissemination on thunderstorm and lightning in July 2021, which also specifies the ideal requisites of such a system including a mechanism to disseminate this information below district level.

GRAP in Delhi-NCR : दिल्ली-एनसीआर में ग्रैप कल से, इस बार किए गए हैं कई बदलाव

GRAP in Delhi-NCR : दिल्ली-एनसीआर में प्रदूषण नियंत्रण के लिए ग्रेडेड रिस्पांस एक्शन (ग्रैप) प्लान एक अक्तूबर से लागू होने जा रहा है। बीते वर्ष के मुकाबले इस साल इसे 15 दिन पहले ही लागू किया जा रहा है। इसमें कई बदलावों को भी शामिल किया गया है। दिल्ली-एनसीआर में प्रदूषण नियंत्रण के लिए ग्रेडेड रिस्पांस एक्शन (ग्रैप) प्लान एक अक्तूबर से लागू होने जा रहा है। बीते वर्ष के मुकाबले इस साल इसे 15 दिन पहले ही लागू किया जा रहा है। इसमें कई बदलावों को भी शामिल किया गया है। नए नियम में अब तीन दिनों के पूर्वानुमान के आधार पर प्रदूषण करने वाली गतिविधियों पर रोक लगाई जा सकेगी। पहले पीएम 2.5 व पीएम 10 का एक निश्चित स्तर पर पहुंचने पर रोक लगाई जाती थी। ग्रेप में कई बदलाव विशेषज्ञों का दावा है कि समय से ग्रैप लागू होने से प्रदूषण नियंत्रण में मदद मिलेगी। बीते वर्ष के मुकाबले इस साल इसे 15 दिन पहले ही लागू किया जा रहा है। साथ ही इसमें कई बदलाव भी किए गए हैं। नए नियम के मुताबिक, अब तीन दिन के पूर्वानुमान के आधार पर प्रदूषण फैलाने वाली गतिविधियों पर रोक लगाई जा सकेगी। इससे पहले पीएम 2.5 व पीएम 10 का एक निश्चित स्तर पर पहुंचने पर रोक लगाई जाती थी। सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड इन्वायरमेंट के स्वच्छ वायु कार्यक्रम के वरिष्ठ कार्यक्रम प्रबंधक विवेक चट्टोपाध्याय का कहना है कि जब तक मौसमी परिस्थितियां हवा की गुणवत्ता बिगाड़ने में सहायक नहीं होतीं, तब तक पहले से की की जा रही इस तरह की कार्रवाई से प्रदूषण पर नियंत्रण होना चाहिए। एजेंसियां को अपनी आधारभूत स्तर की कार्रवाई को मजबूत करना चाहिए ताकि आपातकालीन उपायों को लागू करने की जरूरत नहीं हो। इस कड़ी में सीएनजी ट्रक चलाने चाहिए। चार चरणों में वर्गीकृत : ग्रेप को अब वायु गुणवत्ता के चार चरणों के अंतर्गत वर्गीकृत किया गया है। पहले चरण के तहत एक्यूआई 201 से 300 पहुंचने पर खराब, दूसरे चरण में एक्यूआई 301-400 पहुंचने पर बहुत खराब, तीसरे चरण में एक्यूआई 401-450 पहुंचने पर गंभीर और चौथे चरण में एक्यूआई 450 से अधिक पहुंचने पर बेहद गंभीर श्रेणी में रखा जाएगा। केंद्रीय वायु गुणवत्ता प्रबंधन आयोग ने अलग-अलग चरणों में प्रदूषण के खिलाफ कार्रवाई की सिफारिश भी की है। केजरीवाल ने एक्शन प्लान किया जारी दिल्ली के मुख्यमंत्री अरविंद केजरीवाल ने शुक्रवार को राष्ट्रीय राजधानी में वायु प्रदूषण पर अंकुश लगाने के लिए कार्य योजना की घोषणा की। केजरीवाल ने कहा कि सरकार इस साल करीब 5,000 एकड़ में पराली पर पूसा बायो डीकंपोजर का छिड़काव करेगी। दिल्ली सरकार प्रदूषण को रोकने के लिए 233 एंटी-स्मॉग गन और 150 मोबाइल एंटी-स्मॉग गन लगाएगी। सरकार ने एक ग्रीन रूम भी विकसित किया है जिसमें नौ वैज्ञानिक विशेषज्ञ शामिल हैं जो स्थिति की निगरानी करेंगे। सरकार ने आईआईटी-कानपुर के साथ साझेदारी में राउज एवेन्यू में एक सुपरसाइट बनाई है, जो वास्तविक समय में हवा की गुणवत्ता की निगरानी करती है और पूर्वानुमान भी लगाती है। सरकार ने खुले में कूड़ा जलाने पर रोक लगाने के लिए 611 टीमों का गठन किया है और धूल विरोधी अभियान चलाएगी। सरकार ने पटाखा प्रतिबंध को लागू करने के लिए टीमों का भी गठन किया है। उन्होंने कहा कि सरकार एक ई-कचरा पार्क बनाने की भी प्रक्रिया में है, जहां राष्ट्रीय राजधानी से एकत्र किए गए इलेक्ट्रॉनिक कचरे को संसाधित किया जाएगा।

Delhi Air Pollution: क्या इस बार भी ठंड में घुटेगा दिल्ली का दम? केजरीवाल सरकार ने बनाया ये एक्शन प्लान

Delhi Pollution: केजरीवाल ने कहा, मैं पड़ोसी शहरों से 24 घंटे बिजली देने का अनुरोध करता हूं ताकि डीजल के जेनरेटरों का इस्तेमाल न हो. जैसे कि दिल्ली में उद्योग पाइप से प्राकृतिक गैस का इस्तेमाल करते हैं, उसी तरह अन्य राज्यों को भी ऐसा करना चाहिए. Arvind Kejriwal Pollution Action Plan: मुख्यमंत्री अरविंद केजरीवाल ने सर्दियों में दिल्ली में एयर पल्यूशन पर लगाम लगाने के लिए शुक्रवार को 15 पॉइंट्स का एक्शन प्लान पेश किया. केजरीवाल ने कहा कि सरकार के साल 2020 में इलेक्ट्रिक वाहन नीति लाने और 24 घंटे बिजली सप्लाई करने समेत अन्य कदम उठाने से पिछले 4 साल में एयर पल्यूशन का स्तर कम हुआ है. केजरीवाल सरकार उठाएगी ये कदम सरकार इस साल करीब 5,000 एकड़ जमीन पर पराली के निपटान के लिए पूसा जैव-अपघटक का छिड़काव कराएगी. दिल्ली सरकार प्रदूषण पर लगाम लगाने के लिए 233 एंटी-स्मॉग गन और 150 मोबाइल एंटी-स्मॉग गन लगाएगी. सरकार ने एक ग्रीन रूम भी बनाया है, जिसमें नौ वैज्ञानिक विशेषज्ञ होंगे जो खास स्थिति पर नजर रखेंगे. सरकार ने IIT खड़गपुर के साथ एयर क्वॉलिटी पर नजर रखने के लिए राउज एवेन्यू में कंट्रोल सेंटर बनाया है. सरकार ने खुले में कचरा जलाने से रोकने के लिए 611 दल का गठन किया है और वह धूल रोधी अभियान चलाएगी. सरकार ने पटाखों पर बैन लागू करने के लिए भी दलों का गठन किया है. सरकार ई-कचरा पार्क भी बना रही है, जहां दिल्ली से जमा किए गए इलेक्ट्रॉनिक कचरे का निपटारा किया जाएगा. दिल्ली सरकार एयर पल्यूशन से निपटने के लिए एनसीआर के पड़ोसी शहरों, केंद्र और वायु गुणवत्ता प्रबंधन आयोग (सीएक्यूएम) के साथ मिलकर काम करना चाहती है. केजरीवाल ने कहा, मैं पड़ोसी शहरों से 24 घंटे बिजली देने का अनुरोध करता हूं ताकि डीजल के जेनरेटरों का इस्तेमाल न हो. जैसे कि दिल्ली में उद्योग पाइप से प्राकृतिक गैस का इस्तेमाल करते हैं, उसी तरह अन्य राज्यों को भी ऐसा करना चाहिए. विज्ञान और पर्यावरण केंद्र में स्वच्छ वायु कार्यक्रम के वरिष्ठ कार्यक्रम प्रबंधक विवेक चट्टोपाध्याय ने कहा कि हालात बिगड़ने से पहले उठाए गए रोकथाम संबंधी कदम से वायु गुणवत्ता को अचानक खराब होने से बचा जा सकता है, जब तक कि मौसम की परिस्थितियां बिल्कुल प्रतिकूल नहीं हों. ऊर्जा और स्वच्छ वायु अनुसंधान केंद्र के विश्लेषक सुनील दहिया ने उम्मीद जताई कि अग्रिम कार्रवाई से वायु गुणवत्ता के बेहद खराब होने की घटनाओं में कमी आएगी.

बढऩे लगा है प्रदूषण, पहले ही लागू होंगे उपाय, शनिवार से लागू हो जाएगा जीआरएपी

मानसून की विदाई वाली बरसात थमी तो दिल्ली में प्रदूषण बढऩे लगा है और हवा का स्तर 151 तक पहुंच गया है। वहीं वायु प्रदूषण से निपटने के लिए एक 'बेहतरÓ चरणबद्ध प्रतिक्रिया कार्रवाई योजना (जीआरएपी) को एक अक्तूबर से लागू कर दिया जाएगा और पर्यावरण विशेषज्ञों का मानना है कि इस वर्ष अग्रिम कार्रवाई से गंभीर प्रदूषण की समस्या में कमी आनी चाहिए। इससे पहले, जीआरएपी को 15 अक्तूबर से लागू होती रहा है। जीआरएपी दिल्ली और आसपास के इलाकों में हालात की गंभीरता के अनुरूप वायु प्रदूषण रोधी उपाय हैं। दिल्ली-एनसीआर में वायु गुणवत्ता के प्रबंधन के लिए जीआरएपी को जल्द लागू करने के लिए वायु गुणवत्ता प्रबंधन आयोग (सीएक्यूएम) ने जनता और विशेषज्ञों के उन सुझावों पर विचार किया है, जिसमें कहा गया है कि पहले से कार्रवाई करने से वायु गुणवत्ता को बेहद खराब होने से रोका जा सकता है। इससे पहले, अधिकारी प्रदूषक तत्वों पीएम2.5 और पीएम10 के एक विशेष सीमा को छूने के बाद ही उपायों को लागू करते थे। इस बार, प्रतिबंध पीएम2.5 और पीएम10 के स्तर के बजाय वायु गुणवत्ता सूचकांक (एक्यूआई) की स्थिति पर आधारित होंगे। विज्ञान और पर्यावरण केंद्र में स्वच्छ वायु कार्यक्रम के वरिष्ठ कार्यक्रम प्रबंधक विवेक चट्टोपाध्याय ने कहा कि हालात बिगडऩे से पहले उठाए गए रोकथाम संबंधी कदम से वायु गुणवत्ता को अचानक खराब होने से बचा जा सकता है, जब तक कि मौसम की परिस्थितियां बिल्कुल प्रतिकूल नहीं हों। ऊर्जा एवं स्वच्छ वायु अनुसंधान केंद्र के विश्लेषक सुनील दहिया ने उम्मीद जताई कि अग्रिम कार्रवाई से वायु गुणवत्ता के बेहद खराब होने की घटनाओं में कमी आएगी। उन्होंने कहा, ''हालांकि, केवल निरंतर जागरूकता अभियान और सभी हितधारकों के साथ लगातार संवाद से ही पराली जलाने जैसी समस्याओं का समाधान होगा। पराली जलाने की अवधि से ठीक पहले की गई कार्रवाई से अच्छे परिणाम मिलने की संभावना नहीं है।ÓÓ अधिकारियों ने कहा कि दिल्ली में पर्यावरण विभाग ऐसी प्रणाली का उपयोग करेगा, जो वास्तविक समय में सभी प्रदूषण स्रोतों के योगदान का पता लगाने में मदद करेगा। पंजाब कृषि विश्वविद्यालय में कृषि अभियांत्रिकी विभाग के प्रमुख डॉ महेश नारंग ने कहा कि ''बेहतरÓÓ जीआरएपी और शुरुआती समय में उठाए गए रोकथाम कदमों से पिछले साल दिवाली पर और उसके बाद के दिनों में पराली और पटाखे जलाने के कारण प्रदूषण बढऩे से उत्पन्न वायु गुणवत्ता संकट की पुनरावृत्ति को रोक जा सकता है।

हर शहर का हो बेहतर नियोजन

हमारे शहरी नीति निर्माताओं को हमारे शहरी विकास के ऐतिहासिक संदर्भ से अवगत होने की आवश्यकता है. उन्हें समझना होगा कि कांच की इमारतों या ग्रेनाइट का उपयोग हमेशा उपयुक्त नहीं हो सकता है. बीते दिनों दिल्ली और आसपास के इलाकों में भारी बारिश के एक दिन के बाद ही पानी से भरी सड़कें, रेंगते यातायात, टूटे वाहन और घुटनों तक गहरे पानी में चलने वाले नागरिक जैसे परिचित दृश्य देखने को मिले. दो हफ्ते पहले बेंगलुरु में कई जगहों में भारी जलजमाव की स्थिति थी. ऐसी दुखद स्थितियां शहरी नियोजन की कमियों की तरफ इशारा करती हैं. नालियों की बेहतर निकासी क्षमता की कमी और झीलों व नदियों पर ध्यान न देने के साथ शहरी स्थानों को कंक्रीट में बदलने का जोर हर तरफ दिखता है. सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट के अनुसार, बेंगलुरु जैसे शहर ने ईज ऑफ लिविंग इंडेक्स 2020 में क्वालिटी ऑफ लाइफ मेट्रिक के तहत सौ में से 55.67 स्कोर किया, राजधानी होने के बावजूद दिल्ली 57.56 तक पहुंचा, जबकि भुवनेश्वर का स्कोर सिर्फ 11.57 था. एक आदर्श दुनिया में यह स्थिति अस्वीकार्य है. पश्चिम में 1898 में एबेनेजर हॉवर्ड द्वारा चलाये गये गार्डन सिटी आंदोलन ने शहर के केंद्र में काम के माहौल को विकेंद्रीकृत करने की मांग की थी. नतीजतन, शहरों को योजनाबद्ध तरीके से डिजाइन किया गया. ऐसे आंदोलन इस विचार से प्रेरित थे कि कामगारों का जीवन स्तर बेहतर हो. अमेरिका में गार्डेन सिटी पड़ोस की अवधारणा के साथ विकसित हुआ, जहां एक स्थानीय स्कूल या सामुदायिक केंद्र के आसपास आवासीय घरों और सड़कों का आयोजन किया गया तथा यातायात कम करने और सुरक्षित सड़कें प्रदान करने पर जोर था. प्रदूषण और भीड़भाड़ पर नियंत्रण के साथ जैव विविधता बनाये रखने के लिए लंदन में चारों ओर एक महानगरीय हरित पट्टी है. सवाल है कि रिंग रोड और शहरी फैलाव से आगे भारतीय शहरों में ऐसा कुछ क्यों नहीं हो सकता है. पेरिस में ‘15 मिनट सिटी’ का विचार काफी सरल है. इसके तहत हर पेरिसवासी को खरीदारी, कामकाज, मनोरंजन संबंधी जरूरतों को 15 मिनट की पैदल या बाइक की सवारी के भीतर पूरा करने में सक्षम होना चाहिए. इस सक्षमता का मतलब होगा कि वाहनों की आवाजाही काफी कम हो जायेगी. अगले कदम के रूप में पैदल यात्रियों के लिए बेहतर व्यवस्था देने की आवश्यकता है. बेंगलुरु को एक ऐसे शहर के रूप में फिर से डिजाइन क्यों नहीं किया जा सकता है, जहां यातायात की परेशानी न हो. क्या भोजन के लिए 10 मिनट की डिलीवरी के बजाय काम करने के लिए 10 मिनट की पैदल दूरी बेहतर नहीं होगी? प्रत्येक भारतीय शहर में आदर्श रूप से एक मास्टर प्लान होना चाहिए, जिसे एक-दो दशक के अंतराल पर अद्यतन किया जाए. इन योजनाओं में किफायती आवास पर ध्यान जरूरी है. देश में शहरी भूमि उपयोग को बेहतर करने की जरूरत है. सैटेलाइट इमेजरी को देखकर साफ लगता है कि रैखिक बुनियादी ढांचे के साथ धान के खेतों में पसरता जा रहा शहरी विकास अनौपचारिक, अनियोजित और विशाल पड़ोस के साथ खासा बेतरतीब है. सार्वजनिक भूमि उपलब्धता पर विशेष ध्यान देने की जरूरत है. विश्व बैंक के अनुसार, 2050 तक नागरिकों का जीवन स्तर निराशाजनक करते हुए जलवायु परिवर्तन भारत के सकल घरेलू उत्पाद को तीन फीसदी तक कम कर सकता है. भारत के शहरों को अपनी प्राकृतिक तट रेखाओं और नदी के मैदानों की रक्षा कर, अतिक्रमणों को हटाकर भूमि पर बोझ कम करना शुरू करने की आवश्यकता है. बालू के टीलों की रक्षा करना और मैंग्रोव वनों को संरक्षित करना इस लिहाज से बेहद जरूरी होगा. सभी चालू और भावी शहरी बुनियादी ढांचा परियोजनाओं पर जलवायु परिवर्तन के परिप्रेक्ष्य से पुनर्विचार करने की आवश्यकता होगी. हमें शहरपन की भावना को भी स्थापित करना होगा. शायद ऐसा करने का एक तरीका स्पष्ट रूप से अपने निवासियों के लिए 'शहर के अधिकार' (राइट टू द सिटी) का आह्वान करना है. शहरी संसाधनों तक व्यक्तिगत पहुंच सुनिश्चित होना जरूरी है. इसके साथ शहरी विकास को लेकर संस्थागत ढांचे को सुदृढ़ और विकसित करने की दरकार है. फिलहाल देश में स्नातकों के लिए करियर के लिहाज से टाउन प्लानिंग के क्षेत्र में आने का खास आकर्षण नहीं है. शिक्षा से जुड़ी विशेषज्ञ समिति की रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, भारत को 2031 तक तीन लाख प्लानर्स की आवश्यकता होगी, जबकि अभी केवल पांच हजार टाउन प्लानर ही हैं. देश में महज 26 ऐसे संस्थान हैं, जो टाउन प्लानिंग से जुड़े पाठ्यक्रम चलाते हैं. ये संस्थान फिलहाल देश को हर साल 700 टाउन प्लानर देते हैं. हमारे शहरी नीति निर्माताओं को हमारे शहरी विकास के ऐतिहासिक संदर्भ से अवगत होने की आवश्यकता है. उन्हें समझना होगा कि कांच की इमारतों या ग्रेनाइट का उपयोग हमेशा उपयुक्त नहीं हो सकता है. यह सवाल भी है कि हमारी ऐतिहासिक वास्तुकला से प्रेरित हमारे शहर स्पष्ट रूप से भारतीय क्यों नहीं दिखते. उत्तर भारत के हर शहर में सार्वजनिक स्थान के रूप में एक बावली क्यों नहीं हो सकती है? दरअसल, हम संगठित निजी संपत्ति द्वारा संचालित शहरी परिदृश्य बना रहे हैं और इस चक्कर में हम अपने शहरों को अधिक मानवीय बनाना भूल गये हैं. (ये लेखक के निजी विचार हैं.)

