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Own an old car in Delhi? Here’s how to convert it to electric — and what it may cost you

As the national capital continues to battle foul air, the Delhi government had announced plans last week to incentivise the retrofitting of old petrol and diesel cars and their conversion into electric vehicles (EVs) under its new EV policy. “Under this proposal, the government is planning to provide an incentive of Rs 50,000 for the first 1,000 old vehicles retrofitted into EVs. The plan is under consideration, and a final decision will be taken after Cabinet approval,” an official had said. While retrofitting your petrol and diesel vehicle offers benefits ranging from lower maintenance costs to more regulatory compliance, it is not without its own challenges. According to experts, the nascent market, high GST rates on retrofit kits, and reduced financial benefit for owners in the long run are some key deterrents. As per a research note from JMK Research and Analytics, an energy consultancy, a vehicle owner could incur 60-70% of the cost of a newly purchased EV just to convert their Internal Combustion Engine (ICE) vehicle to electric, making the option to retrofit less financially viable for many. What is EV retrofitting? EV retrofitting refers to the process of converting existing petrol or diesel vehicles into electric vehicles. During retrofitting, the fuel tank, engine, fuel pipes, exhaust system, and engine accessories are replaced with a battery, controller, and motor. How much does it cost to get your vehicle retrofitted? The market for retrofitting, especially for personal two- and four-wheelers, is at a very nascent stage. It comprises mostly small companies and startups, many of which have not yet started commercial sales. Tadpole Projects, a company incubated at and based out of IIT Delhi, promises to retrofit your Gypsy for Rs 6.5 lakh. It has a running cost of Rs 1 per km and offers a range of 200 km on a single charge, with a warranty of 1 lakh km. For a Maruti Suzuki Swift Dzire, the estimated cost of conversion is Rs 6-7 lakh, with a range of 300 km on a full charge. Tadpole will start retail conversions in the next couple of months, according to founder Jawaad Khan. The company also plans to offer a Battery-as-a-Service (BaaS) model, which it claims will have a much lower upfront cost. Folks Motor, another company in this space, promises to add an electric battery to your petrol or diesel vehicle and convert it into a hybrid electric vehicle. Once launched, it will retrofit your Dzire for around Rs 2.5 lakh, Brezza for Rs 3 lakh, and Ertiga for Rs 3.5 lakh. The company claims a 40-60% increase in mileage and a 30-50% decrease in running costs. Should you get your two-wheeler or car retrofitted? While advocates for retrofitting argue that it could deliver lower maintenance costs and help owners avoid regulatory hassles, many critics contend that the high costs of conversion make it a financially burdensome process for individual buyers. According to Khan, driving EVs will also help you avoid the hassles of compliance with the Graded Response Action Plan (GRAP), End-of-Life Vehicles (ELV) regulations, and other requirements. “While retrofitting ICE vehicles to EVs offers benefits like lower upfront costs and extended vehicle lifespan, it often costs 60-70% of a new EV due to the high price of batteries, which comprise around 50% of a new EV’s cost,” a research note from JMK Research and Analytics states. “When factoring in assembly, disassembly, and other components, the price difference with new EVs is minimal, making retrofitting less attractive for individual buyers. Additionally, retrofitted vehicles lack warranties and often show signs of wear, making them a less appealing option for individual consumers,” it adds, noting that retrofitting is particularly advantageous for commercial and institutional buyers who benefit from economies of scale. A total cost of ownership (TCO) analysis of retrofitted EVs over a 10-year period by JMK Research and Analytics shows only a slight financial benefit for retrofitted four-wheelers. While a retrofitted EV has the lowest TCO at Rs 6.32 per km, the TCO for a new EV is Rs 7.07 per km and for a new ICE vehicle is Rs 7.197 per km. For two-wheelers, the TCO for retrofitted EVs is Rs 1.6 per km compared to Rs 2.36 per km for a new EV. Furthermore, it is not yet clear from real-world evidence the extent to which the lifespan of vehicles can be extended and the durability of real-world performance, a CSE report on retrofitting notes. Moushumi Mohanty, Head of Electric Mobility at Delhi-based think tank Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) is a strong critic of retrofitting of personal vehicles.

