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India’s most polluted!Dharuhera choking on diesel, dust, and neglect; how it’s all gone wrong for thisNCRtown

DHARUHERA (REWARI): Trucks crawl, diesel autos cough up smoke, the constant roll of heavy tyres on crumbling tar creates a permanent overhang of dust, and garbage deposits line the main road. Dharuhera is a picture of everything that could have gone wrong. The 11 sqkm town just 40km from IFFCO Chowk and 60km from Delhi's IGI Airport was India's most polluted place through the month of Oct, with the highest average concentration of fine pollutants (PM2.5). To a visitor, it's immediately evident why. To its residents, it's become a way of life. The stench, the smoke, the dust, the jams have become daily obstacles to negotiate as they go about their lives quietly, sometimes with burning eyes, sometimes with sore throats, sometimes with a cold that won't go away for weeks. This is home, what else can they do? Unlike people living in Delhi and Gurgaon, smog vacations are a luxury people in this border town in Rewari district can't afford. They must stay and grind it out. Dharuhera isn't choking because of a single source. It's a combination of heavy traffic, factories from the adjoining industrial area that forms a contiguous spread with Rajasthan's Bhiwadi, construction work, bursting-at-the-seams warehouses that trucks roll in and out of, diesel gensets that run everything here because of frequent power cuts, and noxious smoke from garbage dumps that people set on fire because no one clears it. Ram Saini, a shopkeeper near Sector 6 said, "We live here. We breathe this air. Over the years, air pollution has increased and we feel it every year." The highway splits Dharuhera into two halves – factories on one side, homes and shops on the other. The industrial side is cleaner, but emissions are scattered across town by the breeze. "Dharuhera does not have proper parking facilities, so vehicles are mostly parked along roadsides. People walking on roads are catching fumes from trucks and buses all the time because they move slowly through the town. Roads are always congested, " said Amit, a resident of Sector 5. The auto fleet is almost entirely made of diesel, which is banned in Delhi-NCR. "These threewheelers run not just on diesel but diesel-mixed kerosene and are the most used mode of transportation in town. Fumes emitted by these vehicles are bad for people's health, " said Lalit Singh, a resident of Bypass Road. The Dharuhera-Bhiwadi belt is where many red industries from Delhi-NCR were shifted out. And while the towns are paying the price for it, the complete absence of basic pollution-control measures is surprising, given the intense scrutiny of the NCR air shed by Supreme Court and National Green Tribunal, and a central authority, CAQM, dedicated to managing anti-pollution measures scientifically. Sitting in the peripheries of NCR, Dharuhera appears to have simply been forgotten. "Dharuhera is home to many industries, mostly small and medium-scale factories dealing in hardware and chemicals. It is also a major travel intersection since it is connected with Delhi-Jaipur highway and Alwar road. It is also affected by similar adverse environmental factors in winter months as other NCR cities, like low wind speed and falling temperature that trap pollutants close to the ground, " said Shubhansh Tiwari, research associate at Centre for Science and Environment. "We don't need data to tell us the air is bad, " said Ajay Singh, who runs a ration shop near the highway. "We are breathing proof of it every day. Smog is visible in the morning and evening every day now." Researchers warn that towns like Dharuhera are slipping under the radar because policy conversations stay Delhi-centric. "Places like Dharuhera are the missing piece in North India's pollution conversation, " said Manoj Kumar, analyst at Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), which analysed data for Oct to find India's 10 most polluted cities through the month were all in Delhi-NCR, Dharuhera on top, followed by Rohtak. "Everyone focuses on Delhi, but towns along freight and industrial corridors are choking without basic enforcement. Unless govt ensures clean transport, and enforces emission norms, places like Dharuhera will keep paying the price in lung disease and livelihoods, " he added. Officials in the state pollution control board had little to say about the ground situation or their strategy to combat it. They cast aspersions on the data instead, saying the pollution problem of the town might have been "overstated". An official argued the town's only air quality monitor sits barely 300 metres from Bhiwadi, picking up emissions drifting in from the Rajasthan town, which is one of India's most industrially dense zones. "We have been issuing challans for waste burning. We will take action on diesel autos. As it is close to the Jaipur highway, dust is a huge contributor to air pollution. Bhiwadi has more than 6,500 industrial units. We are planning to shift our station as it is not giving the correct picture. Dharuhera is not so much polluted as its neighbour, which is the problem, " said Nipun Gupta, regional officer for the pollution control board in Dharuhera

Green goals versus growth needs: India's climate scorecard

NDIA is the world's most populous country, the third-biggest emitter of greenhouse gases, and remains deeply dependent on polluting coal to meet soaring energy demand. It is also a climate diplomacy heavyweight, representing developing economies. Ahead of the COP30 climate talks in Brazil this month, here is a look at India's commitments: Emissions India emitted 4.4 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent – a measure of all planet-warming greenhouse gases – in 2024, according to UN figures, behind only China and the United States. But with a population of 1.4 billion people, its per capita emissions and historical contributions to global warming are much smaller. India is committed to reaching net-zero emissions by 2070, and is on track to meet and exceed a pledge to reduce emission intensity 45 per cent from 2005 levels by 2030. Electricity India's emissions are dominated by coal, which generates around 75 per cent of the country's electricity. This year, non-fossil fuels hit half of India's installed energy capacity, a target reached five years earlier than planned. But that capacity has not translated into generation, and India's remains the world's second largest coal consumer. Its electricity needs are expected to more than double by 2047, according to the country's Centre for Science and Environment. And so far it remains off-track on an ambitious domestic goal to reach 43 per cent renewable energy generation by 2030. Just 2.5 per cent of cars sold in the country last year were electric, according to S&P Global. Future goals Like all parties to the Paris Agreement, which set a goal of limiting long-term global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, India must soon present a roadmap for its climate commitments, with goals to reach by 2035. Aman Srivastava, climate policy fellow at Sustainable Futures Collaborative, said those targets would likely be cautious, allowing India to meet and possibly exceed them.