द‍िल्‍ली में कल से लागू हो सकते हैं ‘ग्रैप’ न‍ि‍यम, इन सभी उपायों का करना होगा पालन

दिल्ली में वायु प्रदूषण (Delhi Air Pollution) से निपटने को लेकर केजरीवाल सरकार पूरी तरह से गंभीर है. सर्द‍ियों के मौसम में द‍िल्‍ली-एनसीआर में वायु की गुणवत्‍ता इतनी खराब हो जाती है क‍ि लोगों का घरों से न‍िकलना मुश्‍क‍िल हो जाता है. इसके चलते कई बड़े कदम भी उठाए जाते रहे हैं. इसी कड़ी में अब द‍िल्ली सरकार की ओर से अभी से ही वायु प्रदूषण से न‍िपटने के ल‍िए कड़े कदम उठाए जाने की तैयारी की जा रही है. एचटी में प्रकाशित र‍िपोर्ट के मुताब‍िक बताया जाता है क‍ि वायु प्रदूषण को रोकने और न‍िपटने को सभी एहत‍ियातन कदम उठाने के ल‍िए कल शन‍िवार 1 अक्‍टूबर से राष्ट्रीय राजधानी क्षेत्र (NCR), द‍िल्‍ली में संशोधित ग्रेडेड रिस्पांस एक्शन प्लान (ग्रैप) (Graded Response Action Plan) न‍ियमों को लागू क‍िए जाने की संभावना है. इसके तहत सभी जरूरी प्रतिबंध लगने शुरू हो जाएंगे. इस बीच देखा जाए तो ग्रेडेड रिस्पांस एक्शन प्लान (Graded Response Action Plan) लागू होने के बाद प्रदूषण फैलाने वाली गतिविधियों को नियंत्रित करने के लिए उन सभी पर कड़ी नजर रखी जा सकेगी. बताया जाता है क‍ि जब दिल्ली में वायु प्रदूषण का लेवल कुछ ट्रिगर बिंदुओं पर पहुंच जाता है, तो ग्रैप प्रतिबंधों की एक सूची निर्धारित की जाती है और वायु गुणवत्ता सूचकांक (AQI) के बिगड़ने पर प्रतिबंध और सख्त हो जाते हैं. वहीं वायु गुणवत्ता प्रबंधन आयोग (CAQM) की ओर से गत 13 जुलाई को एक अपडेटेड प्‍लान भी जारी क‍िया गया था. इसमें साफ क‍िया गया क‍ि वायु गुणवत्ता सूचकांक को ध्‍यान में रखा जाएगा न केवल PM2.5 और PM10 को ट्र‍िगर प्‍वाइंट के रूप में प्रत‍िबंधों के ल‍िए अहम माना जाएगा. ग्रैप न‍ियमों की माने तो पहले उपाय के अंतर्गत बिजली आपूर्ति के नियमित स्रोत के रूप में डीजल जनरेटर सेट के उपयोग पर प्रतिबंध लगाया जाता है. यह न‍ियम एक्यूआई लेवल के 201 पर पहुंचने के बाद पर प्रभावी हो जाता है. स्टेज 2 तब प्रभावी होता है जब यह “बहुत खराब” (301 और 400 के बीच), स्टेज 3 “गंभीर” (401 और 450 के बीच) होता है, और स्टेज 4 जब एक्यूआई “गंभीर प्लस” (450 से ऊपर) होता है. जानकारी के मुताब‍िक दिल्ली का एक्यूआई लेवल गुरुवार को 151 (मध्यम) दर्ज किया गया था. वहीं एक अक्टूबर को अगले दो दिनों में एक्यूआई लेवल के पूर्वानुमान के साथ ‘मध्यम’ श्रेणी में रहने की संभावना है. द‍िल्‍ली में प्रदूषण लेवल के बढ़ने की संभावना को देखते हुए संशोध‍ित ग्रैप न‍ियमों को लागू क‍िए जाने की तैयारी है. माना जा रहा है क‍ि प्रदूषण का लेवल 2 अक्‍टूबर को खराब श्रेणी के करीब पहुंच सकता है. पूर्व चेतावनी प्रणाली (ईडब्ल्यूएस) की माने तो 2 अक्टूबर को ‘खराब’ श्रेणी में पहुंचने के बाद अगले द‍िन 3 अक्टूबर को इसी तरह की संभावना जताई गई है. हालांक‍ि 4 अक्टूबर से एक बार फिर से हवा की गुणवत्ता में सुधार होने की उम्मीद जताई जा रही है. ग्रैप न‍ियमों के तहत फेज-1 या प्रदूषण की ‘न‍िम्‍न’ श्रेणी में जो उपाय बताए गए हैं उनमें सड़कों पर मशीनों के जर‍िए साफ-सफाई और पानी का छिड़काव करने वाली एजेंसियां ​​शामिल की गई हैं. वहीं राज्य सरकार के ‘वेब पोर्टल’ पर रज‍िस्‍टर्ड नहीं होने वाली 500 वर्ग मीटर वाली बड़ी साइट्स पर निर्माण व तोड़फोड़ के कार्य पर रोक लगाना शाम‍िल है. वहीं, डीजल जनरेटर सेट को बिजली आपूर्ति के नियमित स्रोत के रूप में उपयोग नहीं करके केवल बैक-अप के रूप में अनुमति दी जाती है. धूल और C&D वेस्ट के लिए गाइड लाइन 500 वर्गमीटर के प्लॉट या इससे प्लॉट पर कंस्ट्रक्शन एक्टिविटी पर रोक नियमों के मुताबिक कचरे को उठाना और निस्तारण बाहर या खुले में कचरा न फैले, खुले में कचरे न जलाए जाएं सड़कों पर मैकेनिकल स्वीपिंग और पानी का छिड़काव जहां भी सीएंडडी वेस्ट पड़ा हो वह प्रापर तरीके से ढका हो कंस्ट्रक्शन साइटों पर एंटी स्मॉग गन आवश्यक ट्रैफिक को चलाने के लिए प्रत्येक चौराहे पर यातायात कर्मी की तैनाती प्रदूषण फलाने वाले वाहनों पर हैवी पैनल्टी लगाई जाए पटाखों के जलाने पर रोक स्टेज 2 AQI 301 से 400 होने पर मैनेनिकल और वैक्यूम बेस्ड स्वीपिंग शहर की सड़कों पर वाटर स्प्रीपिंकल से छिड़काव होटल व रेस्टोरेंट में तंदूर, कोल पर प्रतिबंध इसेंसिएल सर्विस को छोड़कर जनसेट पर रोक पार्किंग फीस को बढ़ाकर ताकि लोग घरों से अपने वाहनो से नहीं निकले मेट्रो , सीएनजी और पब्लिक ट्रांसपोर्ट को बढ़ाया जाए स्टेज 3 AQI 401 से 450 तक होने पर एनसीआर में कंस्ट्रक्शन और डिमोलिशन पर तत्काल प्रभाव से रोक लगा दी जाएगी पीएनजी पर इंडस्ट्री आपरेट कराई जाए न की फ्यूल पर हॉट मिक्सिंग प्लांट से लेकर ब्रिक क्रेक्स प्लांट पर प्रतिबंध माइनिंग एक्टिविटी पर प्रतिबंध हालांकि, सबसे कठोर श्रेणी चरण IV है, जिसमें AQI के 451 या उससे अधिक को छूने के पूर्वानुमान के साथ, दिल्ली में ट्रकों के प्रवेश पर रोक, दिल्ली में पंजीकृत मध्यम और भारी माल वाहनों पर प्रतिबंध, डीजल चार पहिया वाहनों के चलने पर प्रतिबंध लगाना शाम‍िल है. राज्य सरकारों सहित निर्माण और विध्वंस (सी एंड डी) गतिविधियों पर प्रतिबंध, स्कूलों, कॉलेजों, शैक्षणिक संस्थानों को बंद करने और वाहनों को सम-विषम आधार पर चलाने जैसे अतिरिक्त उपाय क‍िया जाना शाम‍िल है.

New Plan, New Approach To Fight Air Pollution In Delhi From Oct 1: Report

A 'finer' Graded Response Action Plan - a set of anti-air pollution measures followed in the national capital and its vicinity according to the severity of the situation - will come into from October 1 and environment experts believe advance action this year will lead to lesser incidences of severe pollution. Earlier, GRAP would come into effect from October 15. The Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM), a statutory body established in August 2021, for management of air quality in Delhi-NCR decided to implement GRAP early, considering suggestions from the public and experts that advance action can prevent drastic deterioration in air quality. Under the revised GRAP, curbs can be imposed on polluting activities up to three days in advance based on forecasts. Earlier, the authorities would implement the measures only after the PM2.5 and PM10 concentration touched a particular threshold. This time, restrictions will be based on air quality index (AQI) values rather than PM2.5 and PM10 concentration. Vivek Chattopadhyaya, Senior Programme Manager, Clean Air Programme, Centre for Science and Environment, said: "The pre-emptive action should prevent the sudden deterioration of the air quality unless meteorological conditions become highly unfavorable." "The agencies should strengthen their baseline level action so that there is no need for emergency measures. They should be able to foresee a contingency and prepare a fool proof plan to deal with it, such as arranging CNG carriers and trucks for continuous supply of essential items," he said. Sunil Dahiya, an analyst at Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air, hoped that advance action would lead to lesser incidences of severe air quality. "However, only sustained awareness campaigns and continuous engagement with all stakeholders will resolve the problems such as stubble burning. Action just before the stubble burning period is unlikely to yield good results," he said. In Delhi, officials said the environment department will be using the new real-time source apportionment system which will help ascertain the contribution of all pollution sources in real time. The green war room will monitor violations and redress complaints and grievances in keeping with the practice being followed for the last two years. Mahesh Narang, the head of the farm engineering department at Punjab Agricultural University, said the "finer" GRAP and preemptive curbs will prevent a repeat of the air quality crisis seen on Diwali and the following days last year due to the convergence of emissions from farm fires and firecrackers. "Stubble burning peaks in November and Diwali is on October 24. This is a crucial factor. So, it may not lead to a severe situation on Diwali provided all other measures are followed strictly," he said. "The government has provided more machines for the management of stubble this year. We hope for better results," Mr Narang said. GRAP has now been classified under four different stages of adverse air quality in Delhi: Stage I - 'Poor' (AQI 201-300); Stage II - 'Very Poor' (AQI 301-400); Stage III - 'Severe' (AQI 401-450); and Stage IV - 'Severe Plus' (AQI >450). Under Stage I, the CAQM has recommended strict action against polluting industries, vehicles and biomass burning. The use of coal and firewood, including in tandoors in hotels, restaurants, open eateries; and diesel generator sets, except for emergent and essential services, is banned under Stage II. If the situation turns "severe" (Stage III), authorities will have to enforce a ban on construction and demolition activities in NCR, except on essential projects (like railways, metros, airports, ISBTs, national security/defence-related projects of national importance) and non-polluting activities such as plumbing, carpentry, interior decoration and electrical works. Brick kilns, hot mix plants and stone crushers not operating on clean fuels, and mining and associated activities in NCR will also be banned under Stage III. State governments in Delhi-NCR may also impose restrictions on BS III petrol and BS IV diesel light motor vehicles (four wheelers) under Stage III. The measures to be followed in the "Severe Plus" category or Stage IV include a ban on the entry of trucks into Delhi, and on the plying of Delhi-registered diesel-run medium goods vehicles and heavy goods vehicles (HGVs) in the national capital except those carrying essential commodities. The use of four-wheeler diesel light motor vehicles, except for BS-VI vehicles and vehicles engaged in essential services, will also be banned in Delhi and the bordering districts of NCR. Stage IV will also entail a ban on industries running on dirty fuels and on construction and demolition activities in linear public projects such as highways, roads, flyovers, over bridges, power transmission and pipelines. State governments can consider allowing 50 per cent staff to work from home in public, municipal and private offices, and additional emergency measures like closure of educational institutions and the plying of vehicles on odd-even basis etc.