Monetary Cost of Air Pollution’s Health Impacts Dropped from EPA Assessments

“This sets a dangerous global precedent that could weaken the adoption of stronger environmental protections. It is crucial that this shift does not influence or undermine the air quality and emission standards currently taking shape across the Global South,” Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director, at the Centre for Science and Environment in New Delhi, told Health Policy Watch.

Satellite images show how cities are heating up

In Hyderabad, the urban heat island phenomenon is stronger at night. The city is 0.7°C cooler than its peripheries and peri urban areas during the day and 1.9°C warmer at night, according to a 2024 review by the Centre for Science and Environment. Between 2003 and 2020, India's cities warmed at 0.53°C per decade –double the rate of the rest of the country. Satellite imagery reveals this transformation, documenting how green turned to grey, water bodies vanished, and land surface temperatures soared – in some cases by as much as 15°C in three decades. This was particularly pronounced in the northwestern, northeastern and southern regions. We looked at studies that analysed data from nine cities spanning up to five decades. The images reveal three patterns: extreme sprawl that replaced natural landscapes with concrete, the paradox of the city that added trees but still got hotter, and the systematic loss of water bodies that once cooled urban environments. As cities turn into heat islands, India’s urban population exposed to high temperatures is estimated to rise eightfold by 2050, as IndiaSpend reported in the first part of this series. Vulnerable communities, unable to afford cooling, will suffer the most. “This inevitable development could exacerbate the Urban Heat Island crisis our cities are already facing and further reduce the quality of living," says Abhiyant Tiwari, climate resilience lead and health consultant at the Natural Resources Defense Council. Every city shows increased built-up area and rising land surface temperatures. But the details vary. Bengaluru experienced the most extreme sprawl and temperature rise. Hyderabad presents a paradox – green cover increased 197%, yet LST rose 7.55°C. These variations reflect different urbanisation drivers: Bengaluru's tech boom, Hyderabad's IT and pharmaceuticals, Patna's administrative role, Chennai's haphazard expansion. Extreme sprawl In Bengaluru, built-up area rose ten-fold from about 6,000 hectare in 1973 to 64,000 hectare in 2023, accompanied by a fall in area of vegetation cover (88%) and water bodies (79%) from 69,000 hectare to 9,900 hectare, researchers at the Indian Institute of Science have found. Just in the last three decades, this urban sprawl has caused the overall average LST in Bengaluru to rise by 15.13°C, according to a study by researchers at the city’s Christ University and Qatar University. From a climate and public health standpoint, this increase would be classified as “severe and hazardous”, says Shikha Patel, lead author and research assistant at the Department of Architecture and Urban Planning in Qatar University. This rate of increase is not acceptable, she adds, and indicates an urgent need for cooling strategies. Patel points to the rapid population growth, economic development, and the city's emergence as a major IT and industrial centre as primary factors. The most intense phase of urban sprawl and land use change, as evidenced by satellite images, occurred after the early 2000s leading to the creation of urban heat islands, she adds.

Gian Jyoti Global School selected for ‘National Green School Award'

Gian Jyoti Global School, Phase 2, Mohali, has achieved a significant milestone in the field of environmental conservation by being selected for the prestigious ‘National Green School Award’. Out of the 23 schools selected for the honour from the Mohali district, Gian Jyoti Global School is the only private school to earn the distinction, while all others are government institutions. The award ceremony is scheduled to take place in New Delhi on January 30. This honour recognises schools that demonstrate leadership in environmental sustainability, conservation of natural resources, efficient waste management, and the implementation of eco-friendly practices on their campus. The selection was based on a rigorous ‘Green School Audit’ conducted under the Environment Education Programme of the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change. The process was supported by the Punjab State Council for Science and Technology (PSCST) and the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), New Delhi. Sharing her joy, Ranjeet Bedi, Director-Principal of Gian Jyoti Global School, said: “Care for nature shapes our values and vision. This selection reflects our unwavering commitment to providing education that builds respect for the environment and fosters the spirit of responsible citizenship among students.”