टूटी सड़कें, कचरा जलाना, औद्योगिक धुआं... भारत के सबसे प्रदूषित इलाके में सब कुछ कैसे बिगड़ गया

नई दिल्लीः ट्रक रेंगते हैं, डीजल गाड़ियां धुआं उगलती हैं, उखड़ते तारकोल पर भारी टायरों के लगातार घूमने से धूल का एक परमानेंट कवर बन जाता है। मुख्य सड़क पर कूड़े के ढेर लगे हैं। धारूहेड़ा उन सभी चीजों की एक तस्वीर है जो गलत हो सकती थीं। इफको चौक से सिर्फ 40 किमी और दिल्ली के आईजीआई एयरपोर्ट से 60 किमी दूर 11 वर्ग किमी में फैला यह शहर अक्टूबर महीने में भारत का सबसे प्रदूषित स्थान था, जहां पीएम 2.5 की औसत सबसे ज़्यादा थी। किसी भी आगंतुक के लिए, यह तुरंत स्पष्ट हो जाता है कि ऐसा क्यों है। उन्हें यहीं रहना होगा और मेहनत करनी होगी यहां के निवासियों के लिए, यह जीवन का एक तरीका बन गया है। बदबू, धुआं, धूल, जाम रोजमर्रा की बाधाएं बन गए हैं, जिनसे पार पाना उनके लिए रोजमर्रा की बाधाएं बन गया है, क्योंकि वे चुपचाप अपना जीवन जीते हैं। कभी आंखों में जलन के साथ, कभी गले में खराश के साथ, कभी हफ्तों तक न जाने वाली सर्दी के साथ। यह घर है, वे और क्या कर सकते हैं? दिल्ली और गुड़गांव में रहने वाले लोगों के विपरीत, रेवाड़ी जिले के इस सीमावर्ती शहर में धुंध भरी छुट्टियां एक ऐसी विलासिता है जिसे लोग वहन नहीं कर सकते। उन्हें यहीं रहना होगा और मेहनत करनी होगी। हम इसी हवा में सांस लेते हैं धारूहेड़ा किसी एक वजह से घुट नहीं रहा है। इसकी वजह है भारी ट्रैफिक, राजस्थान के भिवाड़ी से सटे औद्योगिक क्षेत्र की फैक्ट्रियां, निर्माण कार्य, फटते हुए गोदाम जिनमें ट्रक आते-जाते रहते हैं, डीजल जनरेटर जो बार-बार बिजली कटौती के कारण यहां सब कुछ चलाते हैं। कूड़े के ढेर से निकलने वाला जहरीला धुआं जिसे लोग आग लगा देते हैं क्योंकि कोई उसे साफ नहीं करता। सेक्टर 6 के पास एक दुकानदार राम सैनी ने कहा कि हम यहीं रहते हैं। हम इसी हवा में सांस लेते हैं। पिछले कुछ वर्षों में, वायु प्रदूषण बढ़ा है। हम इसे हर साल महसूस करते हैं। 'एक तरफ फैक्ट्रियां, दूसरी तरफ घर' हाईवे धारूहेड़ा को दो हिस्सों में बांटता है एक तरफ फैक्ट्रियां, दूसरी तरफ घर और दुकानें। औद्योगिक हिस्सा ज़्यादा साफ है, लेकिन हवा के कारण उत्सर्जन पूरे शहर में फैल जाता है। सेक्टर 5 निवासी अमित ने कहा कि धारूहेड़ा में पार्किंग की उचित सुविधा नहीं है, इसलिए ज्यादातर गाड़ियां सड़क किनारे ही खड़ी रहती हैं। सड़कों पर चलने वाले लोगों को ट्रकों और बसों के धुएं से हर समय परेशानी होती है क्योंकि ये शहर से धीरे-धीरे गुजरते हैं। सड़कें हमेशा भीड़भाड़ वाली रहती हैं। ऑटो बेड़े में लगभग पूरी तरह से डीजल है, जो दिल्ली-एनसीआर में प्रतिबंधित है। धुआं लोगों के स्वास्थ्य के लिए हानिकारक बाईपास रोड निवासी ललित सिंह ने कहा कि ये तिपहिया वाहन न केवल डीजल पर, बल्कि डीजल-मिश्रित केरोसिन पर भी चलते हैं और शहर में परिवहन का सबसे अधिक इस्तेमाल किया जाने वाला साधन हैं। इन वाहनों से निकलने वाला धुआं लोगों के स्वास्थ्य के लिए हानिकारक है। धारूहेड़ा-भिवाड़ी क्षेत्र वह जगह है जहाँ दिल्ली-एनसीआर से कई लाल उद्योगों को स्थानांतरित किया गया था। और जबकि शहर इसकी कीमत चुका रहे हैं, बुनियादी प्रदूषण नियंत्रण उपायों का पूर्ण अभाव