The Hidden Ravages of Tamil Nadu’s Poultry Boom

Namakkal is a regional poultry hub and is also known as India’s ‘egg capital’. Eggs from here and nearby Erode go to various parts of India and are also exported. But around the districts’ poultry farms, there is an off-putting odour, bird feathers and dust are everywhere, and locals are constantly beset by flies. The farms have triggered land-use change, polluted the water, displaced birds and other wildlife, and flouted important health and environmental norms. The improper disposal of dead birds has attracted dogs even as the farms’ overuse of antibiotics as ‘growth promoters’ has fostered antimicrobial resistance. The locals however feel helpless and at the mercy of the farms’ effects because they are owned and run by powerful individuals resistant to change. Namakkal/Erode, Tamil Nadu: Fifty three-year-old Prakash N. is busy tilling his field in Kurumbapatti, a village in Tamil Nadu’s Namakkal district. In a few days, he will plant shallots here. In the adjoining field, the shallot seeds he sowed a few months ago have already put out their long, slender green arms above the rich, black soil. But there’s a colour here that doesn’t fit. Bright, white specks wriggle over and under the smooth shallot shoots in the steady Aadi monsoon breeze . The specks dance on the black soil. Some flutter their way to my feet. “You’ll find it everywhere here,” Prakash says. Less than 70 metres away is the source of all that fluff: a large poultry farm with nearly ten sheds, each up to 250 metres long, containing around four lakh white egg-laying chicken. Here, in Gayathri poultry farm, chickens are housed in cages neatly stacked one on top of another in up to three tiers. Their feathers land on almost everything in the vicinity: soil, crops, grasses, shrubs and roads. Even you. But the white chicken feathers are the least of the concerns here. Step within a 100 metres of most poultry farms – and fine poultry dust will cake you from head to toe. A strong, musty odour, like soggy cat food that’s gone bad, will hit your nostrils. Even if you get used to the stench or the dust, as you do over a period of time, the flies are impossible to ignore. They are almost everywhere. “Life has become hell here,” says farmer K. Nataraj, as he swats at flies mobbing a vessel of water beside him on the narrow verandah outside his house. He lives next door to another large poultry farm in Kurumbapatti in Namakkal. Namakkal is a poultry hub. Known as India’s ‘egg capital’, this roughly 3,300-sq.-km district is home to an estimated 1,175 poultry farms. Its 1,100-odd poultry farmers own around 4.5 crore egg-laying birds. Their produce – broiler chicken and white-shelled eggs – feeds people across the country. Produce from Namakkal and its neighbouring districts, such as Erode, also finds its way to foreign markets, including countries in the Middle East. But while the poultry industry is a crucial source of livelihood for people in these states and districts, farms have several undesirable environmental and health consequences in their neighbourhood. As part of an investigation, The Wire Science found that these consequences include faecal contamination of nearby open wells, reports of poultry dust, strong offputting smells, a profusion of flies and a swelling population of stray dogs. All these together have made life harder for people living near these farms. Doctors told The Wire Science that dog bites had become more common in some areas – even as a “silent prevalence” of lung cancer could be correlated to the poultry industry (although studies will be required to confirm). The Indian government has issued guidelines and best practices for poultry farms to follow, but state governments haven’t enforced them properly. Monitoring local ecosystems and studying the environmental impacts of poultry farms in more detail, and undertaking environmental surveillance to understand less-known aspects such as antimicrobial resistance or emerging zoonoses, could be the need of the hour as a changing climate and habitat loss increase the risks of diseases spilling over from animals to people. A growing demand for poultry The global demand for meat is increasing. In 2018, the world produced more than 340 million tonnes a year – that’s three-times more than it did 50 years ago. Poultry production grew the highest in this time: 12-fold between 1961 and 2014. According to the US Food and Agriculture Organisation, poultry meat production increased from 9 million to 133 million tonnes globally over the last six decades or so, and egg production rose from 15 to 93 million tonnes. In India, increasing incomes and a growing urban population have led to a higher demand for poultry and meat. Today, the country is the third largest producer of eggs in the world. In 2021, India’s egg production was around 122 billion units, up from some 16 billion units in 1986. India’s most recent livestock census, in 2019, pegged the country’s poultry population at 851.8 million. Between 2012 and 2019, India also recorded a growth of 16.8% in poultry numbers. In 2015, the poultry industry was worth Rs 80,000 crore, dominated by the commercial sector. Around 3 crore small and medium farmers make up the more unorganised backyard poultry sector. According to the 2019 census, this sector grew a phenomenal 46% when compared to the previous census in 2012. In 2019, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, West Bengal and Maharashtra had the highest poultry numbers in the country – but chief among them was Tamil Nadu, with a population of around 12 crore birds. In Tamil Nadu’s Namakkal district in particular, the poultry industry has grown in extraordinary fashion. According to an estimate listed in a case study of the Namakkal layer bird industry by scientists at the Tamil Nadu Veterinary and Animal Sciences University, Namakkal, the poultry population increased from 3 lakh in 1975 to 75 lakh in 1985. Today, the poultry population in the district is approximately 4.5 crore, according to the study. Companies in the district export eggs and egg products to 17 countries in the Middle East and West Africa. Of the 3.08 crore eggs produced every day in Namakkal, around a tenth are now exported to Middle Eastern countries. Erode district also has a swelling poultry population. Per the Development Commissioner of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises, the population of layer birds in the district increased form 21 lakh in 1996 to 25.5 lakh in 2000. The rise in broiler numbers over this time period has been even greater: more than three-fold from 4.6 lakh to 16.6 lakh. But it seems the staggering growth of the poultry industry in these districts has come at several costs to local communities and the environment. In Namakkal, the proliferation of poultry farms and the expansion of existing ones has changed, and is changing, land-use patterns. The success of poultry farming in the district means the people are converting crop lands to residential areas as well as poultry farms, said K. Jagatheesan, deputy director of agriculture, Namakkal district. For example, in Kurumbapatti, the land on which Gayathri Poultry Farm now stands used to be cropland before, said Prakash N., a farmer. “All of this used to be millet fields,” he said, pointing to the adjacent farm and the fallow land opposite the road. Recent changes in weather – including extreme heat and shifting rainfall patterns – have also ensured that agriculture is more difficult now than it used to be, said Valiyammal S., who cultivates a range of crops, including groundnut, ragi and cotton in Sarkarpalayapalayam in Namakkal. Combined with low market prices, this is also why practising farmers are giving up cultivation, she said. Changes in land cover may seem innocuous but they have several consequences for the local environment. Thanks to the sources of pollution that they create, changes in land use can affect both surface and underground water quality, researchers found in a 2010 study in Maheshwaram, Telangana. They identified poultry farms as one of the many factors causing this deterioration. The conversion of fallow and agricultural land to poultry farms also means more built-up area. And more built-up area means fewer habitats available for birds and other wildlife. That’s because croplands – especially those supporting low-intensity agriculture, meaning the use of fewer pesticides and fertilisers – can also support such biodiversity, as at least one study found in 2016. New poultry farms don’t retain any natural vegetation to minimise the chance of wild birds using the area for roosting or nesting, which can help prevent diseases from spilling over from wild birds to caged chickens. This is in fact a concern that emerged in a case heard and disposed of by the southern bench of the National Green Tribunal on August 24 this year. According to guidelines laid down by the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), a statutory organisation to control air and water pollution constituted under the Union environment ministry, poultry farm owners are required to develop a “green belt” along the boundaries of poultry farms to lower their air and sound pollution. However, the poultry farm in question – in Rasipuram taluk in Namakkal – didn’t have one. Then again, veterinary and animal husbandry officials who inspected the property didn’t cite the lack of a green belt as a concern because, according to them, roosting wild birds on vegetation within poultry farms could pass infections to chicken. While the National Green Tribunal subsequently ordered that the Rasipuram poultry farm halt operations for other reasons, it suggested that the Tamil Nadu Pollution Control Board (TNPCB) – one of the respondents in the case – take immediate but temporary measures to ensure a sufficient green belt until the CPCB could suggest remedial options. The Wire Science reached out to the TNPCB to find out measures being taken; this article will be updated as and when the board responds. The case also touched on the impact of the poultry farm on groundwater in the locality. The petitioner in the case, a local resident near the farm in Rasipuram, had alleged that the poultry farm’s consumption of well-water had lowered the water table and that pollutants from the farm had deteriorated the water’s quality. Falling water While many rural areas in Namakkal and Erode have access to piped water for drinking, poultry farms aren’t allowed to use this water for their operations, farmers – including Bharat K. in Namakkal and Satheesh Ramasamy, whose family runs a small poultry farm near Sivagiri in Erode – told The Wire Science. So poultry farms depend entirely on borewell water for their needs. This spells trouble for the water table, especially in summer, when the water level is already low and the same borewells fuel water-intensive crops such as sugarcane in Erode. This said, there is no limit on the amount of groundwater farms can extract for their use. Poultry farms don’t require a ‘no objection certificate’ to draw groundwater because the government considers it an “allied agricultural activity”. In Namakkal district however, the certificate is mandatory for any purpose other than extracting water for drinking and agriculture. This is because of the 30 revenue firkas in the district, the state government categorised 18 as having an “over-exploited” water table in 2014. A more recent assessment, in 2018, by the Public Works Department found that the water table of 20 of the 30 firkas in Namakkal were “overexploited”. In its August 24 order regarding groundwater extraction by the Rasipuram poultry farm, the National Green Tribunal suggested that the TNPCB account for the availability of groundwater in the area and fix the quantity of water that could be drawn from the well by the farm, to prevent depletion of groundwater in the well. The board hadn’t responded to queries from The Wire Science about the steps being taken in this direction at the time of publishing. Something dark in the water Poultry farms also reduce water quality in several ways. This can happen when farmers dump dead birds in or nearby water bodies, such as ponds, for example. This used to happen in the eri near her fields, Valliyammal said. The 63-year-old cultivates vegetables and cotton in four acres opposite the Pavayeeammal Poultry Farm in Sarkarpalayapalayam. “Chicken die everyday in the farm and they used to dump it in the eri,” she said. “This was a problem because our livestock used to drink this water.” However, the poultry farm owners stopped the practice when locals spoke to them about it, she added. They now dispose of dead birds within their compound. Bharath K., who owns the Pavayeeammal Poultry Farm, confirmed that they bury dead birds in a deep pit inside the compound. This is in line with norms stipulated by the CPCB. Another way poultry farms affect local water bodies is when surface water runoff from farms – containing high concentrations of nitrate from poultry sheds – mixes with water in nearby ponds, lakes or open wells. This is especially a problem during the monsoon, a 2010 study in Maheshwaram, Telangana, found. Researchers pointed to an overall increase in groundwater contamination between 2003 and 2008, due to uncontrolled sewage disposal caused by urbanisation and a growing number of poultry farms. To understand if water bodies near the poultry farms were polluted, The Wire Science collected water samples from five water sources near such farms in Namakkal and Erode. Four of these were open wells located within 300 metres of the farms (cultivating both layer and broiler chicken). One sample was from a borewell within 100 metres of a large layer farm in Namakkal. All four open wells near farms contained varying but significant levels of coliform bacteria (specifically, 80-500 colony forming units, or CFU, per ml of water). Three had varying levels of Escherichia coli (3-200 CFU/ml) as well. The borewell sample, despite being within 100 metres from a large layer farm, didn’t contain any significant levels of coliform bacteria or E. coli. “It’s certainly faecal contamination, especially in view of the fact that the deep borewell is relatively better off,” said Jayshree Vencatesan, managing trustee of the Care Earth Trust, Chennai, who has been studying wetlands for more than two decades. “When surface water shows such a high [level] of E. coli, it’s apparent that recurrent contamination” is the problem. The tests also revealed high concentrations of phosphates and nitrates in some water sources – on par and sometimes higher than levels permitted by the Bureau of Indian Standards in drinking water. These levels indicate “leaching of additives, especially an agri- or animal husbandry kind of residue,” Vencatesan said. “Water is certainly contaminated. [It] must be leading to digestive tract/metabolic disorders by now across the food web.” § Farms and humans While doctors do report the usual digestive-tract-related health concerns in Namakkal, they’ve also been reporting a higher incidence of upper respiratory-tract infections (URIs). Dr Kokila S., a medical officer-in-charge at the Valayapatti Primary Health Centre near Kurumbapatti, said that the incidence of URIs is even higher than that of diabetes and hypertension. Poultry dust – particulate matter from feathers, litter, feed, etc. – can cause several health problems among poultry workers, including respiratory illnesses, studies have found. According to Dr Sudha Selvi, head of general medicine at the Namakkal Medical College and Hospital, the district also has a “silent prevalence” of lung carcinomas, seemingly higher than that in nearby Salem, where she worked previously. But screening such cases to understand the cause is essential to establish a link – if any – between poultry farms, dust and cancer, she added. Dr Kokila also said she also treats many more people with dog and cat bites now than she has in the last five years. The lack of proper disposal of dead poultry and the absence of fences or walls in some farms – which signal non-compliance with CPCB mandates – mean stray dogs often have easy access to poultry, dead or alive. Such access to food can ‘provision’ stray dog populations, independent scientist Chandrima Home, who has studied stray dog populations and their impact on wildlife, told The Wire Science. An increase in dog-bite cases – such as what Dr. Kokila noticed in Valayapatti – could indicate a spike in stray dog populations, according to Home. More bite cases also mean a higher probability of rabies, a viral disease that dogs are known to carry and transmit. Rabies is a big public health concern in India: 35% of the world’s annual human deaths due to dog-mediated rabies occur here alone. While Tamil Nadu reportedly became the first state to have implemented a state-wide, multisectoral rabies control initiative in 2004, including ensuring the availability of anti-rabies vaccines, the state continues to report a not-insignificant rabies deaths. DTNext reported that over eight months in 2022, the state has already recorded 18. The number of stray dogs has also increased in their localities, several residents near poultry farms said. Nataraj K. and his family have noticed such a spike in Kurumbapatti, where they live. He said they lost 10 of their goats in the last year to strays. Nataraj’s animals weren’t insured and he doesn’t expect to receive compensation from the animal husbandry department. There are no studies on the environmental consequences of proliferating dogs and their links to poultry farms in Namakkal or Tamil Nadu at large. But the dog menace that residents of Tamil Nadu have complained about is similar to what Abi Tamim Vanak and his colleagues have been observing in Baramati in Pune, Vanak told The Wire Science. Baramati has registered a big increase in the number of small poultry farms in the last decade, Vanak, a scientist at the Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment (ATREE), Bengaluru, said. The lack of a proper disposal mechanism for dead birds has meant farmers stuff dead birds in sacks and toss them in the countryside, he said – “hundreds of birds, daily”, across a 100 sq. km landscape. Thus, the numbers of dogs roaming the countryside – as opposed to strays in villages or those owned by farmers – has shot up. “We’ve seen up to 60 dogs in one place,” said Vanak, who studies the impact of stray dog populations on wildlife. This in turn has affected Baramati in two ways. First, when people poison dogs, they inadvertently kill wildlife too. Farmers sometimes lace poultry carcasses with pesticides, Vanak said, and jackals, hyenas and foxes also prey on poultry waste in the area, killing them in sizeable numbers. Second, a surge in the dog population could increase human-wildlife conflict. Baramati and its surrounding areas are home to sugarcane fields that leopards are known to use. And for leopards, dogs are easy prey, so they often track the canines and potentially come closer to human settlements in the Baramati countryside, Vanak said. Public health The threats that feral dogs living near poultry farms pose doesn’t stop there, however: it could have deeper implications on public health as well. A 2014 study found evidence of avian influenza virus infections (specifically, H5N1 and H9N2) in dogs living next to live poultry markets in China. This could have been due to indirect contact between dogs and poultry, such as through aerosol and faecal transmission, or directly, through the consumption of dead bird carcasses. Both stray dogs and stray cats may already be immunocompromised due to poor diets and open wounds, among other reasons, making them more susceptible to cross-species pathogen transmission. They could thus increase the risk of the emergence and transmission of novel influenza A viruses and threaten both veterinary and human health, the study warned. Periodically surveilling dogs near poultry farms can be a crucial early warning system to track novel viral spillovers, the scientists suggested. But forget tracking dogs’ viral loads, however: there’s barely any data on the population of stray dogs in these areas to begin with. No Central or state departments keep a tab of stray dog numbers or their population growth, Home said. There’s also no surveillance of another crucial aspect in this system: antibiotics. Poultry farmers use antibiotics – ideally meant only for sick chicken – in rampant fashion. The drugs work here as a ‘growth promoter’, enabling the chicken to grow to weigh as much as 2.2 kg in their short life span of 35-42 days, according to a senior veterinary doctor and animal health expert who didn’t wish to be named because they could get into trouble at their workplace for talking about this. One 2018 report found that farmers even use colistin, a ‘last resort’ antibiotic that doctors administer to people only if their infections are resistant to most other antibiotics. At present, Tamil Nadu farmers’ antibiotics of choice are ciprofloxacin and enrofloxacin, especially for broiler chicken, per the animal health expert. Both are second-generation antibiotics that should ideally be used only to treat bacterial infections in chicken. According to the expert, using these drugs as ‘growth promoters’ helps advance harvest time by a week, allowing farmers to harvest broilers as soon as Day 35. Like in every natural system, the drugs pass through the chicken and into the rest of the food web – including to humans. It also seeps into the water and soil, such as when farmers use excreta from chicken treated with antibiotics as manure. Such continuous exposure to antibiotics can also encourage bacteria to become antibiotic-resistant, rendering future treatment of infections much more challenging. And of course, the more common these antibiotic-resistant superbugs become in the environment, the more at risk people also will be. “In India, the environmental dimension of [antimicrobial resistance] is yet to be realised,” said Indumathi M. Nambi, a professor at IIT Madras who studies environmental antimicrobial resistance. There are no published studies of environmental antimicrobial resistance caused specifically by poultry farms in Namakkal, Erode or other poultry-growing districts in Tamil Nadu or even South India. But in Maharashtra’s Baramati, Vanak and his team have reported that the soil in and around poultry farms has high concentrations of antibiotic residue. Here, antibiotics reside in agricultural fields as well. According to findings by Vanak et al., soon to be published, antibiotics fed to poultry show up in the birds’ faecal matter, which the farmers then sell locally as manure. Other farmers purchase it for their vegetable farms and other fields. Ultimately, antibiotics fed to poultry can easily find their way into humans when they consume food crops grown on poultry manure. In fact, in Tamil Nadu, farmers use the birds’ excreta extensively as manure in their fields. The manure also crosses state borders: poultry-farm owners in Namakkal and Erode sell the substance to farms in Kerala and Karnataka, where farmers apply it as manure in coconut orchards, rubber plantations and vegetable fields, poultry farm owner Bharat K. told The Wire Science. The use of poultry manure could thus be introducing antibiotic-resistant microbes in these states as well. However – and again – there have been no studies yet to confirm this. Studies worldwide have made this association very clear. According to one review, agricultural soils are a “major sink” for antibiotics and of antimicrobial resistance caused by livestock farming. In India as well, a 2017 study by the Centre for Science and Environment, New Delhi, reported that the unsafe disposal of poultry litter and waste in agricultural fields caused multi-drug resistant bacteria to proliferate in and around poultry farms in four states in North India. Bacteria isolated from soil and poultry litter samples here were also resistant to 10 of the 13 antibiotics researchers tested them against. § Our poultry needs But for all these environmental and health effects, India needs its chickens and eggs for both economic growth and to improve public health. The poultry industry is a crucial source of livelihoods and income for farmers in several states, and plays a big part in empowering women in rural areas. At less than 100 rupees per kg for chicken meat, and Rs 4-6 per egg, both animal products are also a critical source of cheap protein for India, where protein consumption levels are lower than the prescribed limits and where the risk of protein deficiency ranges from 6% to 42%. Nutritionists have in fact argued that for India to achieve an “enhanced dietary quality” in the coming decades, it needs to shift from a “cereals-only focus, to stronger investment in pulses, dairy and egg production”. Ensuring protein availability can go hand-in-hand with sustainability. The Indian government issued guidelines to regulate the operations of poultry farms in 2015. Under these guidelines, poultry farms with more than 1 lakh birds need to obtain ‘consent to establish’ and ‘consent to operate’ from the respective State Pollution Control Boards or the Pollution Control Committee under the Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act 1974 and the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act 1981, among others. The guidelines also regulate odour and solid waste management. Based on an order of the National Green Tribunal in 2020, the CPCB updated these guidelines in August 2021. With this, farms with more than 25,000 birds also had to obtain clearances from the respective state boards and committees. In December 2021, in response to a plea by animal welfare activist Gauri Maulekhi four years earlier, the tribunal noted that poultry farms with 5,000-25,000 birds also pollute and couldn’t be left unregulated. So the CPCB updated its guidelines in January 2022 to mandate such poultry farms to obtain all levels of clearances as well. The last two updates also provided specific directions vis-à-vis the farms’ locations. They had to be at least 500 metres away from residential areas to spare local residents from the smells and the flies, and at least 100 metres from rivers, canals and other sources of drinking water, to avoid contamination. A layer egg farm in Sarkarpalayapalayam. Photo: Aathira Perinchery/The Wire Science kkxx Poultry waste below a layer farm in Namakkal, Tamil Nadu. Poultry farmers sell this as manure to other districts and states. Photo: Aathira Perinchery/The Wire Science Enforcement, monitoring, accountability There are rules in place. Yet India is – and states like Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu are – going wrong. Experts are agreed that for both people and the environment, the most important thing is for the guidelines to ensure poultry farms adhere to environmental norms to be implemented better. For example, the Gayathri Poultry Farm in Kurumbapatti has several measures in line with the CPCB guidelines. They include biosecurity measures for poultry production as issued by World Organisation for Animal Health – like a vehicle tyre dip that prevents infections from entering or exiting the farm. On the other hand, the Pavayeeammal Poultry Farm in Sarkarpalayapalayam, which houses more than a lakh birds like Gayathri Poultry Farm – does not. According to the TNPCB – as specified in the Rasipuram case heard by the green tribunal – the board has issued instructions to district environmental engineers (DEEs) to prepare an inventory of poultry farms, ensure they are brought under the “consent mechanism” and that they follow the CPCB guidelines of January 2022. The Namakkal DEE had already issued show cause notices to 436 farms in 2021 for not obtaining consent from the TNPCB. The Wire Science contacted both the TNPCB as well as the Animal Husbandry, Dairying and Fisheries Department of the state for their comments but didn’t receive a response. Indeed, implementation of the guidelines, as well as developing systems to regularly monitor local ecosystems, is crucial, according to Vencatesan. “Monitoring is absolutely critical, especially during summer, when concentration [of pollutants] spikes,” she said. She added that it might be a good idea to weave such a mandatory monitoring system into law, so that it becomes enforceable at the state-level as well. Accountability is crucial as well. Many small and medium-sized poultry farms follow a “decentralised” model of management, in Vanak’s words. Large companies like Suguna Food Pvt. Ltd. and Baramati Agro Ltd. supply poultry farmers with the chicks and all the feed they need to grow the birds on. That, for instance, is how most farms in Erode in Tamil Nadu and Baramati in Maharashtra work. The farmers are responsible for meeting all the other requirements: space, water, labour, medicines. This model may benefit farmers but this is exactly where environmental compliance goes for a toss, Vanak alleged. There is little accountability: the responsibility to adhere to mandatory guidelines to prevent pollution falls squarely on the shoulders of farmers, who don’t usually follow it because there are no audits. Disease surveillance in farms should be important and perhaps mandated because India along with China and some Southeast Asian countries are hotspots of emerging infectious diseases, Home added. This in turn throws the spotlight back onto the dogs – which can spread several viruses, including distemper, parvovirus, hepatitis and rabies. “While domestic dogs may still recover from distemper, for wild carnivore populations [Indian foxes and jackals, e.g.], this will be a death knell that surely reiterates the need for better disease surveillance.” Addressing some core issues such as the ease of getting antibiotics over the counter can help tackle the concern of antimicrobial resistance, said Raman Muthusamy, a former project manager of the One Health Poultry Hub, a UK-based project that explores the effects of rapid poultry expansion and the attendant risk of diseases. “We need to bring in a prescription audit, ensure proper veterinary medical records are in place and follow up on vets.” We’ve also failed, and “miserably” at that, to raise awareness among farmers as well as pharmaceutical shop employees and veterinary practitioners about the problems that such rampant use of antibiotics in poultry can cause, Muthusamy added. “There are ways and means to restrict the use of antimicrobials. It may be a tough task when it comes to implementation, but that’s where the state and the Centre have to take responsibility as regulators,” he explained. India’s National Action Plan on Antibiotic Resistance ended in 2021 – but “progress under the plan has been far from satisfactory,” Kamini Walia, a scientist at the Indian Council of Medical Research, New Delhi, wrote last year. “Too many players, missing governance mechanisms and absence of funding have been recognised as key impediments to the effective rollout of action plans in other countries as well.” Similarly, boundaries in science ought to disappear if we want to make progress on antimicrobial resistance, Nambi, the IIT Madras professor, said. Doctors and environmentalists should keep talking to each other instead of working in silos, as should experts in the fields of veterinary medicine, fisheries and agriculture. Such a ‘One Health’ approach – as the WHO recommends – is important, she added. If antibiotics that worked well 10 years ago don’t anymore, we should know why. “If [doctors] are seeing trends in resistance, they should document it.” Lived realities The documentation that exists but is being ignored right now pertains to the plight of the people living near the poultry farms. In their lived realities, antimicrobial resistance and pathogens jumping from one species to the next are far from the top of the problems list. The top spots are occupied by swarms of flies, obnoxious odours and drifting dust – and of course about making just enough to get by. Their quality of life is poor overall, and they blame the poultry farms for it. A young mother who lives next door to Nivetha Hatcheries in Kasaba Pasur, Erode, doesn’t let her toddler play outside the house. “Stench, flies, dust, everything is a problem here,” her neighbour told me. I asked the neighbour for her name; she refused. The farm’s owners are from the same village, rich, belong to the dominant caste, and are influential. “There’s nothing we can do,” she said. A sense of helplessness hangs in the air around these poultry farms – much like the stench wafting from there. The least privileged, who live right next door to these farms, are the worst-affected. Landed farmers like Nataraj K. in Kurumbapatti are ready to speak out without fear, but the daily-wage workers near Supreme Farm in Poondurai Semur, in Erode, hold their tongues. Many, like that woman, even refuse to share their names fearing retaliation by the farm owners. Fifty-year-old Nanjamma’s shack is within 20 metres of the farm. Flies attempted to settle on both our bodies as we chatted. “The fly menace is so bad that we are not even able to eat food properly,” she said. Her waving hand chased away a few of the insects, even as others bore down in their place. Have they complained to local authorities to take action? They don’t bother, she said. “We know that they won’t do anything. And they will target us if we complain about the farm owners. We are just resigned to our fate.”