स्मृति शेष: भारत को पर्यावरणीय विवेक देने वाले वैज्ञानिक थे माधव गाडगिल

डॉ. गाडगिल से मेरी व्यक्तिगत मुलाकातें सीमित रहीं—एक आमने-सामने की भेंट और एक संक्षिप्त फोन बातचीत। इसके बावजूद, मुझे हमेशा ऐसा लगा कि मैं उन्हें अच्छी तरह जानता हूं। इसका कारण वे विचार थे, जो उनके लेखन में झलकते थे, और वे संस्थान थे, जिन्हें उन्होंने गढ़ा और पोषित किया। मेरे आसपास के कई पर्यावरणवादियों में वे एक अत्यंत प्रभावशाली व्यक्तित्व के रूप में उपस्थित थे। वेस्टर्न घाट्स रिपोर्ट के प्रकाशन के कुछ समय बाद, सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) में उनसे मेरी मुलाकात हुई। हमने रिपोर्ट के कुछ पहलुओं की आलोचना की थी, और उसी पर चर्चा करने के लिए वे आए थे। उस बातचीत में मुझे न केवल उनकी तीक्ष्ण बुद्धि का अनुभव हुआ, बल्कि यह भी स्पष्ट हुआ कि यह विषय उनके लिए कितना व्यक्तिगत था। वेस्टर्न घाट्स उनके लिए मात्र एक भौगोलिक क्षेत्र नहीं था; वह एक जीवित पारिस्थितिक इकाई थी, जिसके क्षरण को रोकना वे अपनी नैतिक जिम्मेदारी मानते थे।

Replicating ‘Operation Flood’ for Bioenergy

India possesses a vast and diverse biomass base that can support a Distributed CBG Production Model. According to the Centre for Science and Environment, India’s feedstock availability comprises 190 million tonnes (mt) of animal and poultry waste, 150 mt of agricultural residue, 62 mt of municipal solid waste (MSW), 50 mt of biomass from sewage treatment plants, and 20 mt of press mud. This biomass potential can support an estimated CBG production capacity of 62 million tonnes per annum, with animal and poultry waste alone accounting for 41 per cent and surplus agri-residues for 32 per cent. While around 108 CBG plants have been commissioned so far, the growth trajectory remains slow, raising concerns and signaling the need for a shift in approach.

Done and not dusted: Few violators paying fine for flouting dust norms

While Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) claims to be enforcing multiple measures to curb dust pollution and penalise violators, the low recovery of fines compared to the number of challans issued raises questions about the effectiveness of its enforcement drive. The civic body maintains that its campaigns aim to bring behavioural change rather than merely levy penalties. Experts, however, argue that compliance with norms is essential if air quality has to improve. Sources said, between Sept 1 and Dec 31, 2025, MCD issued 2,122 challans for dust violations at construction sites, totaling Rs 3.6 crore, but actual recoveries were limited to Rs 19.5 lakh. MCD issues challans under National Green Tribunal (NGT) norms and solid waste management (SWM) rules, with fines such as Rs 5,000 for open burning of waste. Under Sections 3, 6, and 25 of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986, the commissioner can impose penalties, levy spot fines, and initiate prosecution for non-payment. These powers are designed to enforce compliance effectively. In Dec, challans were issued to 746 under-construction sites measuring less than 500 sq metres for violating dust mitigation norms or failing to register on the designated portal. Penalties imposed amounted to Rs 99.4 lakh, but recoveries stood at just Rs 9 lakh, even though civic teams inspected 5,340 sites during the month. Enforcement for larger projects was similarly weak. Of 1,629 sites over 500 sq metres, challans were issued to only 42 buildings. Penalties imposed totalled Rs 30 lakh, but just Rs 1 lakh was recovered, sources added. From April to Dec 2025, the building department issued 2,920 challans amounting to Rs 4.8 crore, with only Rs 28.1 lakh collected. The highest number of challans—928—was issued in Nov (Rs 1.4 crore in penalties), followed by 788 in Dec (Rs 1.3 crore) and 406 in Oct, as pollution levels rose post-Diwali. An MCD official said zonal teams conduct inspections, issue challans and send reminders. "Challans issued on the spot for construction and waste management are usually collected, as they involve smaller amounts. In other categories, recovery is slower due to limited staff. However, most violators take precautions after receiving a challan, which is the main objective," the official said. POS machines have also been provided to staff for on-the-spot fines, particularly for sanitation violations. Experts stress that fines alone cannot ensure compliance. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director (Research and Advocacy), Centre for Science and Environment, said: "While levying fines may not be the ultimate objective of authorities, ensuring compliance with norms is essential to achieve results. Even after imposing penalties, if no visible changes occur on the ground, enforcement fails its purpose." Officials noted that under Sections 154 and 155 of the Delhi Municipal Corporation Act, 1957, arrears can be attached or unpaid challans recovered, and notices issued under building bylaws, though the process is time-consuming. MCD is reportedly following up pending cases with the NGT and sub-divisional magistrates, but progress remains slow. In May 2024, Delhi High Court directed additional chief metropolitan magistrate courts in each district to handle cases under the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986, including SWM bylaw violations.