आश्चर्यजनक है, सर्वोच्च न्यायालय और राष्ट्रीय हरित अधिकरण द्वारा एनसीआर वायु शोधन की गहन जाँच, और एक केंद्रीय प्राधिकरण, सीएक्यूएम, जो वैज्ञानिक रूप से प्रदूषण-रोधी उपायों के प्रबंधन के लिए समर्पित है, को देखते हुए। एनसीआर की परिधि में स्थित, धारूहेड़ा को बस भुला दिया गया प्रतीत होता है। इसका सबूत सांस के जरिए देख रहे हैं धारूहेड़ा कई उद्योगों का केंद्र है, जिनमें ज्यादातर हार्डवेयर और रसायनों से जुड़े छोटे और मध्यम स्तर के कारखाने हैं। यह एक प्रमुख यात्रा चौराहा भी है क्योंकि यह दिल्ली-जयपुर राजमार्ग और अलवर रोड से जुड़ा हुआ है। सर्दियों के महीनों में यह भी एनसीआर के अन्य शहरों की तरह प्रतिकूल पर्यावरणीय कारकों से प्रभावित होता है। जैसे कम हवा की गति और गिरता तापमान, जो प्रदूषकों को जमीन के पास फंसा देते हैं। सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट के शोध सहयोगी शुभांश तिवारी ने बताया। हाईवे के पास राशन की दुकान चलाने वाले अजय सिंह ने कहा कि हमें हवा खराब है। यह बताने के लिए आंकड़ों की जरूरत नहीं है। हम हर दिन इसका सबूत सांस के जरिए देख रहे हैं। अब सुबह और शाम को धुआं हर दिन दिखाई देता है। भारत के 10 सबसे प्रदूषित शहर दिल्ली-एनसीआर में थे रिसर्चर ने चेतावनी दी है कि धारूहेड़ा जैसे कस्बे रडार से गायब हो रहे हैं क्योंकि नीतिगत बातचीत दिल्ली-केंद्रित रहती है। सेंटर फॉर रिसर्च ऑन एनर्जी एंड क्लीन एयर (CREA) के विश्लेषक मनोज कुमार ने कहा कि उत्तर भारत में प्रदूषण पर बातचीत में धारूहेड़ा जैसी जगहें गायब हैं। CREA ने अक्टूबर के आंकड़ों का विश्लेषण करके पाया कि इस महीने भारत के 10 सबसे प्रदूषित शहर दिल्ली-एनसीआर में थे, धारूहेड़ा सबसे ऊपर था, उसके बाद रोहतक। उन्होंने आगे कहा कि हर कोई दिल्ली पर ध्यान केंद्रित करता है, लेकिन माल ढुलाई और औद्योगिक गलियारों के किनारे बसे कस्बे बुनियादी नियमों के बिना दम घुट रहे हैं। जब तक सरकार स्वच्छ परिवहन सुनिश्चित नहीं करती और उत्सर्जन मानदंडों को लागू नहीं करती। धारूहेड़ा जैसी जगहें फेफड़ों की बीमारी और आजीविका के रूप में इसकी कीमत चुकाती रहेंगी। डीजल गाड़ियों पर भी कार्रवाई करेंगे राज्य प्रदूषण नियंत्रण बोर्ड के अधिकारियों के पास जमीनी हालात या अपनी रणनीति के बारे में कहने के लिए बहुत कम था। इसके बजाय, उन्होंने आंकड़ों पर संदेह जताते हुए कहा कि शहर की प्रदूषण समस्या को शायद बढ़ा-चढ़ाकर बताया गया है। एक अधिकारी ने तर्क दिया कि शहर का एकमात्र वायु गुणवत्ता मॉनिटर भिवाड़ी से मुश्किल से 300 मीटर की दूरी पर है, जो राजस्थान के इस शहर से आने वाले उत्सर्जन को पकड़ता है, जो भारत के सबसे औद्योगिक रूप से सघन क्षेत्रों में से एक है। हम कचरा जलाने पर चालान जारी कर रहे हैं। हम डीजल गाड़ियों पर भी कार्रवाई करेंगे। जयपुर हाईवे के पास होने के कारण, धूल वायु प्रदूषण का एक बड़ा कारण है। भिवाड़ी में 6,500 से ज्यादा औद्योगिक इकाइयां हैं। हम अपना स्टेशन बदलने की योजना बना रहे हैं क्योंकि यह सही तस्वीर पेश नहीं कर रहा है। धारूहेड़ा अपने पड़ोसी शहर जितना प्रदूषित नहीं है, यही समस्या है। धारूहेड़ा में प्रदूषण नियंत्रण बोर्ड के क्षेत्रीय अधिकारी निपुण गुप्ता ने कहा।