Monsoon retreats, but Delhi may get rain next week

NEW DELHI: Delhi's monsoon season ended on Thursday, with the IMD declaring the system's withdrawal from the capital. However, the city could still get some rain soon as a low-pressure developing in the Bay of Bengal is likely to bring wet weather into the region between October 3 and 6, reports Kushagra Dixit. The monsoon's withdrawal came four days later than IMD's "normal" retreat date from Delhi of September 25. The season of highly uneven rainfall ended in Delhi with an overall 19% deficit since June 1, just within the "normal" range of 20% deviation (plus or minus) from the long period average. Till September 15, Delhi had logged a massive deficit of around 39%, which reduced significantly following five-six days of incessant rain from September 19. Late monsoon withdrawal augurs well for air quality From the date of the monsoon's arrival in Delhi on June 30 till its withdrawal on Thursday, the city recorded just two heavy rain days at its base weather station, Safdarjung. "The southwest monsoon has withdrawn from Delhi, Punjab and Chandigarh and parts of Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, west Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Rajasthan," said a statement from IMD on Thursday. The current normal date for the start of the monsoon withdrawal from the country, beginning from western Rajasthan is September 17. dee However, another wet spell in Delhi-NCR could be round the corner. "There are chances of a cyclonic circulation creating a low-pressure area in Bay of Bengal due to the remnants of typhoon Noru. There is also a possibility that the low-pressure system will move towards central India by the first week of October and this may induce rain in Delhi, UP, Delhi, eastern Rajasthan, parts of Haryana, Punjab and Uttarakhand," said Mahesh Palawat, deputy chairperson, meteorology and climate change, Monsoon retreats, but Delhi may get rain next week TNN | Sep 30, 2022, 04.41 AM IST Monsoon retreats, but Delhi may get rain next week NEW DELHI: Delhi's monsoon season ended on Thursday, with the IMD declaring the system's withdrawal from the capital. However, the city could still get some rain soon as a low-pressure developing in the Bay of Bengal is likely to bring wet weather into the region between October 3 and 6, reports Kushagra Dixit. The monsoon's withdrawal came four days later than IMD's "normal" retreat date from Delhi of September 25. The season of highly uneven rainfall ended in Delhi with an overall 19% deficit since June 1, just within the "normal" range of 20% deviation (plus or minus) from the long period average. Till September 15, Delhi had logged a massive deficit of around 39%, which reduced significantly following five-six days of incessant rain from September 19. Late monsoon withdrawal augurs well for air quality From the date of the monsoon's arrival in Delhi on June 30 till its withdrawal on Thursday, the city recorded just two heavy rain days at its base weather station, Safdarjung. Congratulations! You have successfully cast your vote "The southwest monsoon has withdrawn from Delhi, Punjab and Chandigarh and parts of Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, west Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Rajasthan," said a statement from IMD on Thursday. The current normal date for the start of the monsoon withdrawal from the country, beginning from western Rajasthan is September 17. dee However, another wet spell in Delhi-NCR could be round the corner. "There are chances of a cyclonic circulation creating a low-pressure area in Bay of Bengal due to the remnants of typhoon Noru. There is also a possibility that the low-pressure system will move towards central India by the first week of October and this may induce rain in Delhi, UP, Delhi, eastern Rajasthan, parts of Haryana, Punjab and Uttarakhand," said Mahesh Palawat, deputy chairperson, meteorology and climate change, Skymet. IMD officials said they were monitoring the movement of the low-pressure system. "We will be in a better position to say how much impact it will have in northwest India around October 1-2. There are, however, chances of a western disturbance leading to incursion of moisture from Arabian sea, which will bring in easterly winds," said R K Jenamani, senior IMD scientist. Delhi received 516.9mm rainfall during the monsoon season at Safdarjung, about half the amount it received in the last monsoon. Ayanagar churned the highest rainfall at 571.5mm, followed by northern Ridge at 559.5mm, Palam at 548.7mm and Lodhi Road at 515.5mm. "Though the monsoon was deficient (shortfall higher than 20%) until the end of the second week of September, the last two weather systems leading to rain made up for the larger deficiency. However, Delhi still has a deficit of 19%, which is just within the normal range, bordering on deficient rainfall," Palawat said. While weather analysts consider the date of withdrawal to be "almost normal" as it's just four days behind the normal date, air quality experts look at it as a good sign for better ventilation before the onset of winter. "It's good that the monsoon withdrawal occurred a bit early compared to last year. In the case of monsoon persisting till October, there is a drop in temperature with moisture levels relatively high, resulting in an inversion layer. This is a recipe for high pollution," said Avikal Somvanshi, air quality expert and programme manager at Centre for Science and Environment. An "inversion layer" forms when cold air is trapped at the Earth's surface below a layer of relatively warm air. It leads to air pollutants getting trapped close to the surface due to poor ventilation.