Satellite Images Show How Cities Are Heating Up

Chennai: Between 2003 and 2020, India's cities warmed at 0.53°C per decade—double the rate of the rest of the country. Satellite imagery reveals this transformation, documenting how green turned to grey, water bodies vanished, and land surface temperatures soared—in some cases by as much as 15°C in three decades. This was particularly pronounced in the northwestern, northeastern and southern regions. We looked at studies that analysed data from nine cities spanning up to five decades. The images reveal three patterns: extreme sprawl that replaced natural landscapes with concrete, the paradox of the city that added trees but still got hotter, and the systematic loss of water bodies that once cooled urban environments. As cities turn into heat islands, India’s urban population exposed to high temperatures is estimated to rise eightfold by 2050, as IndiaSpend reported in the first part of this series. Vulnerable communities, unable to afford cooling, will suffer the most. “This inevitable development could exacerbate the Urban Heat Island crisis our cities are already facing and further reduce the quality of living," says Abhiyant Tiwari, climate resilience lead and health consultant at the Natural Resources Defense Council. Every city shows increased built-up area and rising land surface temperatures. But the details vary. Bengaluru experienced the most extreme sprawl and temperature rise. Hyderabad presents a paradox—green cover increased 197%, yet LST rose 7.55°C. These variations reflect different urbanisation drivers: Bengaluru's tech boom, Hyderabad's IT and pharmaceuticals, Patna's administrative role, Chennai's haphazard expansion. Extreme sprawl In Bengaluru, built-up area rose ten-fold from about 6,000 hectare in 1973 to 64,000 hectare in 2023, accompanied by a fall in area of vegetation cover (88%) and water bodies (79%) from 69,000 hectare to 9,900 hectare, researchers at the Indian Institute of Science have found. Just in the last three decades, this urban sprawl has caused the overall average LST in Bengaluru to rise by 15.13°C, according to a study by researchers at the city’s Christ University and Qatar University. From a climate and public health standpoint, this increase would be classified as “severe and hazardous”, says Shikha Patel, lead author and research assistant at the Department of Architecture and Urban Planning in Qatar University. This rate of increase is not acceptable, she adds, and indicates an urgent need for cooling strategies. Patel points to the rapid population growth, economic development, and the city's emergence as a major IT and industrial centre as primary factors. The most intense phase of urban sprawl and land use change, as evidenced by satellite images, occurred after the early 2000s leading to the creation of urban heat islands, she adds. In the case of Vijayawada, which saw a 15.84°C rise in LST between 2001 and 2023, the built-up area grew 58%, while the extent of water bodies fell 38% and vegetation declined 42%. “Vijayawada follows a fan-shaped, unidirectional growth trajectory. Bounded by hills to the east and west and the Krishna river to the south, the city’s expansion has been predominantly oriented towards the northeast,” explains V. Vinoj, associate professor at the School of Earth, Ocean and Climate Sciences, IIT Bhubaneswar. Its location as a transportation hub, and recently, the proximity to the new state capital Amaravati contributed to rapid urban growth. “The older core city region situated near the river exhibits the highest land surface temperatures (LST), highlighting the urban heat concentration in this area,” he adds. In Patna, which saw a 4.5°C rise in LST, the built-up area doubled between 1988 and 2022—most of it after 2005. During this period, the extent of water bodies reduced by 34% and vegetation by 84%. The city demonstrates a concentric growth model, marked by the city’s radial outward expansion, Vinoj says. Patna functions as the administrative hub while also serving as a major hub for healthcare and education. This role, coupled with significant rural-to-urban migration, continues to shape the city’s urbanisation dynamics, he explains. Green cover paradox In Hyderabad, the urban heat island phenomenon is stronger at night. The city is 0.7°C cooler than its peripheries and peri urban areas during the day and 1.9°C warmer at night, according to a 2024 review by the Centre for Science and Environment. In two decades to 2023, its built-up area doubled, but green cover also rose from 9% to 27%. This in turn has moderated daytime temperatures, the review says, but widespread concretisation still reduces thermal comfort at night. Experts say that the IT boom and the bio-pharmaceuticals industry in Hyderabad have been the main reasons for the increase in population. "Green cover definitely has increased in Hyderabad due to consistent efforts through the Haritha Haram programme. But this does not offset the UHI crisis or significantly reduce temperatures," says D. Sabarinath, a geographer and urban researcher. "This is largely because forest cover is lost due to rapid urbanisation and this can't be replaced by scattered planting without planning. For example, they grow eucalyptus trees because they mature fast but the capability of evapotranspiration for this species is low. So data shows tree cover has increased but on ground, unscientific tree planting can reduce aquifer levels and cause more damage," he adds.