EU’s new climate target lines up multibillion-dollar boost for carbon markets

After arduous late night talks on Wednesday, European Union countries finally agreed a 2040 goal to cut the bloc’s emissions by 90% from 1990 levels, including a contentious concession that would let them buy foreign carbon credits to cover 5%. Under the deal, which must be approved by the European Parliament, the EU stands to buy 710 million metric tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent (CO2e) offsets worth about 50 billion euros ($57 billion) during the 2030s, according to an estimate by the Carbon Market Watch campaign group. That could give a huge boost to carbon credits from emissions-reduction projects, which are struggling with shrinking demand amid increased scrutiny of the sector. Trishant Dev, carbon markets lead at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a Delhi-based think-tank, told Climate Home News that 5% “may seem small compared to the EU’s overall emissions cuts, but in absolute terms it represents a vast volume of offsets, and therefore, massive investments in offset projects”. On top of the 5% of the EU’s 1990-level net emissions, EU countries may be able to use offsets to cancel out another 5% of their national emissions, increasing the bloc’s wiggle room on meeting its headline climate goals and drawing criticism from some climate campaigners. Countries split on counting carbon credits The possibility of using carbon credits was supported by the European Commission and numerous member states including Sweden, Ireland, Poland and Austria. Poland had pushed for 10% to be eligible for carbon credits, after one senior climate official hailed them in September as “a cost-efficient measure to cut emissions.” The Netherlands’ representative, meanwhile, opposed using more than 3%, saying that “availability, price and quality remain uncertain”. International credits should just be a “safety net”, he said. Slovakia’s environment minister also voiced concern about cost, saying the use of credits “may sound attractive but, with an estimated price…about €250 ($288) a tonne, this will not work for all of us”. Several other wealthy nations – such as Norway, Switzerland and Singapore – have already said they intend to use or may use some carbon credits to meet their 2035 climate targets. But Japan is the only major emitter that has specified how much it wants to buy – 200 million metric tonnes of CO2e by 2040, which at Carbon Market Watch’s assumed price of $70 a ton, would cost $14 billion. Many countries – particularly in the Global South – have indicated their interest in selling credits. Thailand, for example, has already sold credits to Switzerland in return for rolling out electric buses in Bangkok, although the integrity of that deal has been questioned. Critics say EU should reduce emissions at home While EU officials and carbon market supporters defended the bloc’s policy shift on offsets, climate campaigners were mostly critical. They said credits are expensive and will not reduce emissions by as much as they are supposed to, accusing the EU of dodging its responsibility as a historically large polluter to reduce the bloc’s emissions domestically. Fabiola de Simone, policy officer at Carbon Market Watch, told Climate Home News the EU’s climate target and the offsets were an “international embarrassment” for the EU which will mean “way more emissions than science says you should do”. Zimbabwe forest carbon megaproject generated millions of junk credits “There is less of an incentive for member states to reach their national obligations after 2030 because they know that they could potentially rely on international credits up to 5%,” de Simone said. Pedro Martins Barata, who works on carbon market integrity for the Environmental Defense Fund, called the flexibility in the EU’s target “disappointing”. But, he said, the EU could use its clout as a dominant buyer to promote high standards for credits, such as environmental safeguards in offset methodologies. “Planet doesn’t care where we cut emissions” Carbon market advocates say it does not matter where in the world emissions reductions take place, that reducing emissions with offsets can be cheaper than cutting them directly and that developing countries can benefit from the money and other support they receive by selling credits. “The planet doesn’t care where we reduce emissions,” EU climate commissioner Wopke Hoekstra told a press conference on Wednesday, adding that the 5% quota for offsets was optional. Ukrainian scientist Olga Gassan-Zade, a member of the supervisory body of the Paris Agreement’s new Article 6.4 carbon market, told Climate Home News that without demand for credits – like that coming from the EU – international carbon markets would fail. That would be bad, she said, because “it is maybe hard to see from the Global North, but the developing world lives in a different dimension”. “International markets are not just about finance but are also about technology transfer, knowledge transfer, training of climate change professionals [and] equity,” she added. From Delhi, CSE’s Dev said carbon markets have often enriched intermediaries rather than supporting genuine emissions cuts. “These funds must therefore cover the true cost of mitigation, ensuring that communities are not short-changed or made to subsidise Europe’s continued emissions,” he said.

NCR Hotspots Lead National Pollution Rankings: Delhi, Ghaziabad, and Noida Record Severe Air Quality Spike in October

Despite a brief dip in early November, Delhi-NCR’s air quality crisis remains severe, with official data showing the National Capital Region topping the charts among India’s most polluted zones last month. According to Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) figures, Delhi ranked as the 6th most polluted Indian city in October 2025, while Ghaziabad and Noida claimed the 3rd and 4th positions, respectively. Average PM2.5 concentrations were nearly three times higher than in September, largely driven by post-harvest stubble burning, vehicular emissions, and construction dust. Environmental experts warn that AQI fluctuations in early November may mislead the public. Despite daily variability, long-term averages remain in the ‘Severe’ range, posing chronic health risks. “Seasonal volatility doesn’t mean improvement — it just masks cumulative exposure,” said Anumita Roychowdhury, Centre for Science and Environment.