Finer' plan to fight air pollution to come into force from Oct 1

A 'finer' Graded Response Action Plan -- a set of anti-air pollution measures followed in the national capital and its vicinity according to the severity of the situation -- will come into from October 1 and environment experts believe advance action this year will lead to lesser incidences of severe pollution. Earlier, GRAP would come into effect from October 15. The Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM), a statutory body established in August 2021, for management of air quality in Delhi-NCR decided to implement GRAP early, considering suggestions from the public and experts that advance action can prevent drastic deterioration in air quality. Under the revised GRAP, curbs can be imposed on polluting activities up to three days in advance based on forecasts. Earlier, the authorities would implement the measures only after the PM2.5 and PM10 concentration touched a particular threshold. This time, restrictions will be based on air quality index (AQI) values rather than PM2.5 and PM10 concentration. Vivek Chattopadhyaya, Senior Programme Manager, Clean Air Programme, Centre for Science and Environment, said: "The pre-emptive action should prevent the sudden deterioration of the air quality unless meteorological conditions become highly unfavorable." "The agencies should strengthen their baseline level action so that there is no need for emergency measures. They should be able to foresee a contingency and prepare a fool proof plan to deal with it, such as arranging CNG carriers and trucks for continuous supply of essential items," he said. Sunil Dahiya, an analyst at Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air, hoped that advance action would lead to lesser incidences of severe air quality. "However, only sustained awareness campaigns and continuous engagement with all stakeholders will resolve the problems such as stubble burning. Action just before the stubble burning period is unlikely to yield good results," he said. In Delhi, officials said the environment department will be using the new real-time source apportionment system which will help ascertain the contribution of all pollution sources in real time. The green war room will monitor violations and redress complaints and grievances in keeping with the practice being followed for the last two years. Dr Mahesh Narang, the head of the farm engineering department at Punjab Agricultural University, said the "finer" GRAP and preemptive curbs will prevent a repeat of the air quality crisis seen on Diwali and the following days last year due to the convergence of emissions from farm fires and firecrackers. "Stubble burning peaks in November and Diwali is on October 24. This is a crucial factor. So, it may not lead to a severe situation on Diwali provided all other measures are followed strictly," he said. "The government has provided more machines for the management of stubble this year. We hope for better results," Narang said. GRAP has now been classified under four different stages of adverse air quality in Delhi: Stage I - 'Poor' (AQI 201-300); Stage II - 'Very Poor' (AQI 301-400); Stage III - 'Severe' (AQI 401-450); and Stage IV - 'Severe Plus' (AQI >450). Under Stage I, the CAQM has recommended strict action against polluting industries, vehicles and biomass burning. The use of coal and firewood, including in tandoors in hotels, restaurants, open eateries; and diesel generator sets, except for emergent and essential services, is banned under Stage II. If the situation turns "severe" (Stage III), authorities will have to enforce a ban on construction and demolition activities in NCR, except on essential projects (like railways, metros, airports, ISBTs, national security/defence-related projects of national importance) and non-polluting activities such as plumbing, carpentry, interior decoration and electrical works. Brick kilns, hot mix plants and stone crushers not operating on clean fuels, and mining and associated activities in NCR will also be banned under Stage III. State governments in Delhi-NCR may also impose restrictions on BS III petrol and BS IV diesel light motor vehicles (four wheelers) under Stage III. The measures to be followed in the "Severe Plus" category or Stage IV include a ban on the entry of trucks into Delhi, and on the plying of Delhi-registered diesel-run medium goods vehicles and heavy goods vehicles (HGVs) in the national capital except those carrying essential commodities. The use of four-wheeler diesel light motor vehicles, except for BS-VI vehicles and vehicles engaged in essential services, will also be banned in Delhi and the bordering districts of NCR. Stage IV will also entail a ban on industries running on dirty fuels and on construction and demolition activities in linear public projects such as highways, roads, flyovers, over bridges, power transmission and pipelines. State governments can consider allowing 50 per cent staff to work from home in public, municipal and private offices, and additional emergency measures like closure of educational institutions and the plying of vehicles on odd-even basis etc. PTI GVS RCJ

New Plan, New Approach To Fight Air Pollution In Delhi From October 1: Report

Delhi Pollution: In Delhi, officials said the environment department will be using the new real-time source apportionment system which will help ascertain the contribution of all pollution sources in real time. A 'finer' Graded Response Action Plan - a set of anti-air pollution measures followed in the national capital and its vicinity according to the severity of the situation - will come into from October 1 and environment experts believe advance action this year will lead to lesser incidences of severe pollution. Earlier, GRAP would come into effect from October 15. The Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM), a statutory body established in August 2021, for management of air quality in Delhi-NCR decided to implement GRAP early, considering suggestions from the public and experts that advance action can prevent drastic deterioration in air quality. Under the revised GRAP, curbs can be imposed on polluting activities up to three days in advance based on forecasts. Earlier, the authorities would implement the measures only after the PM2.5 and PM10 concentration touched a particular threshold. This time, restrictions will be based on air quality index (AQI) values rather than PM2.5 and PM10 concentration. Vivek Chattopadhyaya, Senior Programme Manager, Clean Air Programme, Centre for Science and Environment, said: "The pre-emptive action should prevent the sudden deterioration of the air quality unless meteorological conditions become highly unfavorable." "The agencies should strengthen their baseline level action so that there is no need for emergency measures. They should be able to foresee a contingency and prepare a fool proof plan to deal with it, such as arranging CNG carriers and trucks for continuous supply of essential items," he said. Sunil Dahiya, an analyst at Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air, hoped that advance action would lead to lesser incidences of severe air quality. "However, only sustained awareness campaigns and continuous engagement with all stakeholders will resolve the problems such as stubble burning. Action just before the stubble burning period is unlikely to yield good results," he said. In Delhi, officials said the environment department will be using the new real-time source apportionment system which will help ascertain the contribution of all pollution sources in real time. The green war room will monitor violations and redress complaints and grievances in keeping with the practice being followed for the last two years. Mahesh Narang, the head of the farm engineering department at Punjab Agricultural University, said the "finer" GRAP and preemptive curbs will prevent a repeat of the air quality crisis seen on Diwali and the following days last year due to the convergence of emissions from farm fires and firecrackers. "Stubble burning peaks in November and Diwali is on October 24. This is a crucial factor. So, it may not lead to a severe situation on Diwali provided all other measures are followed strictly," he said. "The government has provided more machines for the management of stubble this year. We hope for better results," Mr Narang said. GRAP has now been classified under four different stages of adverse air quality in Delhi: Stage I - 'Poor' (AQI 201-300); Stage II - 'Very Poor' (AQI 301-400); Stage III - 'Severe' (AQI 401-450); and Stage IV - 'Severe Plus' (AQI >450). Under Stage I, the CAQM has recommended strict action against polluting industries, vehicles and biomass burning. The use of coal and firewood, including in tandoors in hotels, restaurants, open eateries; and diesel generator sets, except for emergent and essential services, is banned under Stage II. If the situation turns "severe" (Stage III), authorities will have to enforce a ban on construction and demolition activities in NCR, except on essential projects (like railways, metros, airports, ISBTs, national security/defence-related projects of national importance) and non-polluting activities such as plumbing, carpentry, interior decoration and electrical works. Brick kilns, hot mix plants and stone crushers not operating on clean fuels, and mining and associated activities in NCR will also be banned under Stage III. State governments in Delhi-NCR may also impose restrictions on BS III petrol and BS IV diesel light motor vehicles (four wheelers) under Stage III. The measures to be followed in the "Severe Plus" category or Stage IV include a ban on the entry of trucks into Delhi, and on the plying of Delhi-registered diesel-run medium goods vehicles and heavy goods vehicles (HGVs) in the national capital except those carrying essential commodities. The use of four-wheeler diesel light motor vehicles, except for BS-VI vehicles and vehicles engaged in essential services, will also be banned in Delhi and the bordering districts of NCR. Promoted Listen to the latest songs, only on JioSaavn.com Stage IV will also entail a ban on industries running on dirty fuels and on construction and demolition activities in linear public projects such as highways, roads, flyovers, over bridges, power transmission and pipelines. State governments can consider allowing 50 per cent staff to work from home in public, municipal and private offices, and additional emergency measures like closure of educational institutions and the plying of vehicles on odd-even basis etc.

Angela Merkel vem a Portugal para anunciar e entregar o Prémio Gulbenkian para a Humanidade

A antiga chanceler alemã é a nova presidente do júri do prémio, no valor de 1 milhão euros, atribuído anualmente pela Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian. Angela Merkel virá a Portugal no próximo dia 13 de outubro para anunciar o vencedor deste ano do Prémio Gulbenkian para a Humanidade e para entregar o mesmo. Os dois eventos realizam-se na Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, em Lisboa. A conferência de imprensa de anúncio do vencedor está marcada para as 11h30 e a cerimónia de entrega do Prémio acontecerá às 18h00. A Presidência do Júri do Prémio Gulbenkian Humanidade foi o primeiro cargo aceite por Merkel desde que cessou funções como chanceler em dezembro de 2021. Angela Merkel sucede no cargo a Jorge Sampaio, que foi presidente do júri desde a sua primeira edição. O Prémio Gulbenkian para a Humanidade foi instituído pela Fundação com o propósito de distinguir pessoas, grupos ou organizações de todo o mundo que se têm evidenciado na mitigação e adaptação às alterações climáticas. Traduz uma das missões centrais da Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian: apoiar o desenvolvimento sustentável, promovendo o bem-estar e a qualidade de vida de grupos vulneráveis da população, em equilíbrio com a proteção ambiental e a prosperidade económica. Entre as potenciais áreas de reconhecimento do Prémio, estão as que possam contribuir parareduzir ou remover emissões de gases de efeito de estufa; as ações para aumentar a resiliência das pessoas e do ambiente aos impactos das alterações climáticas; e ainda a mobilização de recursos financeiros, públicos ou privados, para acelerar a descarbonização da economia. O Prémio Gulbenkian para a Humanidade foi atribuído pela primeira vez, em 2020, à jovem ativista sueca Greta Thunberg, que decidiu distribuir o montante por vários projetos ambientais e humanitários no Sul Global. No ano passado, o Prémio foi atribuído ao Pacto de Autarcas para o Clima e Energia — a maior aliança global para a liderança climática das cidades, sendo constituída por mais de 10 600 cidades e governos locais de 140 países, incluindo Portugal. O montante do Prémio Gulbenkian foi utilizado para apoiar a Transição Energética e a resiliência climática em África, tendo sido financiados projetos de grande dimensãoem cinco cidades no Senegal (fornecimento de água potável) enuma cidade nos Camarões (desenvolvimento de soluções de eficiência energética). Sobre o júri Presidido por Angela Merkel com a vice-presidência de Miguel Bastos Araújo (geógrafo, Prémio Pessoa 2018) o júri integra personalidades como Hans Joachim Schellnhuber (Fundador e Diretor Emérito do Instituto Potsdam de Pesquisas sobre o Impacto Climático), Johan Rockström (Diretor do Instituto Potsdam de Pesquisas sobre o Impacto Climático e Professor de Ciências do Sistema Terrestre na Universidade de Potsdam), Miguel Arias Cañete (antigo Comissário Europeu da Energia e Ação Climática), Rik Leemans (Diretor do Grupo de Análise de Sistemas Ambientais, Universidade de Wageningen), Runa Khan (Fundadora e Diretora Executiva da ONG Friendship e Presidente da Global Dignity Bangladesh), Sandra Díaz (Bióloga, Professora de Ecologia na Universidade Nacional de Córdoba e membro da Royal Society) e Sunita Narain (Diretora do Centro de Ciência e Ambiente em Deli e Editora da revista Down To Earth)

Why Denmark is offering $13 mn in ‘loss & damages’ climate funding to developing countries

Denmark became 1st country to make 'historic pledge' at UNGA last week, in bid to help compensate for the vastly disproportionate consequences of global emissions. New Delhi: Denmark — the first country to make such a move — will donate $13 million in “loss and damages” to developing countries vulnerable to the effects of climate change, in a bid to compensate for the vastly disproportionate consequences of global emissions. Denmark made the “historic” pledge on 20 September, on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in New York. The commitment came months ahead of the UN Climate Change Conference (COP27) to be held in Egypt from 6 to 18 November. “It is grossly unfair that the world’s poorest should suffer the most from the consequences of climate change, to which they have contributed the least,” said Danish development minister Flemming Møller Mortensen. He added that with this new agreement, Denmark is “putting action behind words and working across civil society, authorities, the private sector and experts to solve one of the biggest challenges of our time”. But what can $13 million do to address problems of this scale? Pakistan alone incurred economic losses to the tune of $18 billion as a result of the floods that have ravaged the country this year. Estimates suggest that the floods displaced more than 330 lakh Pakistanis and washed away over 80 lakh acres of crops. Avantika Goswami of Delhi-based think tank Centre for Science and Environment told ThePrint that the pledge is a good start in terms of “setting a precedent for other wealthy countries to also open up their wallets and correct historic wrongdoing”.