India-EU Trade Talks: Why Carbon Pricing Now Dominates the Discussion

For Indian exporters, CBAM poses a serious challenge, and the implications could be significant. For instance, much of India’s heavy industry remains coal-dependent, with coal accounting for close to 46% of total energy use. According to an analysis by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), “CBAM could impose substantial cost pressures on steel and aluminium exports to the EU [and the] affected exports could face a price burden of around 25 per cent — a shock that exporters are likely to absorb through price compression in order to remain competitive.” As India’s Union Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal heads to Brussels on January 8–9 to push toward closure of the long-pending India–European Union Free Trade Agreement (FTA), the negotiations have entered their most decisive and challenging phase. Both sides are now focused on resolving the most contentious issues, especially the European Union’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) under which exports of select industrial goods to the EU will be charged a carbon price. The visit is expected to give much-needed impetus towards the conclusion of FTA talks as India prepares to host Ursula von der Leyen and António Costa as chief guests for Republic Day on January 26, 2026. India-EU FTA Talks: The story so far The talks were first formally launched in 2007 but stalled in 2013. They were ambitiously re-launched in June 2022 after a hiatus of over nine years. Since then, both sides have held 14 rounds of intense negotiations and several high-level ministerial dialogues, with the latest interaction taking place in December 2025, against the backdrop of global supply-chain disruptions caused by heightened geopolitical volatility. Despite high expectations and sustained high-level political engagement, both sides failed to conclude the negotiations by the end of 2025, as talks stumbled over the key issue of climate-linked trade measures. At the centre of the impasse is the EU’s CBAM regime, which has emerged as the most contentious issue, eclipsing the tariff reductions and market-access gains that were originally expected to anchor a final deal. What is the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM)? The European Union’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) is a new policy instrument that places a carbon charge on imports into the EU from six carbon-intensive industrial sectors: cement, iron and steel, aluminium, fertilisers, electricity, and hydrogen. Put simply, it “is a fee or tariff levied on imported goods based on the greenhouse gases emitted during their production.” By imposing CBAM as a regulatory instrument, the EU seeks to address the risk of “carbon leakage,” which is referred to as the “shifting of the production of goods to non-EU countries where there is a lower or no carbon cost associated with their production.” CBAM was legally established under Regulation (EU) 2023/956 of 10 May 2023. It applies to designated CBAM goods imported into the EU from third countries and forms part of the EU’s broader “Fit for 55” climate package. Its core objective is to ensure that the prices of certain imported goods more accurately reflect their carbon content, while simultaneously seeking to encourage foreign producers and trading partners to reduce emissions.” For regulatory purposes, “imports” refer to all goods entering the EU from non-EU countries. The scope of CBAM is defined in Annexe I of the regulation using the EU’s “Combined Nomenclature” (CN) codes, the standardised classification system for goods in international trade. The covered sectors currently include iron and steel, fertilisers, aluminium, cement, hydrogen, and electricity. CBAM between climate ambition and development needs For India, CBAM is widely viewed as a non-tariff barrier that risks eroding export competitiveness in carbon-intensive sectors such as steel, aluminium and cement, while constraining industrial growth at a stage when large parts of the economy remain dependent on coal. Indian exporters face higher compliance costs, pricing pressure from EU buyers, and the prospect of margin erosion even before formal carbon payments begin. For Indian exporters, CBAM poses a serious challenge, and the implications could be significant. For instance, much of India’s heavy industry remains coal-dependent, with coal accounting for close to 46% of total energy use. According to an analysis by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), “CBAM could impose substantial cost pressures on steel and aluminium exports to the EU [and the] affected exports could face a price burden of around 25 per cent — a shock that exporters are likely to absorb through price compression