18% बनाम 5%: GST की विरोधाभासी संरचना MSME रीसाइक्लर्स को दिवालियापन की ओर धकेल रही है

भारत का रीसाइक्लिंग सेक्टर, जिसमें प्लास्टिक, धातु, कागज, ई-कचरा और अन्य सामग्रियां शामिल हैं, आज पर्यावरणीय जिम्मेदारी और आर्थिक अवसर के चौराहे पर खड़ा है। यह क्षेत्र भारत के हरित परिवर्तन को गति दे सकता है, लैंडफिल कचरे को कम कर सकता है और नई कच्ची सामग्री के उत्पादन से होने वाले उत्सर्जन में भारी कटौती ला सकता है। लेकिन इस दिशा में आगे बढ़ने से पहले ही, मौजूदा गुड्स एंड सर्विसेज टैक्स (GST) ढांचा रीसाइक्लर्स के लिए राहत की बजाय एक ‘ब्लैक होल’ साबित हो रहा है। इनवर्टेड ड्यूटी स्ट्रक्चर: समस्या की जड़ मुख्य चुनौती उस स्थिति से उत्पन्न होती है जिसे विशेषज्ञ “इनवर्टेड ड्यूटी स्ट्रक्चर” कहते हैं। वर्तमान में PET स्क्रैप पर GST दर 18% है, जबकि रीसाइकिल्ड PET फाइबर पर केवल 5% कर लगाया जाता है। इस असंतुलन के कारण रीसाइक्लर्स को अपने इनपुट्स पर अधिक टैक्स देना पड़ता है, जबकि आउटपुट पर कम कर लिया जाता है। परिणामस्वरूप, उनकी कार्यशील पूंजी इनपुट टैक्स क्रेडिट (ITC) के रूप में फंस जाती है। खासकर MSME क्षेत्र के रीसाइक्लर्स के लिए यह एक गंभीर कैश-फ्लो संकट बन जाता है। धीमी रिफंड प्रक्रिया इस स्थिति को और बिगाड़ देती है, जिससे रीसाइक्लिंग वैल्यू चेन में औपचारिक भागीदारी घटती जा रही है। एक रीसाइक्लर ने कहा, “हम GST कानूनों का पालन करते हैं, लेकिन हमारे ITC की वास्तविकता की गारंटी कौन देगा? हम खरीदे गए स्क्रैप पर टैक्स सहित कीमत चुकाते हैं, और महीनों बाद GST विभाग से नोटिस मिलता है कि स्रोत फर्जी था और ITC को ब्याज व जुर्माने के साथ वापस करना होगा।” Advertisement: 0:06 Unibots.com औपचारिक रीसाइक्लर्स की मुश्किलें और बढ़ी अनौपचारिकता यह समस्या केवल कर ढांचे तक सीमित नहीं है, बल्कि भारत की रीसाइक्लिंग अर्थव्यवस्था की दिशा तय कर रही है। स्क्रैप पर 18% का उच्च कर छोटे और अनुपालक रीसाइक्लर्स को GST सिस्टम में बने रहने से हतोत्साहित करता है। इसके विपरीत, यह नकद-आधारित अनौपचारिक व्यापार को बढ़ावा देता है, जहां कोई टैक्स नहीं दिया जाता। नतीजतन, वैध व्यवसाय ग्रे मार्केट से पिछड़ जाते हैं। इस स्थिति से सरकार को राजस्व हानि होती है और पर्यावरणीय लागत बढ़ती है, क्योंकि अधिक कचरा लैंडफिल में समाप्त हो जाता है। CSE रिपोर्ट के आंकड़े चौंकाने वाले हैं सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) की 2025 की रिपोर्ट "रिलैक्स द टैक्स" के अनुसार, भारत के कचरा क्षेत्र में अनौपचारिकता का स्तर बेहद ऊंचा है — कागज और कांच में 95% प्लास्टिक में 80% ई-कचरे में 90% धातुओं में 65% रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक, औपचारिक रीसाइक्लिंग से ₹30,900 करोड़ का टैक्स इकट्ठा होता है, जबकि संभावित राजस्व ₹65,300 करोड़ सालाना है। यानी लगभग ₹34,000 करोड़ का नुकसान। अगर सुधार नहीं हुए, तो यह असंतुलन 2035 तक दोगुना हो सकता है।

Urban expansion at a cost: Tree felling for metro&road expansion fuels pollution fears in Gurgaon