The villagers with no option but to drink toxic water

River pollution is plaguing India, and experts warn it is causing a deadly crisis that threatens the country’s health and prosperity The Damodar river darkens as it snakes through lush forest, tall maize fields and thatched villages. The rain water that first falls on the Chota Nagpur Plateau in central India has turned a viscous black by the time it is scooped up into Tuklal Mahto’s bucket. Containing swirling ashes, household waste and animal carcasses, the river might seem an unlikely place for Mr Mahto to source his drinking water. Living in Jarangdih, a village in central Jharkhand, he has no choice. “We have used this water for drinking and bathing since I was a small child,” the 60-year-old told the Telegraph. “But the numbers of people getting sick from using the water are increasing and we don’t have any other alternative. We have lived in this area for generations, our homes are here.” Mr Mahto and his family are far from alone. Across the country, hundreds of millions of people are exposed to river pollution, in a largely silent crisis that experts say is a threat to the country’s health and prosperity. Tuklal Mehto, 60, contracted typhoid after drinking water from the polluted Damodar river and still suffers debilitating stomach pain every day Tuklal Mehto, 60, contracted typhoid after drinking water from the polluted Damodar river Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph The rivers have become “a toxic cocktail that is proving increasingly deadly,” Anshuman, director for Water Resources at the Energy and Resources Institute, a Delhi-based non-profit organisation, told the Telegraph. In Jarangdih, smoke billows in the distance. Mr Mahto’s state is the most mineral rich in India, home to one third of the country’s coal reserves, and several of India’s largest coal-fed power plants are just a few miles away. But many of the factories thronging the Damodar river bank still dispose of untreated liquid waste from manufacturing in poorly concealed pipes, which run directly into the river’s channel. Experts say river pollution poses a grave threat to India’s health and prosperity Experts say river pollution poses a grave threat to India’s health and prosperity Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph Large mountains of ash – a byproduct of local power stations and mining companies that illegally extract sand from the river beds to use in construction – are also dumped into the river to save money. These issues are not unique to Jharkhand, and contamination is not only generated by power plants and factories. India’s population has soared from around 870 million in 1990 to 1.38 billion, and successive governments have struggled to scale up infrastructure to meet growing demands. A child plays near the Damodar river A child plays near the Damodar river Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph In June 2022, a study from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) found at least one heavy metal in quantities toxic to human health in three quarters of 764 monitoring stations, across 117 of India’s major rivers. Meanwhile, half of the stations also detected levels of coliform bacteria hazardous to human life, indicating the presence of untreated human sewage in rivers. This is unsurprising; at least 50 per cent of sewage generated is still not treated and is directly discharged into waterways. “Every country in the world faces challenges with pollution but India is a huge country, with a high population density and a high rate of urbanisation,” said Nitin Bassi, programme lead for the water team at the Council on Energy, Environment and Water, a Delhi-based think tank. “Of course, therefore, the scale of the problem in India is much bigger than other nations.” Locals wash, fish and play in the shadow of the Bokaro Thermal Power Plant on the Konar river, a tributary of the Damodar Locals wash, fish and play in the shadow of the Bokaro Thermal Power Plant on the Konar river, a tributary of the Damodar Credit: Simon Townsley Mounting evidence has laid bare a huge hit to the country’s health and economy. The United Nations estimates more Indians die prematurely due to the impacts of environmental pollution annually than in any other country. According to Niti Aayog, an Indian government public policy think tank, roughly 200,000 Indians lose their lives every year due to health problems caused by drinking polluted water, but experts say this is likely a significant underestimate. “I suspect the official figures are just the tip of the iceberg and sickness caused by river pollution is much, much bigger than we realise,” said Ramanan Laxminarayan, the Director of the One Health Trust, a leading global public health think tank. At least 50 per cent of India's sewage is untreated and discharged into waterways At least 50 per cent of India's sewage is untreated and discharged into waterways Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph “Villages alongside rivers are often populated by tribal communities and these are not vocal communities that can stand up for themselves,” he added. Studies have repeatedly shown that prolonged exposure to heavy metals in drinking water, like arsenic or cadmium, significantly increase the chances of developing a type of cancer, including gastric. It also heightens the probability of developing liver and kidney disease, as well as pregnant women suffering a miscarriage or the unborn baby developing a neurological condition. A cremation is carried out on the banks of the Damodar river, Jharkhand, in accordance with Hindu tradition A cremation is carried out on the banks of the Damodar river, Jharkhand, in accordance with Hindu tradition Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph “In Jharkhand, and across many parts of India, we see the dumping of solid waste into rivers which mixes with industrial effluents and residual pesticides from farming to create a toxic cocktail that is proving increasingly deadly,” said Mr Anshuman. “The levels of pollution in some stretches of Indian rivers are many times higher than the recommended levels. “We have already seen a rise in the number of people suffering from cancers who live close to heavily polluted water sources areas in certain parts of the country, and this may increase unless an integrated approach to water pollution management is timely adopted,” he added. A Jarangdih villager washes in heavily polluted river water A Jarangdih villager washes in heavily polluted river water Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph Consuming polluted water also means India’s affected citizens will take more regular sick days and are less productive at work when they do return. The health costs relating to water pollution cost the country’s economy up to £7.5 billion per year, according to a World Bank study in 2013, while the release of pollution upstream reduces GDP growth in downstream settlements by a third. “We have to understand that data on worsening river pollution in India does not support the fact that existing waste disposal or river clean up is working,” said Mr Bassi. In Jarangdih, Mr Mahto is well aware of the risks posed by drinking the river water, but says residents have no choice as successive politicians have reneged on a promise to install a drinking water pipeline. Last year, Mr Mahto contracted typhoid and was lucky to survive after the infection left him bed bound for weeks and he still endures debilitating stomach pains every day. “The pain still wakes me up before dawn every day and I feel completely weak. I feel hopeless when I think about my future,” he said. The rivers have become “a toxic cocktail that is proving increasingly deadly The rivers have become ‘a toxic cocktail that is proving increasingly deadly’ Credit: Simon Townsley He’s not alone. Everywhere you look in Jarangdih it appears there is a health crisis that could be linked to unclean water. Most households contain at least one resident stricken from a gastrointestinal issue and each morning, the village’s inhabitants coat their skin in talcum powder – otherwise, they will suffer from itching all day, blamed on washing in the river. Several miles downstream from Jarangdih is the small village of Jaridih Bazar Basti, where the economy has taken a hit due pollution. Wiping sweat from his brow as he dismounts his tractor, Vijay Matho, 38, laments another poor harvest. This year, his wheat crop turned red. He used river water to irrigate his crops but it contained high levels of arsenic – and he was forced to discard 25 per cent of his yield. Fisherman Maula Mistry says he can no longer afford to buy essential food and medicines Fisherman Maula Mistry says he can no longer afford to buy essential food and medicines Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph Several houses down, Maula Mistry struggles to untangle a net. A fisherman, he can no longer afford to treat the chronic weakness he says he developed following a previous malaria infection as increasing river pollution means there is usually no catch to sell. “The river has become much more yellow and black since I was young and most of the animals have died,” he said. “I used to eat mutton once every week and now I haven’t eaten it in over a year. I have also had to withdraw my two grandchildren from their private school because our family can’t afford the fees.” India has already implemented a succession of policies aimed at curbing water pollution, but the problem lies in their enforcement. Factories and power plants, for example, are banned from emitting or discharging pollutants in excess of Indian government limitations or their owners can face a prison term of up to five years. Increasing river pollution means fewer catch to sell Increasing river pollution means fewer catch to sell Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph But, in a country the size of India, enforcement and monitoring are sporadic. “Factories pretend to be following the rules when inspectors come to visit or ahead of local elections but then carry on polluting the rest of the time,” said an environmental activist in Jharkhand, who did not wish to be named for fear of reprisals. “It is difficult to say exactly but I would estimate that around 90 percent of factories here are dumping their waste in the rivers.” Few fish survive in the polluted waters Few fish survive in the polluted waters Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph Corruption is also endemic in Jharkhand. Local politicians often own factories themselves or face enormous pressure from big business, sometimes with links to organised crime, not to punish organisations for breaking pollution rules. Public sector salaries remain low across India and this means many officials are known to take lucrative bribes to turn a blind eye to polluters. Mr Bassi sympathises with the scale of the clean up that the Indian government faces, but he said tighter penalties must be implemented for polluters and a priority must be placed on scaling up sewage treatment facilities, particularly outside of India’s major cities. An ongoing £2.6 billion clean-up of the River Ganges, which was made a policy priority by the government in 2014 and expected to be completed in 2023, could also provide a potential blueprint for other heavily polluted rivers in the country. A farmer who used river water to irrigate his crops was forced to discard 25 per cent of his yield A farmer who used river water to irrigate his crops was forced to discard 25 per cent of his yield Credit: Simon Townsley/The Telegraph The Ganges is considered sacred to India’s majority Hindu population and the river basin is home to 400 million people. Back in Jarangdih, residents are calling for action now – fearful of what worsening river pollution will do to the village’s next generation. “The river has definitely gotten dirtier in recent years. The water is so dusty and polluted that it is making all of the children sick,” said Mr Mahto. “We don’t have any money to migrate so we are stuck here drinking this garbage water.”