in order to remain competitive.” Once the CBAM mechanism is fully implemented, carbon costs will be factored into commercial negotiations with EU buyers from the outset, raising operating and compliance costs for Indian firms. Indian officials have criticised the mechanism as an “arbitrary trade barrier” disguised as climate action, arguing that it imposes additional costs on producers of developing countries. In February 2025, during the second meeting of the India-EU Trade and Technology Council, the EU acknowledged India’s concerns on CBAM implementation. The joint statement noted that “[b]oth sides have held in-depth discussions on trade and decarbonization through several bilateral channels and have engaged jointly with stakeholders, especially on the implementation of the EU’s carbon border mechanism (CBAM). Both sides discussed the challenges arising out of CBAM implementation, in particular for the small and medium enterprises and agreed to continue addressing them.” Beyond the bilateral setting, the EU’s climate-linked trade measures have been criticised by emerging and developing economies at UN climate forums, where concerns persist that such trade-related carbon measures pose a risk to economic growth in countries having limited capacity towards absorbing such compliance costs for their exports into the EU. Why the EU is unlikely to retreat From the EU perspective, CBAM is explicitly linked to the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) in both its purpose and pricing design. CBAM is intended to equalise carbon costs between imports and EU domestic production under the ETS so that foreign producers do not gain a competitive advantage from weaker climate policies. Importers of covered products must report embedded emissions and, from 2026, surrender CBAM certificates priced to reflect the carbon cost EU producers face under the ETS. In other words, the price of CBAM certificates mirrors the EU ETS allowance price, creating a comparable carbon cost on imported goods. Henceforth, the EU’s official stand underscores that CBAM is designed to ensure that all the imported goods in its market bear the same carbon cost as goods produced within the EU, complying with the EU ETS, which in turn helps to preserve EU industrial competitiveness. In addition, backed by strong domestic political consensus and embedded in the European Green Deal, the mechanism leaves Brussels with little room to dilute or suspend it within the framework of an FTA, even as India argues that its unilateral application runs counter to the development considerations and climate equity. Consequently, the FTA has evolved into a debate over climate equity, focusing on whether the financial cost of greening supply chains should fall on Indian producers or be shared by the EU in recognition of its own historical emissions. What a deal is likely to look like A fully comprehensive settlement remains unlikely in the near term. What appears more plausible is a phased arrangement, rather than a single all-encompassing agreement. Tariff reductions in less contentious sectors are likely to move ahead first, while politically and technically difficult issues such as carbon accounting, sustainability standards, and labour mobility are placed into transition arrangements or handled through parallel mechanisms. The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has suggested that “developed countries like India should collect a carbon tax domestically at the point of exports, so that the funds can be directed towards decarbonisation of domestic industry, whilst also meeting the CBAM’s carbon pricing criteria.” In addition, several analysts have also noted that “India–EU FTA is not just an economic agreement—it is a strategic instrument for shaping the future of globalisation.” Crucially, CBAM will be operational regardless of whether the EU-India FTA is concluded. This sequencing reflects an effort to manage adjustment costs and regulatory capacity, rather than an absence of political will on either side.

योजनाओं और हादसों के बीच इंदौर ने अनुभवों से कुछ नहीं सीखा?

दिल्ली स्थित थिंक टैंक सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) के अनुसार इस प्लांट की कैपेसिटी 182 MLD ही है। सीएसई के अनुसार, “परियोजना के इंटेक वेल के आसपास नर्मदा के पानी में रेत की मात्रा अधिक होने के कारण, गाद निकालने और पंपों में गंभीर टूट-फूट की समस्या लगातार बनी रहती है।” शहरी मसलों पर काम करने वाले सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता किशोर कोडवानी मानते हैं कि नर्मदा से पानी लाने का प्रोजेक्ट फेल हो चुका है। “नर्मदा परियोजना में हफ्ते के सातो दिन और 24 घंटे पानी देने का वादा किया गया था। मगर कई जगहों में तो यह 2 दिन में एक दिन ही आता है।”

Delhi Air Pollution:दिल्ली प्रदूषण पर सियासी घमासान, मंत्री सिरसा ने बताया दिल्ली सरकार का पूरा प्लान!