Gurgaon: Even as large-scale tree felling for infrastructure projects is going on across the city, the timing — residents and environmentalists say — could not be worse. On one hand, winter is approaching and pollution levels have begun their seasonal rise, while on the other, trees along city's key arteries such as Galleria Market Road and Vyapar Kendra Road are being felled for widening of stretches. With the city's air quality already slipping into ‘ very poor' range and winter inversion about to trap pollutants, removing mature trees that act as natural filters has sparked criticism of how these projects were planned. "Once you cut them, you don't just lose shade or greenery, you lose a vital public health asset, " RP Balwan, a former Haryana forest officer and environmental expert, says. Environment activist Vivek Kamboj says, "They keep calling it development, but at what cost?" Kamboj told TOI, "Between sectors 27 and 43 alone, 344 trees have been allowed to go. These aren't just numbers on a file. These were old shade trees that kept this stretch cooler and quieter. Every summer gets harsher, every winter gets dustier and we are cutting the very things that could help us breathe. If the govt can approve removals this easily, then show us the replantation and survival record with the same urgency. Otherwise, this is not development, it's depletion." A Sector 9 resident said, "Had these trees been saved, they would have absorbed particulate matter and acted as a buffer during peak smog months. Instead, we are losing green cover when we need it most." The concerns are sharper this year because even the city's pollution data has come under scrutiny. In the last month, multiple air quality monitoring stations across Haryana — including in Gurgaon — have gone offline, making official AQI readings unreliable. With only one of the city's continuous monitoring stations operational on certain days, the "moderate" AQI being flashed offers little insight into actual exposure levels. "Development and green cover don't have to be at odds, " said Atul Kumar, a resident of Sector 45. "But here, tree protection gets treated as an obstacle rather than a design principle." With smog season looming, residents say the twin hits of tree loss and patchy air-quality monitoring leave the city more vulnerable and less informed, even as construction, traffic, and winter weather converge to push pollution up. This pattern is not new. Gurgaon has repeatedly cleared mature trees for road and metro infrastructure. In 2017, around 5,000 trees were felled for flyovers and underpasses along NH8. A year later, permission was granted to chop down 10,000 trees to widen Sohna Road. Many more trees have been cleared along highway stretches in the Gurgaon and Rewari forest divisions. An RTI query also showed authorities approved the felling of over 500 trees across projects, but only 124 were transplanted, while compensatory plantation for nearly 3,800 trees remained pending. Officials say compensatory afforestation is being carried out near the Kundli–Manesar–Palwal Expressway for the metro project as around 30,000 trees are being planted for the felling of 3,000 trees. But saplings planted on the periphery cannot instantly replace the ecological services of mature trees inside dense neighbourhoods. These saplings will take 15–20 years before they begin functioning as meaningful carbon and dust sinks. Former forest officer Balwan told TOI, "The city is losing decades of natural infrastructure for shortterm road expansion. It takes at least 20 years for a sapling to mature into a tree that can meaningfully clean the air. You cannot replace that ecosystem service overnight with plantation drives on paper. At a time when particulate matter is already rising because of unchecked vehicular pollution, cutting full-grown trees is like removing our only natural defence. Gurgaon keeps adding vehicles every year with no real curb or public transport alternative and these trees were silently doing the heavy lifting by trapping dust and absorbing carbon." Officials argue the projects are essential for easing traffic as Gurgaon's vehicle count continues to swell, but critics say the city is once again prioritising concrete over climate logic. What this really means is the air will pay before the commuters benefit. Centre for Science and Environment executive director (environment) Anumita Roychowdhury said, "Transport emissions are a major driver of urban air pollution and cities should be protecting trees while planning mobility infrastructure, not cutting them as an afterthought."

Air Pollution: दिल्ली ही नहीं पूरा देश झेल रहा प्रदूषण की मार, हवा में दिख रही धुंधली परत

सर्द मौसम की शुरुआत है। हवा की गति कम है लेकिन, नमी भी है। पहली किरण जब आपके घर की खिड़की से झांकती है, तो हवा में धुंधली परत नजर आने लगी है। यह अब राजधानी ही नहीं देशभर की हकीकत है। हर वर्ष की तरह प्रदूषण अपने पूरे रंग दिखा रहा है। इन दिनों हवा भारी हो जाती है। वह ऊपर नहीं जाती और प्रदूषक तत्वों को भी नीचे ही रोके रखती है। प्रदूषण तेजी से बढ़ता है। सोमवार को दैनिक जागरण विमर्श में सेंटर फार साइंस एंड एनवायरमेंट (सीएसई) की महानिदेशक पद्मश्री सुनीता नारायण ने प्रदूषण को एक सवाल राजनीतिक सवाल से अलग इसे जीवन का सवाल बनाने के लिए कहा।

Delhi gasps again: Cloud seeding, smog towers, odd-even — will any ofit really clear the air?