To Price or not to Price? Making a Case for a Carbon Pricing Mechanism for India

The 2021 Conference of Parties 26 (COP26) propelled nations to ramp up their climate targets and the concomitant Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions. However, the updated NDCs and the announced pledges for 2030 remain insufficient and poorly aligned with the targets of the Paris Agreement. The reduction in projected 2030 emissions is estimated to be 7.5 percent—far lower than the 30 percent required to limit warming to 2°C, and the 55 percent which is ideal to remain within the 1.5°C target. Many analysts had posited that the COVID-19 pandemic was a unique opportunity to conflate the recovery process with the green agenda and accelerate the decarbonisation process. Yet, the resulting emission reduction in 2020 was transient in its effects, and the urgency and scale of the impending climate crises demands increased ambition and cooperation to drive the green transition imperative. This paper explores the role of carbon pricing as an effective instrument in the domestic and international climate policy architecture. There is a broad consensus among economists that climate change is a product of both market and policy failure.[1] That the cost of emitting greenhouse gases (GHGs) is not reflected in the price of goods and services, and allows ‘free-riding’ on climate as an input for economic activity is indicative of an egregious market failure.[2] It perpetuates the linkage between fossil fuel consumption and economic growth.[3] Further, poor incentives for potential innovators and the inadequacy of public infrastructure, energy networks, and finance have impeded investments in research, development and deployment of clean technology. Among public policy failures, fossil fuel subsidies and a distortionary tax system are most consequential.[4] Effective climate change policies will be instrumental in reversing the trend. Carbon pricing is considered a cost-effective measure to internalise the externalities associated with CO2 emissions and maximise emission reduction per dollar at the lowest possible cost to producers, consumers, and taxpayers.[5] Putting a price on carbon internalises the social cost of carbon, and compels companies to adjust their investment portfolio and production methods while encouraging consumers to alter behavioural patterns.[6] It embodies a laissez faire ideology offering a market-friendly mechanism that allows firms and consumers the flexibility to choose between the costs of cutting emissions and the benefits accrued from continuing to emit—and this ensures maximisation of environmental benefit at the least cost.[7] The idea of a price internalising externalities dates back to a century ago when the economist Arthur Pigou argued in ‘The Economics of Welfare’ (1920), that individuals (and firms) will continue to take actions with little regard to the costs imposed or benefits conferred on others, unless the cost to individuals incorporate a social cost of an act. A Pigouvian tax on carbon, therefore, ensures that the cost of emitting GHGs is reflected in the price of the commodity or service.[8] A carbon price is deemed as an effective tool to incentivise future investment, consumption and innovation towards sustainable and climate-friendly pathways, and support a sustainable pandemic recovery. In 2021, approximately USD 84 billion was recorded in carbon pricing revenue, almost 60-percent higher than in 2020, as a result of higher carbon prices, increased auctioning from emissions trading, and revenue from new instruments. Moreover, carbon pricing can be a useful fiscal tool and a prominent source of augmenting government revenues.[9] Typical carbon pricing policies allocate government revenues in three ways: investment in climate-related clean technologies, general budget, and income tax cuts or rebates.[10] Estimates suggest that investments in sustainable industries can generate jobs three times of the full-time jobs from government spending in fossil fuels.[11] In the context of developing economies, these investments become particularly critical for supporting vulnerable sectors and communities to adapt to climate change and achieve just transitions.[12] Pre-emptively, designing effective domestic climate policies inclusive of carbon pricing mechanisms—such as the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism—can also help offset the implications of border tariffs. This idea is increasingly being considered among developed nations as a protectionist strategy to avoid carbon leakage. This paper seeks to explore the increasing role of carbon pricing as an effective instrument in climate policy. Carbon pricing, within an integrated policy mix, has been propounded as a cost-effective and efficient tool to achieve both economic and environmental benefits. In the case of India, the relevance of carbon markets has been underlined by the recent Energy Conservation (Amendment) Bill, 2022 which is momentous in its scope, empowering the government to establish a carbon credit trading scheme and laying the ground for a formal carbon market that can be instrumental in India’s pathway towards a net-zero economy by 2070.[13] The paper aims to understand the landscape of global carbon pricing mechanisms, primarily carbon tax and emission trading systems, and draw on the global knowledge and experience to arrive at a suitable decarbonisation strategy for India using national carbon markets. The rest of the paper delineates the different approaches to pricing carbon; reviews the current global carbon pricing landscape; and outlines the measures undertaken by India to put an implicit price on carbon. It concludes with a proposed approach to a carbon pricing framework that would be most favourable to India. I. Approaches to Carbon Pricing There are different approaches to determine the most appropriate rate of carbon tax and is often based on the policy objectives and goals of the tax regime in a given jurisdiction. The tax rate could be determined using an abatement approach—which is the level of carbon emission reduction the country hopes to achieve—or the social cost of carbon approach which translates into the dollar value of damages incurred from emitting each additional metric ton of greenhouse gases. It could also be determined using the revenue approach, where the tax rate is based on the revenue considerations of the regulating authority or by simply following a benchmarking approach where the tax rate is linked with the rate in neighbouring jurisdictions, among trading partners or competitors.[14] Carbon pricing mechanisms are predicated on the basis that profit-making firms will continue to cut emissions to the point where the marginal abatement cost is lower than the social cost of carbon. To put this into perspective, the marginal abatement cost for an entity is the marginal cost of reducing each additional unit of emission and is contingent on various factors including the pace of low carbon technological innovation, cost of compliance, as well as the ability of firms and consumers to substitute low-carbon products for high-carbon ones.[15] The social cost of carbon for an entity is the marginal damage cost of a unit of emissions and presents the economic value associated with one extra unit of greenhouse gas in the atmosphere.[16] A range of policy instruments, market or valuation based, can be leveraged to price carbon which can effectively lead to a carbon reduction pathway. These can be classified as an explicit or an implicit carbon pricing strategy, and include carbon tax, cap-and-trade scheme, emission reduction credits, clean energy standards, and fossil fuel subsidy reduction. Figure 1.[17] Source: The World Bank: State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2021 1. Explicit Carbon Pricing Explicit carbon pricing is usually mandated by the government and imposes a price on the carbon content. It acts as a market signal for producers and consumers to move towards cleaner sources of production and consumption and encourage a more cost-effective carbon mitigation pathway. These can be achieved through carbon taxes and/or an ETS (emission trading system or cap-and-trade) which holds emitters responsible for their actions; carbon credits which creates a reward-like system for reducing carbon emissions; or via internal shadow pricing leveraged by companies to guide decision-making on investment. Contingent on the design, they render various benefits such as augmenting government revenues, creating green industries and jobs, encouraging low-carbon investment, enhancing energy efficiency and security, and improving air quality.[18] a. Carbon Tax A carbon tax imposes a fixed price on carbon (CO2 equivalent on GHG emissions) while the quantity of emission reduction is left to the market forces. The objective is to increase the cost of fossil fuel and provide an incentive for investments in fuel-switching strategies and energy-efficient technologies.[19] It can be applied at different points in the product cycle of fossil fuels, upstream (point of production/extraction), mid-stream (point of distribution), or downstream (point of consumption).[20] Considerations across price, emission coverage, point of taxation, allocation of revenue generated from the tax towards general public spending or specific emissions-reducing activities, and harmonisation across boundaries beyond the jurisdiction of the tax should be built into the design and reviewed periodically.[21] However, it is important to note that the market response to the price signal in the form of emission reductions is difficult to determine and estimate.[22] Carbon taxes have the potential to generate substantial fiscal revenues and the effectiveness of the instrument depends on the amount and use of the tax revenue. By reducing the existing distortionary taxes on labour and capital, it can help cushion the blow for low-income households and offset some of the policy’s social costs. Part of the revenue should also be channelled to fund research and development of climate-friendly technologies and desirable sustainability-linked programs.[23] b. Emission Trading System (ETS) In a cap-and-trade model, the government sets a limit (cap) on permissible emissions for different sectors in a particular compliance period and allowances are either auctioned or allocated as per criteria.[24] A hybrid approach of freely allocating emission allowances and auctioning is common in ETS markets. While the quantity/volume of emissions is regulated, the price is determined by the market supply and demand. During the compliance period, firms with lower abatement costs can sell their allowances in secondary markets to firms with higher abatement costs.[25] This allows emissions reductions at the least possible cost. Eventually, at the end of the compliance period, the allowances are to be surrendered to the government. Various factors should be considered in the design: the size and level of the emission cap, sectoral coverage, the scope of the cap’s coverage, point of taxation, whether to freely distribute or sell (auction) allowances, revenue distribution and management, monitoring, measurement and verification of emissions and allowances, cost containment measures, and impact on international competitiveness.[26] Similar to the carbon tax, the revenues generated from selling allowance certificates will augment fiscal revenues and can be used to reduce distortionary taxes or finance investments in clean-tech programs. Free allocation of allowances, on the other hand, allows the risk of potential “grandfathering” i.e., transferring the wealth, equivalent to the value of the allowance, to existing firms instead.[27] In an ETS, high or volatile allowance prices can undermine the efficacy of the policy. Therefore, certain cost containment measures are often undertaken by the government to prevent emission costs from overshooting or dipping beyond a threshold to avoid cost uncertainly and ensure economic stability and the competitiveness of firms. These include: offsets, allowance banking (reserve units to use in a future compliance period) and borrowing (using units allocated for a future compliance period), safety valves, price collars, and market stability reserves. An offset provision allows regulated entities to offset their own emission reduction with credits from emission reduction measures outside the scope of ETS coverage and can link the cap-and-trade system with an emission-reduction-credit system. Banking and Borrowing allows firms to trade their emissions across time horizons by allowing transfer of allowances to a future period (banking) or permitting future period allowances to be utilised pre-maturely. This allows firms the flexibility to prioritise across time frames to create the most cost-effective path to carbon reduction. Banking and borrowing define caps on cumulative emissions rather than on an annual basis. A safety valve is a price ceiling that puts an upper limit on the cost of tradable allowance with the government offering additional allowance at a predetermined trigger price. However, this measure can lead to aggregate emissions overshooting the emission cap. A price collar combines the ceiling of the safety valve with the price floor which sets minimum price for auctions or with the government agreeing to purchase allowance at a predetermined price. Cost Containment Reserve (CCR), a volume-based measure, transfers unallocated allowances to a reserve and these are removed or injected into the market if the number of total allowances in circulation is over or under a predetermined threshold. However, without careful planning, increasing certainty of mitigation cost through these containment measures can reduce certainty of the quantity of emissions abated.[28] Table 1. Carbon tax Vs. the ETS Note: Both systems internalise the cost of carbon by setting a price on emissions but differ in their approaches. Source: Author’s own. c. International Crediting Mechanisms/ Baseline and Credit system According to Article 6 of the Paris Agreement (Article 12 of the Kyoto Protocol), industrialised countries with emission reduction targets (Annex B Party) can purchase certified emission reduction (CER) credits from developing countries, each credit equivalent to one tonne of CO2, to provide offsets if they are unable to comply with their Kyoto targets.[29] Emission credits are available to emitters who successfully reduce emissions below the designated limit; they can then trade and sell these credits in the international market. This is also referred to as the baseline and credit system which offers flexibility for an international cap-and-trade mechanism.[30] The Clean Development Mechanism is the international standardised emissions offset instrument governed by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to facilitate the trade on the global scale. However, given the growing popularity of the carbon credit market, many independent (such as the Gold Standard, Verified Carbon Standard) and domestic standards (California Compliance Offset Program, Australia Emissions Reduction Fund, Republic of Korea Offset Credit Mechanism) have gained prominence and are dominating the market.[31] d. Internal Carbon Prices Corporations worldwide have started to acknowledge the critical role of incorporating climate risks and opportunities in their risk assessment frameworks and consider carbon price to be an effective instrument in guiding capital allocation and investment decision-making. Therefore, internal carbon pricing is being used voluntarily by companies and organisations as a pre-emptive move to safeguard against future shocks, measure exposure associated with climate related physical and transition risks, as well as prospective government regulations pertaining to carbon pricing. It is commonly done via shadow carbon pricing where a hypothetical carbon cost is associated with each ton of CO2 emissions. This helps identify and integrate climate-related risks and opportunities in the broad long-term strategies of a company and dictate capital allocation and investment decision-making processes by relying on an implicit price which is based on the offsets required to achieve internal carbon neutrality objectives.[32] 2. Implicit Carbon Pricing There are certain mandates or government policies that do not directly put a price on emitting carbon but set uniform performance standards for GHG abatement. They seek to address climate objectives of reducing GHG emissions by setting technology and performance-based standards as well as gradually eliminating fossil fuel subsidies to make energy-intensive products more expensive compared to their sustainable/renewable counterparts. a. Command-and-Control Regulations Conventional environmental policy employs technology and performance-based standards to control emission levels and protect environment quality. Technology-based standards require firms to use certain energy-efficient processes, equipment or procedures with no fixed targets on the volume of emission reduction. Meanwhile, performance-based standards specify permissible levels of pollutant emissions or allowable emission rates and leave the processes of emission reduction at the discretion of regulated entities.[33] By the very nature of such standard-based policy, given higher costs as well as poor incentives for the development and adoption of environmentally and economically superior technologies, the approach is limiting in its scope and impact. Incorporating market-based instruments within its fold can thus help overcome non-cost-effective outcomes. b. Clean Energy Standards A clean energy standard (CES) is a market-based and technology-neutral approach to encourage the power sector to switch to non- or low-emitting sources of energy. The industrial and commercial power consumers are mandated to meet a certain percentage of their power requirements from clean energy sources as a means to phase down dependence on fossil fuels. Given the challenging politics around pricing carbon, clean energy standards are often viewed as a cost-effective and politically palatable alternative to pricing carbon in the electricity sector. Firms that overachieve the clean energy standard targets or thresholds can receive energy saving certificates which can be traded in the energy exchange. This system is analogous to an ETS and relies on the market principles to reduce the energy intensity of high-carbon-emitting sectors in the most cost-effective and efficient manner.[34] c. Eliminating Fossil Fuel Subsidies Many countries provide heavy subsidies to fossil fuels to support their growth and development objectives. This becomes particularly critical for nations where innovation and growth in the renewable sector has yet to pick up pace. However, gradual elimination of fossil fuel subsidies can be an effective way to achieve an optimal price for the fuel as well as provide incentives for energy efficiency and fuel-switching technologies (comparable to implementing an explicit carbon price).[35] Fossil fuel subsidies are often termed as a “government failure”, exacerbating the conditions of a market failure. For some years now there has been a significant degree of agreement on phasing out these subsidies, while targeting support for the poor. A G20 Leaders’ summit in 2009 noted, “The economic and climate benefits of fossil fuel subsidy reform could be significant. Inefficient fossil fuel subsidies encourage wasteful consumption, reduce our energy security, impede investment in clean energy sources and undermine efforts to deal with the threat of climate change.”[36] II. Global Carbon Pricing Mechanisms: A Review Globally, 68 carbon pricing instruments (CPIs), including taxes and emissions trading systems (ETSs), are operating while three more are scheduled for implementation in the short term.[37] As this paper’s objective is to inform a national carbon pricing mechanism for India, the scope is limited to reviewing only carbon tax and ETS mechanisms. The selection of global carbon pricing mechanisms for review is purposeful to ensure representation from diverse geographies and varying timeframes of implementation to help identify best practices and learning opportunities. Tables 2 and 3 present a tabular comparison of supranational, national, and subnational level ETS systems of the European Union, China, New Zealand, Republic of Korea, Switzerland, United Kingdom, Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative and China’s seven provinces- Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, Chongqing, Shenzhen, Guangdong, and Hubei. Table 4 presents a tabular comparison of international carbon tax systems of Argentina, Canada, Chile, Columbia, Ireland, Japan, Singapore, South Africa, Mexico and Norway. Countries were selected to cover carbon pricing policies that varied in their sectoral coverage, point of taxation, allocation approaches, price containment measures, revenue redistribution and exemption mandates. Data for all three tables were sourced from the World Bank Carbon Pricing Dashboard. Table 2. Review of Global Emission Trading Systems (Supranational and National)[38] Note: tCO2e = ton (t) of carbon dioxide (CO2) equivalent (e); GHG = Greenhouse gas emissions; N20 = Nitrous oxide PFCs = Perfluorochemicals; MtCO2e = Metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent; CH4 = Methane; NF3 = Nitrogen Trifluoride SF6 = Sulphur Hexafluoride; HFCs = Hydrofluorocarbons Source: World Bank Carbon Pricing Dashboard Table 3. Emission Trading System (Sub-National) Note: tCO2e = ton (t) of carbon dioxide (CO2) equivalent (e); GHG = Greenhouse gas emissions; MtCO2e = Metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent Source: World Bank Carbon Pricing Dashboard Table 4. Review of Global Carbon Tax Mechanisms Note: tCO2e = ton (t) of carbon dioxide (CO2) equivalent (e); GHG = Greenhouse gas emissions; MtCO2e = Metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent; ktCO2e = kilotonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent Source: World Bank Carbon Pricing Dashboard III. Implicit Carbon Pricing in India India does not impose an explicit carbon pricing mechanism but puts an implicit price on carbon through a series of measures and schemes that will be described in the following paragraphs: 1. Perform, Achieve and Trade (PAT) Scheme The PAT scheme (Perform, Achieve and Trade), introduced in 2012, is the flagship programme of the Bureau of Energy Efficiency (BEE), Ministry of Power, Government of India. The scheme holds some degree of resemblance with the market-based emission trading system (ETS) where certain energy-intensive industrial production units, identified as designated consumers (DC), with threshold energy consumption are allotted Specific Energy Consumption (SEC) reduction targets over a cycle of three years.[39] The units that exceed the targets are awarded Energy Saving Certificates (ESCerts), each equal to one metric tonne of oil (MTOe),[40] as an incentive to implement energy-efficient technologies and overachieve these targets. DCs that are unable to meet these targets can purchase the difference in ESCerts from the units that have exceeded their targets. The ESCerts can be traded on two power exchanges, namely, Power Exchange Indian Limited (PXIL) and Indian Energy Exchange (IEX). Failure to comply, either by their own actions or by buying the energy saving certificates, would result in the imposition of a prescribed penalty linked to the degree of non-compliance. The BEE has rolled out six PAT cycles as of 31 March, 2020 covering 1,073 DCs across 13 sectors including energy-intensive sectors of Aluminium, Cement, Chlor-Alkali, Fertiliser, Iron and Steel, Paper and Pulp, Thermal Power Plant, Textile, Railways, Refineries, and Electricity Distribution Companies (DISCOMs), Petrochemicals, and Buildings.[41] In the financial year 2018-2019, the PAT scheme was responsible for nearly 63 percent of all energy efficiency savings and is projected to avoid almost 70 million tonnes of CO2 by March 2023.[42] However, the monitoring, reporting and verification (MRV) framework under PAT is not directly geared towards reducing CO2 but the potential unit of energy saved (expressed in tonnes of oil equivalent).[43] The ambition and long-term effectiveness of the PAT scheme has been questioned over issues of equity, leniency in targets, high transaction costs, low trading prices of EScerts, and rising energy prices which would have incentivised energy savings even in the absence of the PAT scheme.[44] The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), in an analysis of the PAT scheme for thermal power plants, noted that the value of one ESCert was approximately INR 700 while INR 4,020 in investment was necessary for reducing energy equal to one TOE.[45] 2. Emission trading scheme on an air pollutant, i.e., respiratory solid particulate matter (RSPM) This is an innovative emission trading scheme on respiratory solid particulate matter, the first particulate trading system in the world. The scheme has been piloted in industrial clusters of three polluting states of Gujrat, Maharashtra, and Tamil Nadu. It is an attempt to shift away from the conventional command and control regulation. It mimics the EU-ETS model where pollution targets are set for areas based on ambient air quality standards and permits are allocated which can be traded, after verification, based on the gains and shortfalls from compliance. The scheme relies on a continuous emission monitoring system (CEMS) for setting the baseline and verification purposes. CEMs is an intrinsic element in the scheme’s design as it provides real-time information and helps avoid issues pertaining to spot checking and/or spurious reporting by third party auditors.[46] For example, the Surat ETS began with two months of mock-trading, before its official launch in September 2019, to gain stakeholder support and allow capacity building. Eighty percent of the permits were allocated for free and the balance of 20 percent was auctioned via the Gujrat Pollution Control Board (GPCB) through the National Commodities and Derivatives Exchange Limited e-market.[47] Similar to the PAT Scheme, industries have the financial incentive to invest in pollution-curbing technology. Over-achieving targets provides the opportunity to earn profits through the trading of emission permits at the National Commodities and Derivatives Exchange.[48] A preliminary analysis of the pilot program found a 29-percent reduction in particulate matter from current levels, an increase in average industry profits, and fall in costs of reducing particulate emissions.[49] However, the long-term benefits of the pilot program are yet to be seen. 3. Carbon Cess In 2010, India introduced a carbon cess to be levied on coal, lignite, and peat in the form of an excise duty. The revenue from the cess was intended to feed into a National Clean Energy Fund to finance clean-energy projects and research. From 2010–11 to 2017–18, only 35 percent of the money collected from the cess was transferred to the Fund, of which almost half remained unutilised.[50] In 2017, with the introduction of the GST Compensation Cess, the carbon cess was abolished and the money collected through this new mechanism was instead reserved for compensating states for any revenue losses under GST. CO2 emitting products such as coal, kerosene, naphtha, lubes and LPG are included in GST with exceptions for five petroleum products, i.e., petrol, diesel, natural gas, ATF and crude oil. These are instead subjected to excise duties and VAT. While the cess on the consumption of coal and high level of excise and value added taxes on petrol and diesel are not referred to as carbon taxes, they are considered and expected to perform the role of implicit carbon taxes. However, the tax rates do not correspond with the carbon footprint of the fuels and thus fail to provide the right price signals to producers and consumers to reduce consumption and switch to low carbon-emitting sources of energy.[51] 4. Renewable Purchase Obligations (RPO) and Renewable Energy Certificates (REC) In India, certain obligated entities such as electricity DISCOMS, open access consumers and captive power producers have to purchase a percentage of their electricity from renewable energy (RE) sources. These are termed as renewable purchase obligations (RPO) and are mandated by the Electricity Act (2003). The State Electricity Regulatory Commission is responsible for fixing the minimum RPO for each state. Due to the variable nature of RE sources, obligated entities may find it difficult to procure green power to meet their RPO targets. They can instead purchase renewable energy certificates (RECs) on the national energy exchanges such as Indian Energy Exchange (IEX) and Power Exchange of India Limited (PXIL) to meet their RPO targets without actual procurement of RE-generated power.[52] The RECs is a useful instrument in overcoming the geographical disparity in renewable energy production and incentivising electricity generation from RE sources beyond the RPO state limits.[53] However, the enforcement and compliance with RPO remains weak and is a persisting obstacle to India’s ambitions of expanding renewable energy production and procurement. 5. Excise taxes on Diesel and Petrol Over the years, India has moved from a carbon subsidisation regime to a significant carbon taxation regime.[54] Even though India does not have an explicit carbon tax on fuels including petrol and diesel, these products are subjected to steep excise duties and VAT. As of May 2020, India had the highest taxes on petrol and diesel in the world which comprised over 69 percent of the pump price for the two fuels.[55] However, the high taxes on petrol and diesel are on account of the Centre’s revenue requirements as opposed to environmental considerations and do not account for the carbon footprint of the fuels. As a result, distorted price signals have failed to incentivise users of diesel and petrol to switch to low carbon-emitting sources of energy.[56] IV. The Case for an Explicit Carbon Pricing Mechanism in India Despite the ambitious commitments made by India on climate action at COP26, its growing economy will continue to demand higher levels of fossil fuel consumption and, consequently, the country could see a corresponding rise in GHG emissions. India’s energy and industry-related CO2 emissions are projected to more than double from 2020 to 2050, with the share of fossil fuels in primary energy declining from 72 percent to only 69 percent in the same period. Without additional policies and disruptive technological changes, GHG emission intensity will not be reduced relative to their current levels due to growth in output.[57] Well-designed policies, such as carbon pricing, if adapted to suit India’s unique emerging and development identity framework, can be a useful lever in the portfolio of instruments and strategies adopted to mitigate and adapt to climate change. However, its popularity remains weak, given the ‘Pigouvian’ nature of carbon pricing (as explained in the first section of this paper). There are various challenges in pricing carbon which are a combination of political, economic and cultural dynamics. Given that carbon pricing posits “diffused benefits and concentrated costs”, with costs incurred in the short-term and benefits accrued in the longer run, citizens are often sceptical of environmental policies.[58] This makes it difficult to garner the necessary political support essential to engender systemic changes to conventional policy frameworks. In addition, carbon-intensive industries will continue to oppose lest their profits reduce as a result; households will do too, to safeguard their disposable incomes.[59] Policies that are formulated according to specific contexts and are effectively implemented can help offset these challenges, as can a rigorous communication strategy. India has undertaken various approaches for pricing fuels such as subsidies, and administered and market pricing (as discussed in the previous section). However, weak enforcement and primarily low prices undermine the effectiveness of the policy instruments. Moreover, while the focus has been on energy efficiency, expanding renewable capacity and making coal consumption expensive, none of the instruments are carbon-denominated and do not bear a direct link to CO2 equivalent. Therefore, carbon pricing can be a useful mechanism to build a common carbon currency for establishing a clear price signal, creating fungibility of credits across schemes, and developing strong incentives for decarbonisation.[60] In light of the Energy Conservation (Amendment) Bill, 2022, the following section outlines the near-term carbon pricing strategies that India can adopt with regards to a carbon tax and an emission trading mechanism. These strategies can help the country realise its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) under the Paris Agreement and the 2030 climate commitments made in Glasgow in 2021. 1. Carbon Taxes India does not follow a uniform approach in pricing fuels and the tax rate and its coverage under the GST are not determined by the carbon content or emission rate but instead by social, political and revenue considerations. As an example, the price of imported natural gas is different from that prescribed for domestically produced natural gas. The tax rate is lower for fuels such as coal which have a larger carbon footprint in comparison to natural gas, for example, which has a far lower carbon footprint. While coal is included in the GST base, other high-polluting fossil fuels such as petrol, diesel and crude are excluded from its purview.[61] Nearly INR 52,000 crore of GST compensation was due to the states as of September 2021, which is telling of the Centre’s tardy disbursement record and states’ apprehension to exclude these fuels from the GST base in order to maintain their revenue stream.[62] These fuels are, however, subject to a significantly high excise duty and the VAT, both of which vary across states. However, the taxes are not linked to the degree of carbon emissions nor the carbon content in the fuels.[63] India’s legislative framework under the GST regime lays a strong ground to address these anomalies and incorporate all fossil fuels under its ambit by setting a uniform tax rate and an additional levy contingent on the quantum of carbon emissions instead of usage. International practice, as discussed in the previous sections, dictates the same premise with certain exemptions depending on the sector and trade exposure. The tax should be upstream, implying an imposition only at source for producers and importers of fossils fuels. Similar to experiences of other countries as depicted in Table 4 exemptions should be granted for fuel usage in the farm/agriculture sector and remote off-grid communities (as done in Japan and Canada), companies or sectors that have a strong trade exposure (such as in South Africa), units with installations below a certain threshold (such as in Chile) and also where carbon-emitting fuels are used as a feedstock for manufacturing, e.g. fertilisers (such as in Argentina). Since diesel and petrol already suffer a heavy tax burden, limiting government’s ability to impose additional taxes will result in the burden being borne by coal and other fuels. In a study by Shakti Sustainable Energy Foundation and Ernst & Young LLP, the price of carbon tax should reach USD 35 per tonne of CO2 emissions to achieve 33- to 35-percent reduction in emission intensity by 2030.[64] Given India’s COP 26 commitment to reduce the carbon intensity of the nation’s economy by 45 percent by 2030, the price on carbon will have to be even higher. Availability of substitute clean fuels and green technologies as well as increase in capacity and deployment of renewable sources of power are critical factors for compliance and effectiveness of the carbon tax. The carbon price will have to be gradually increased and aligned with the maturity of decarbonisation technologies. Indeed, government funding for R&D in India remains weak and investment in technologies like carbon, capture and storage (CCS), and green hydrogen are important to develop viable and economically competitive alternatives.[65] A carbon tax that is incremental in nature will help augment fiscal revenues, improve the tax-GDP ratio, and generate additional funds which can be utilised for offsetting the burden of the tax on low-income groups as well as facilitate greater investments in green and environmental projects. Revenue recycling is another critical aspect for generating greater acceptability and adoption as well as ensuring effectiveness of the tax mechanism. The following are some examples: Japan reserves its carbon revenues for climate mitigation projects and to boost renewable energy and energy-efficient technologies; Ireland transfers revenues to the general budget to reduce payroll taxes and alleviate fuel poverty; Singapore uses its revenues to support schemes such as the Resource Efficiency Grant for Energy, Investment Allowances for Emissions Reduction and Energy Efficiency Fund; Colombia uses 50 percent of the revenues from the tax towards adaptation projects in coastal erosion management, conservation of water sources, and the protection of ecosystems; Mexico has a strong focus on improving public transportation in addition to boosting energy efficient technology; and Denmark uses its revenues to both subsidise energy efficient investments as well as reduce taxes on labour. In addition, a tier of the revenue transfer from the Centre to the States can be linked to measurable and traceable metrics such as the area expanded under forest cover, share of renewables in the energy mix, fossil fuel replacement strategies including e-mobility, increased ethanol blending, and use of biofuels, amongst others, to ensure greater compliance and enforcement. With efficiency and equity considerations built into the tax design, political communication becomes an important lever to enhance wider acceptability and drive compliance, the lack of which, as seen in the experience of Australia, led to the abolition of the carbon tax two years after introduction in 2012.[66] 2. Emissions Trading System (ETS) India’s PAT Scheme—given its functional mechanism with DC (designated consumers)-specific targets, issuance, normalisation factor, trading, among other design features—lays a solid foundation to evolve into a full-fledged emissions-based cap-and-trade system. A phased approach to expand its aperture into a more functional ETS market could prove useful using simulations (a mock carbon market) or pilots (a small-scale carbon market). Mexico conducted simulation exercises among certain enterprises before entering the operational phase of its three-year pilot in 2020. China presents a befitting example: it piloted ETS models in eight provinces, allowing learnings and best practices from these programs to inform the design of its national ETS market that was eventually launched in 2021. In the past, India has demonstrated serious commitment to explore cap-and-trade schemes to achieve its ambitious NDCs and signed up to the World Bank’s Partnership for Market Readiness (PMR) to pilot new market-based mechanisms (MBMs) in Waste and MSME sectors. It also set up an integrated data management and registry for GHG emissions.[67] A part of the funding was apportioned to expand and strengthen the scale and scope of existing market-based approaches including the PAT mechanism and the Renewable Energy Certificate (REC) scheme.[68] The World Resource Institute’s carbon market simulation covering about 50-60 percent of India’s total industry-related emissions across 30 to 40 large businesses as well as the emission trading scheme on RSPM in India are laudable attempts and could set a precedence for scaling and implementing more ambitious ETS pilot programs in India.[69] India’s federal structure provides an ideal framework to develop ETS pilot programs across states with inter-state trading built into its design to enhance cost-competitiveness and efficiency gains. Such pilot projects are ideal to engage with relevant stakeholders and build readiness among industries, develop a bottom-up approach to designing and testing different models, and identifying and understanding operational challenges during the post-pilot phase.[70] In its current form, the PAT Scheme covers 1,072 designated consumers, consuming 50 percent of primary energy, in 13 sectors.[71] The ETS should aim at a wider coverage, including more sectors and industries above a certain threshold, to maximise potential gains from trade and reduce overall transaction costs. The cap should aim to set reasonably ambitious targets on absolute ambitions or intensity of emissions per unit of GDP, subject to growth rate of the economy. Defining targets over time frames can be useful for industries to undertake transition planning pre-emptively. As an example, the EU ETS has already declared that its emission cap will decrease annually by 2.2 percent between 2021 and 2030.[72] Emission allowances can be freely allocated with a small portion earmarked for auctioning to set the stage for increasing the latter’s percentage over the years. Many emerging economies follow a similar template, such as Korea, where 90 percent or less allowances are freely allocated to entities in sub-sectors that are subject to auctioning and 100 percent for EITE sectors (emission-intensive and/or trade exposed sectors at risk of carbon leakage receive free allowances up to 100% of the benchmark or historical emission level). For trading purposes, the ESCerts should be converted into carbon-denominated allowances based on carbon intensity benchmarks.[73] Deploying price containment measures in the ETS design can help incorporate greater flexibility and price predictability. These include establishing a price corridor, i.e. introducing a price floor and a price ceiling, as done by countries like the Republic of Korea and New Zealand. Another popular measure to contain price volatility is to have a Cost Containment Reserve (CCR) which allows the regulator to release a fixed additional supply of allowances if the sale of CO2 allowance prices exceeds a certain price threshold, also called the trigger price, as practiced in the ETS markets of Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, Republic of Korea and the European Union. Banking and borrowing unused emissions as well as the use of offsets which allows regulated businesses to buy emissions reduction credits from outside the market, can help provide greater flexibility to business owners, again a measure which finds its place in the Korea ETS with certain control features.[74] While useful, these cost containment measures can result in trade-offs such as failure to realise the overall carbon emissions targets, lower overall efficiency gains from trade, and reduced predictability in the timing of achievement of emissions reduction targets. Therefore, careful planning is essential using rigorous quantitative modelling and analysis from the data collected via the pilot projects. Establishing a GHG emissions inventory and a strong MRV (Monitoring, Reporting and Verification) system is a pre-requisite for the success of the ETS scheme and therefore capacity building efforts should be deployed by governments for this purpose.[75] Conclusion The Energy Conservation (Amendment) Bill, 2022 underscores the willingness of the Indian government to explore the imperative of a formal carbon market to achieve carbon neutrality. Both the GST regime and the PAT scheme provide a well-functioning machinery which India can leverage to build upon a strong carbon pricing framework using a combination of both a carbon tax and an emission trading system. To be sure, carbon pricing in itself is not a silver bullet; complementary measures along with carbon pricing will help accelerate the path to carbon reduction. An optimal portfolio of policy instruments which includes carbon pricing, fossil fuel taxes, renewable energy subsidies and technology and performance-based standards along with investment in green technologies and revenue recycling to protect vulnerable communities should form the basis of a cost-effective and equitable carbon pricing policy design.[76] While India should not feel compelled to imitate or adopt western policy frameworks given the country’s unique economic and social pre-conditions, carbon pricing has proven to be an effective mechanism for many developing economies, including Republic of Korea, China and South Africa, to achieve significant carbon reduction and realise their national climate targets. In the context of India, it can help meet its ambitious current and future climate goals, offer emission reduction at the lowest possible cost, and accelerate progress on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).[77] Global climate policy groups have been debating the inception of a Climate Club, popularised by William Nordhaus in his 2015 paper ‘Climate Clubs: Overcoming Free-riding in International Climate Policy’, seeking to establish an international target carbon price (incremental in nature), amongst other mandates, to which all member countries must comply.[78] While the world is a long way to institutionalising a framework of such scale and scope, there is broad consensus to include carbon pricing as a prominent tool in the international climate policy architecture. The current G20 Troika, led by three developing countries – Indonesia, India and Brazil, presents a unique and apposite moment to push forward a global carbon pricing framework built with a redistributive mechanism[79] and aligned with the principles of Common but Differentiated responsibilities (CBDR) and the Just Transition Declaration. It is clear that carbon pricing is primed to become and remain the mainstay of the global climate policy architecture and designing domestic carbon policies and pre-emptive strategies that align with global policy trends will hold India in good stead in an increasingly decarbonising future. Mannat Jaspal is an Associate Fellow with ORF’s Geoeconomics Studies Programme. Endnotes [1] Alex Bowen, “The case for carbon pricing”, Grantham Research Institute, Centre for Climate Change Economics and Policy, January 1, 2011 [2] Rob Jackson, Pierre Friedlingstein, Corinne Le Quéré, Robbie Andrew, Pep Canadell, Glen Peters, Sam Abernethy, “Global Emissions Rebound to Pre-COVID Levels”, Scientific America, November 11, 2021. [3] Virender Kumar Duggal, “Carbon Pricing”, Asian Development Outlook 2021: Financing a Green and Inclusive Recovery, 2021 [4] Alex Bowen, “The case for carbon pricing”, Grantham Research Institute, Centre for Climate Change Economics and Policy, January 1, 2011 [5] Maria Hofbauer Pérez and Carla Rhode, “Carbon Pricing: International Comparison”, ifo DICE Report, 2020 [6] Virender Kumar Duggal, “Carbon Pricing”, Asian Development Bank [7] Michael Greenstone and Ishan Nath, “Put a Price on It: The How and Why of Pricing Carbon”, U.S. Energy & Climate Roadmap, EPIC University of Chicago [8] Michael Greenstone, “Put a Price on It: The How and Why of Pricing Carbon” [9] The World Bank, “State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2022” [10] Michael Greenstone, “Put a Price on It: The How and Why of Pricing Carbon” [11] The World Bank, “State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2021” [12] The World Bank, “State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2022” [13] Muskaan Malhotra and Dhruvak Aggarwal, “Decoding the New Amendments to the Energy Conservation Act”, Council on Energy, Environment and Water, 23 August, 2022. [14] Shakti Sustainable Energy Foundation & EY, “Discussion Paper on Carbon Tax Structure for India” [15] Alex Bowen, “The case for carbon pricing”, Grantham Research Institute, Centre for Climate Change Economics and Policy, January1, 2011 [16] J. Stiglitz et Al., “A Social Cost of Carbon Consistent with a net-zero Climate Goal”, Roosevelt Institute, The Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment [17] The World Bank, “State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2021” [18] Maria Hofbauer Pérez and Carla Rhode, “Carbon Pricing: International Comparison” [19] Virender Kumar Duggal, “Carbon Pricing”, Asian Development Bank [20] Joseph E. Aldy and Robert N. Stavins, “The Promise and Problems of Pricing Carbon: Theory and Experience”, Journal of Environment & Development, 2012 [21] E. Narassimhan et al., “Carbon Pricing in Practice: A review of the Evidence”, The Center for International Environment & Resource Policy, Climate Policy Lab, The Fletcher School Tufts University, 2017 [22] Virender Kumar Duggal, “Carbon Pricing”, Asian Development Outlook 2021: Financing a Green and Inclusive Recovery, 2021 [23] Joseph E. Aldy and Robert N. Stavins, “The Promise and Problems of Pricing Carbon: Theory and Experience”, Journal of Environment & Development,2012 [24] Joseph E. Aldy and Robert N. Stavins, “The Promise and Problems of Pricing Carbon: Theory and Experience”, Journal of Environment & Development,2012 [25] E. Narassimhan et al., “Carbon Pricing in Practice: A review of the Evidence”, The Center for International Environment & Resource Policy, Climate Policy Lab, The Fletcher School Tufts University, 2017 [26] E. Narassimhan et al., “Carbon Pricing in Practice: A review of the Evidence”, The Center for International Environment & Resource Policy, Climate Policy Lab, The Fletcher School Tufts University, 2017 [27] Joseph E. Aldy and Robert N. Stavins, “The Promise and Problems of Pricing Carbon: Theory and Experience”, Journal of Environment & Development,2012 [28] The FASTER Principles for Successful Carbon Pricing: An approach based on initial experience, OECD and the World Bank Group,2015 [29] United Nations Climate Change, Mechanisms under the Kyoto Protocol. [30] Virender Kumar Duggal, “Carbon Pricing”, Asian Development Outlook 2021: Financing a Green and Inclusive Recovery, 2021 [31] The World Bank, “State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2021” [32] The World Bank, “State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2021” [33] Joseph E. Aldy and Robert N. Stavins, “The Promise and Problems of Pricing Carbon: Theory and Experience”, Journal of Environment & Development,2012 [34] Kathryne Cleary, Karen Palmer and Kevin Rennert, “Clean Energy Standards”, Resources for the Future, 2019. [35] Joseph E. Aldy and Robert N. Stavins, “The Promise and Problems of Pricing Carbon: Theory and Experience”, Journal of Environment & Development,2012 [36] G20 Leaders Statement: The Pittsburgh Summit. [37] The World Bank, “State and Trends of Carbon Pricing 2022” [38] The World Bank, “Carbon Pricing Dashboard”. [39] Kaushik Ranjan Bandyopadhyay, “Emission Trading in India: A Study of Two Schemes”, Asian Growth Research Institute,2016 [40] Tanushree Chandra, “Pricing carbon: Trade-offs and opportunities for India”, ORF, 2021 [41] Bureau of Energy Efficiency, Ministry of Power, Government of India. [42] Muskaan Malhotra and Dhruvak Aggarwal, “Decoding the New Amendments to the Energy Conservation Act”, Council on Energy, Environment and Water, 23 August, 2022. [43] Kaushik Ranjan Bandyopadhyay, “Emission Trading in India: A Study of Two Schemes”, Asian Growth Research Institute,2016 [44] Tanushree Chandra, “Pricing carbon: Trade-offs and opportunities for India”, ORF, 2021 [45] Parth Kumar, “Energy Conservation Amendment Bill 2022: It all boils down to targets for industries”, DownToEarth, August 10, 2022. [46] Kaushik Ranjan Bandyopadhyay, “Emission Trading in India: A Study of Two Schemes”, Asian Growth Research Institute,2016 [47] M. Greenstone et al., “The Surat Emissions Trading Scheme”, Energy Policy Institute, University of Chicago [48] Nikhil Ghanekar, “Explained: How Surat’s Emissions Trading Scheme Works To Reduce Air Pollution”, IndiaSpend, July 26, 2021. [49] M. 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Heavy rains, lightning kill at least 36 in northern India