जहाँ पहले AAP सरकार पंजाब में पराली जलने के लिए भाजपा शासित केंद्र को जिम्मेदार ठहराती थी, अब स्थिति बदल चुकी है। विपक्षी दलों का आरोप है कि पंजाब में AAP की सरकार होने के बावजूद पराली की घटनाओं पर प्रभावी रोक नहीं लग पाई है। वहीं, सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) की 2025 की रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, दिल्ली के प्रदूषण में लगभग 65% योगदान NCR के अन्य शहरों और बाहरी कारकों का है।

Why water equity is India Inc.’s defining development challenge

According to a report by the Centre for Science and Environment, more than 72% of wastewater is discharged untreated, contaminating community water sources and raising health risks. Corporate India’s engagement with water has often been framed as a CSR responsibility—through recharge projects, awareness drives, or community infrastructure. These have been valuable, but the conversation is shifting. Water is no longer just an environmental or social cause; it is fast becoming a business-critical challenge. India’s per capita water availability has fallen from 1,816 cubic meters in 2001 to 1,486 cubic meters in 2021, with projections of just 1,341 cubic meters by 2025—placing the country in the ‘water-stressed’ category. The Global Risks Report 2025 by the World Economic Forum ranks water supply shortage as the most pressing environmental threat for India and the world. For companies, this scarcity is no longer abstract—it shows up in stalled factory lines, disrupted supply chains, tanker-dependent offices, and shrinking agricultural productivity. The question before India Inc. is urgent: Will water be treated as a shared equity—or as the next great fault line of development? Why equity matters as much as efficiency India’s economic growth has leaned heavily on water-intensive sectors—steel, cement, textiles, chemicals, energy, and even emerging semiconductor fabs. In 2023, 87% of India’s groundwater draft was used for irrigation, with the remaining 11% for domestic and industrial uses, according to a CGWB Report. This makes water equity central to the future. Equity means ensuring access to safe and sufficient water is not dictated by geography, income, or sectoral dominance. When industries monopolize aquifers for cooling and processing, nearby villages face dry taps. When urban centers divert rivers upstream, farmers downstream lose irrigation. Such inequities spark conflict, reputational damage, and often regulatory intervention. In other words, inequitable access is no longer only a moral dilemma—it has become a material business risk to operations, investor confidence, and corporate legitimacy. The economic cost of inequity The World Bank estimates that unchecked water scarcity could shave 6% off India’s GDP by 2050. According to a report by the Centre for Science and Environment, more than 72% of wastewater is discharged untreated, contaminating community water sources and raising health risks. In practice, this cost appears in disrupted supply chains—from industries grappling with groundwater stress to manufacturing hubs facing contamination challenges, and urban centers increasingly reliant on unregulated tanker markets. For citizens, water equity determines affordability; for businesses, it defines long-term sustainability. Investors are also recalibrating. ESG frameworks now demand disclosures on water withdrawal, wastewater management, and basin-level impact. Companies perceived as hoarding or polluting water face valuation pressures, while those investing in stewardship gain reputational and financial advantage. From philanthropy to strategy For decades, water has been boxed into the CSR section of corporate reports—community wells, recharge drives, tanker donations. While valuable, these don’t tackle the deeper realities: production halts, community unrest, or investor scrutiny when water runs dry. To build long-term resilience, India Inc. must move water equity from the periphery of philanthropy to the center of corporate strategy. Water must be managed with the same discipline as capital, energy, or talent—planned, budgeted, and replenished. Four shifts can guide this transition: 1. From Extraction to Stewardship Corporations must adopt basin-level water budgeting, cap withdrawals, and replenish as much as they consume. Many enterprises have piloted watershed models that improve community access and industrial resilience—demonstrating that stewardship and competitiveness can align. 2. From Linear Use to Circular Systems Zero-liquid discharge, closed-loop cooling, and wastewater reuse are not futuristic luxuries—they are business continuity safeguards. NITI Aayog has already called for mainstreaming treated wastewater as a “new resource.” Companies integrating recycled water into operations will mitigate risks and strengthen resilience. 3. From Projects to Platforms CSR in water must evolve from one-off initiatives into scalable platforms with lasting impact. Opportunities lie in decentralized water storage, rural pipeline networks, and IoT-enabled smart metering. By aligning innovation with community needs, industry can help scale water security across the nation. 4. From Compliance to Collaboration Regulation around groundwater and wastewater is tightening, but companies can go further. Multi-stakeholder water councils—bringing together government, peers, and communities—can pre-empt conflict and enable shared infrastructure. National programmes like Jal Jeevan Mission and AMRUT 2.0 offer avenues for corporates to partner not just as funders, but as co-creators of scalable solutions. A national imperative and a corporate opportunity India’s growth story—whether in manufacturing corridors, urban megacities, or agricultural heartlands—rests on a fragile water foundation. Without equity, that foundation further weakens. But if industry steps up, it can transform a national challenge into an opportunity: to build resilience, secure operations, and enable inclusive growth. For companies, this is not just about risk mitigation—it is about differentiation. In a world where sustainability drives valuation and consumer preference, water equity can become a marker of leadership. Those who embed it into strategy will gain reputational capital, investor confidence, and operational security. The bottom line Water is the common denominator of India’s growth. Every enterprise—whether making steel, software, or services—depends on its availability. As scarcity deepens, corporate India cannot afford to silo water as CSR. It must treat it as a strategy—tied to survival, continuity, and competitiveness. Because without water equity, there can be no economic equity. And without equity, India’s growth story itself runs dry.