Is cloud seeding the solution to Delhi’s pollution crisis? Apparently not. Or will odd-even, smog towers or water sprinkling make a real difference? As Delhi gasps for breath once again, govts, citizens and experts weigh in with a range of measures — each with its own promise and pitfalls. VEHICULAR POLLUTION: Improved public transport Pros: Much has been done to strengthen public transport to reduce the number of private vehicles on the road. The number of public buses is inadequate to meet requirements, especially during peak hours. Facts: A public fleet of 5,327 buses. Delhi told the Supreme Court in 2018 that the city requires 11,000 buses. People who are habitual users of private vehicles are unlikely to shift back to public transport. Cons: Poorly maintained and recklessly driven buses are often used for commercial advertisements. Status: As of Jan 20, 2020, two low-floor electric wirerouted CNG buses were launched, causing 26 deaths and 130 injuries. Last-mile connectivity Pros: Metro and city buses lack last-mile connectivity. Introducing e-rickshaw and aggregator options across the city can ensure proper public transport usage. Cons: Poor maintenance and reckless driving by erickshaw operators create chaos. Carpooling Pros: Can reduce the number of cars on the road, especially during peak hours. Cons: Some people may find it inconvenient or unsafe. RFID at border areas Pros: Helps in identifying vehicles that enter Delhi without paying taxes. Facts: There are 13 entry points where green taxes are collected online; only 13 have RFID. Cons: Manual collection causes traffic jams and congestion. Congestion tax Pros: Fees on vehicles entering congested zones discourage car use and encourage public transport use. Successfully implemented in New York City, London, and Singapore. Cons: May affect low-income individuals. DUST POLLUTION: Paving of roadsides Pros: Helps reduce airborne particulate matter (PM10 and PM2.5). Cons: Government agencies sometimes plant exotic species that fail to survive Delhi’s climate. Water sprinklers/smog guns Pros: Helps temporarily settle pollutants. Cons: Effects are short-lived as dust resurfaces quickly. Management of construction and demolition waste Pros: Proper handling of C&D waste can significantly reduce dust. Facts: Delhi produces 5,746 MT of C&D debris daily, of which only 2,500 MT is sent to recycling plants. Cons: Enforcement of bylaws remains poor. Mechanised road sweeping Pros: More efficient in removing fine particulate matter from roads compared to manual cleaning. Cons: Few government agencies have assessed their effectiveness. OPEN BURNING: Providing heaters to low-income groups Pros: Prevents open burning by those trying to keep warm. Cons: Many slums, markets, and workshops lack access to alternative means of heating. Status: No policy discourag open burning. Proper disposal of waste Facts: Delhi generates around 11,300 tonnes of waste daily. 7,300 MT goes to Bhalswa and Okhla landfills; 4,000 MT to Ghazipur. Cons: Waste segregated into mixed garbage mounts to more fires at landfills. STUBBLE BURNING: Pros: In situ and ex situ management of crop residue is crucial; stubble burning significantly affects Delhi’s air for about 45 days annually. Cons: Lack of machinery and inadequate crop diversification hinder progress. 100% Door-to-Door Collection Pros: Essential for effective waste management. Cons: City agencies lack logistics and coordination with residents and informal waste workers. OTHER SOURCES: Power plants Pros: Curtailing emissions and better fly ash management is needed. Facts: Emission standards in NCR districts are less stringent than Delhi. Some deadline extensions have been given. Cons: 90 emission norms have been relaxed. Industrial pollution Pros: Many NCR industries use natural gas instead of coal. Cons: No penalties for non-compliance exist; random inspection process affects regulation. Ban on coal or firewood in eateries Pros: Helps cut local pollution. Cons: The ban is not widely followed. Norms in NCR districts Pros: Emission control is critical. Cons: Many districts violate norms followed in Delhi. Green building norms Pros: Promote sustainable, low-emission construction. Cons: Sourcing eco-friendly items can be difficult. Expert speak: “We must target pollution emission reduction across major sources — power, industry, transport, waste and construction — within the airshed. Industries must switch to cleaner fuels, especially in NCR districts. Accurate data is crucial and, so, no high-influence activities should take place near monitoring stations” SUNIL DAHIYA, founder and lead analyst, EnviroCatalysts “We experience rain for a maximum of 60 days a year compared with about 300 days in European countries. We must try to keep our soil moist with vegetation cover, pay attention to natural land use patterns, restrict earthwork and avoid burning garbage or other items. There should be controlled growth in the number of vehicles, an adequate public transport system, better management of arterial roads” DIPANKAR SAHA, former head, Air Laboratory, Central Pollution Control Board “A time-bound implementation of priority measures is needed. Ensure a significant clean energy transition in industry, vehicles and households; implement a vehicle electrification programme with integrated public transport systems to meet at least 80% of travel demand; achieve 100% collection, segregation and material recovery from all waste streams along with remediation of legacy waste; redevelop road network & public spaces for dust control, walking, cycling and greening” ANUMITA ROYCHOWDHURY, executive director, Centre for Science and Environment

Mumbai’s AQI Fell to 47 Overnight — What Really Cleaned the Air and How You Can Help Keep It That Way