Hazardous weather has killed at least 36 people in northern India over the past 24 hours, including 12 who who were struck by lightning, officials said as they warned of more heavy downpours in the coming days. Across the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, at least 24 people died after their homes collapsed amid unrelenting rains, Relief Commissioner Ranvir Prasad said. Mohamed Usman, 15, was on his friend’s roof in the city of Prayagraj when lightning struck Friday evening, killing him instantly. His friend Aznan, who goes by one name, was injured and is being treated in a hospital. “As soon as they set foot on the roof, they were hit by lightning and my son died,” said Mohammad Ayub, Usman’s father. Officials said 39 people in the state have died from lightning in the last five days, prompting authorities to issue new guidelines for how people can protect themselves during a thunderstorm. Lightning strikes are common during India’s monsoon season, which runs from June to September. Col. Sanjay Srivastava, whose organization Lightning Resilient India Campaign works with the Indian Meteorological Department, said that deforestation, the depletion of bodies of water, and pollution all contribute to climate change, which leads to more lightning. Global warming has also increased the frequency of lightning, said Sunita Narain, director general at the Center for Science and Environment. A 1-degree-Celsius (1.8-degree-Fahrenheit) rise in temperature increases lightning by 12 times. There has been a 34% rise in lightning strikes across India over the past year, which has caused deaths to also jump. India recorded 1,489 deaths due to lightning in 2016, and the number grew to 2,869 in 2021, according to Srivastava.