बर्फ की आस में आए थे नैनीताल, दिलों पर नहीं जमी ठंड, खाली यादें लौट रहे टूरिस्ट, अब तक 'स्नोफॉल' क्यों नहीं?

मौसमी बदलाव बिग ​फैक्टर - CSE साइंटिस्ट सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) की वैज्ञानिक अनुमिता रॉय चौधरी ने स्टेट मिरर से बातचीत में कहा, ^केवल नैनीताल में ही नहीं, मौसम में बदलाव कम या ज्यादा ग्लोबल लेवल पर भी देखने को मिल रहा है. यह एक वैश्विक फेनोमेना हो गया है. उन्होंने कहा कि ग्लोबल वार्मिंग और प्रदूषण में इजाफा इसके मुख्य कारण हैं.^ उन्होंने कहा कि अब प्रदूषण का असर दूर दराज इलाकों या फिर यूं कहें कि स्थानीय स्तरों पर भी देखने को मिल रहा है. यह समस्या अब केवल महानगरों या बड़े-बड़े शहरों तक सीमित नहीं है. यह मानवीय स्वास्थ्य की लिहाज से चिंता का विषय है.

हैदराबाद में पानी की गुणवत्ता पर सवाल, 2009 की यादें फिर ताजा

सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट के एक अध्ययन के अनुसार, नगरजुनसागर से हैदराबाद तक पानी लाने की लागत 6.4 से 18 रुपये प्रति किलोलीटर तक है। इंदौर की हालिया त्रासदी लोगों के ज़हन में अभी ताज़ा ही थी कि सोमवार (5 जनवरी) को हैदराबाद के एक रिहायशी इलाके के लोगों ने पीने के पानी की आपूर्ति में गंदगी की शिकायत की। सरूरनगर के बापूनगर की रोड नंबर 2, 3 और 4 के स्थानीय निवासियों का कहना है कि पिछले एक हफ्ते से पानी की स्थिति ऐसी ही है, लेकिन प्रशासन से की गई शिकायतों पर कोई सुनवाई नहीं हुई। स्थानीय लोगों का आरोप है कि जल बोर्ड के अधिकारियों ने पानी की गुणवत्ता को लेकर उनकी चिंताओं को गंभीरता से नहीं लिया और उन्हें या तो पानी को इस्तेमाल से पहले 20 मिनट तक बहने देने या फिर उबालकर पीने की सलाह दी। यह स्थिति तब और चिंताजनक हो जाती है जब हैदराबाद खुद इंदौर जैसी एक त्रासदी का गवाह रह चुका है। वर्ष 2009 में भोलकपुर इलाके में जहरीली भारी धातुओं और खतरनाक कोलीफॉर्म बैक्टीरिया से दूषित पानी पीने के कारण 14 लोगों की मौत हो गई थी।