After days of hazy skies and thick pollution, Mumbai finally woke up to a breath of clean, fresh air last week. The city’s overall Air Quality Index (AQI) dropped to a rare 47, placing it in the ‘Good’ category. For much of the week, Mumbai had been shrouded in smog — a mix of firecracker emissions, construction dust, post-festival pollution, and stagnant winds that pushed the AQI to hazardous levels. However, the dry spell of hazardous air ended with 14mm of overnight rainfall recorded across Mumbai on Friday, 24 October 2025, as per the IMD Mumbai Regional Meteorological Centre Daily Weather Report. Cool winds swept through the city, making it a pleasant morning and giving Mumbai a much-needed breath of fresh air. Rainfall brings relief – with cleaner air and clearer views Interestingly, the spell of rain not only cooled the city but also acted as a natural purifier, washing away suspended particulate matter. The maximum temperature was settled around 34°C, while the minimum was near 25°C, bringing the much-needed respite to the Mumbaikars. The PM2.5 levels dropped sharply from 95 to 28 micrograms per cubic metre overnight — a nearly 70% decrease, according to the System of Air Quality and Weather Forecasting and Research (SAFAR). On the clearer side, Parel-Bhoiwada registered the best air quality with an AQI of just 18 adding to the list of cleaner air areas, Chembur (32), Vile Parle West (33), Juhu (33) and Deonar (35) also reported 'Good' air quality and a welcome relief for residents after several days of pollution. As per the IMD Climatological Summary (2023–24), post-monsoon, the cool north-westerly winds flow at a speed of around 8–10 km/h. Along with this, a humidity drop of 15–25% is also observed. The winds gave Mumbaikers a rare view of the clear skies with bright sunlight. Photographers captured stunning shots of the Taj Mahal Palace Hotel visible from as far as 22 kilometres away, a sight not seen in months due to haze and suspended particulate matter. The science behind rainfalls During rainfalls, the pollutants from the air are removed through the process of wet deposition. Pollutants like aerosols, dust, and soluble gases act as tiny “seeds” called cloud condensation nuclei, on which water vapour condenses to form droplets — so when these droplets grow and fall as rain, they carry those particles down, naturally cleansing the air. When the rain falls through polluted air, it collides and absorbs the airborne particles, including PM 2.5 and PM 10, and dissolves soluble gases like sulphur dioxide, ammonia and nitrogen dioxides. After the shower, humidity levels are nearly around 20%, allowing the pollutants to settle faster and improving visibility by over 40%, according to IMD Santacruz Observatory readings. While one night of rain is not the solution to the ever-growing pollution problem of Mumbai, this drop to AQI 47 is a reminder that cleaner air is always possible. Here are a few steps you can take to help keep your city’s air clean and breathable: 1. Choose public or green transport: Road transport contributes about 20% of PM2.5 emissions in Mumbai. Taking a local train or metro twice a week instead of driving can cut your carbon footprint by up to 15% annually. Even one less car per home can make a difference. 2. Go easy on the industrial activities and vehicular emissions: Vehicular emissions from petrol and diesel, along with industrial activities and port operations, result in elevated levels of PM2.5, with frequent daily averages exceeding 50 micrograms per cubic metre according to Deccan Herald’s report in January 2025. Minimising the excessive use of diesel generators, we can cut localised emissions of soot, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter, helping improve air quality and reduce the overall pollution load in the city. 3. Plant local greens: Native species like neem, ficus, and jamun can absorb 10–15 micrograms per cubic metre of PM2.5 per square metre of leaf area. Even balcony plants make a measurable difference in micro-environments. 4. Celebrate consciously: Firecrackers give a sharp, short-term boost to PM 2.5 — in Mumbai, recent reports showed citywide PM 2.5 rose by roughly 30 – 40% on Diwali nights. With strict enforcement, designated bursting zones and public awareness, short-term festival peaks in PM2.5 levels could plausibly be reduced, and there can be brighter and healthier celebrations. These small actions that we take together can lead to big changes. Let us do our part to ensure that fresh air isn’t just momentary but a way of life for the Indian cities. Sources Mumbai weather: Patchy Rain expected today; AQI remains moderate by Times Of India, Published on 24 October 2025. ‘Mumbai Weather Update: City Sees Cloudy Skies; AQI Improves Drastically With Overall Rating Of 47, Parel & Chembur Breathe Cleanest’ by Prathamesh Kharade for Free Press Journal, Published on 24 October 2025. ‘Not as bad as Delhi, but Mumbai's air still a matter of concern’ by Mrityunjay Bose for Deccan Herald, Published on 13 January 2025. 'Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) – Urban Emission Profile Report' by Centre for Science and Environment, Published in 2023. ‘International Energy Agency (IEA) & ICCT Mobility Reports’ by International Energy Agency, Published on 2 March 2023. ‘Air Pollution Mitigation by Urban Greenery’ by IIT Delhi (Environmental Science & Pollution Research), Published in 2021 'Urban Green Infrastructure and Air Quality' by Teri Publications Portal, Published in 2022

भारत में रीसाइक्लिंग क्षेत्र में GST का संकट, विशेषज्ञों ने की सुधारों को लेकर ये सिफारिशें

Recycling Sector: देश के रीसाइक्लिंग क्षेत्र में प्लास्टिक, धातु, कागज, ई-कचरा और अन्य सामग्रियां शामिल हैं. उद्योग और विशेषज्ञों ने कहा कि इस समय रीसाइक्लिंग क्षेत्र पर्यावरण की जिम्मेदारी और आर्थिक अवसर के संगम पर खड़ा है. इसमें भारत के हरित परिवर्तन को मजबूत करने, लैंडफिल कचरे को कम करने और कुंवारी सामग्री के उत्पादन से उत्सर्जन घटाने की क्षमता है, लेकिन रीसाइक्लरों के लिए, मौजूदा गुड्स एंड सर्विसेज टैक्स (GST) का ढांचा राहत की बजाय एक ब्लैक होल बन गया है. उल्टा शुल्क ढांचा चुनौती का प्रमुख हिस्सा इस चुनौती का प्रमुख हिस्सा वह है जिसे विशेषज्ञ “उल्टा शुल्क ढांचा” कहते हैं। PET स्क्रैप पर GST 18 प्रतिशत है, जबकि रीसाइक्लड PET फाइबर पर यह केवल 5 प्रतिशत है. जिससे कर संरचना उलट जाती है. यह बेमेल रीसाइक्लरों को अपने इनपुट पर अधिक कर देने के लिए मजबूर करता है, जबकि वे अपने आउटपुट पर कम कर वसूलते हैं. इससे कार्यशील पूंजी इनपुट टैक्स क्रेडिट (ITC) के रूप में फंस जाती है. विशेष रूप से MSMEs के लिए, यह गंभीर नकदी प्रवाह तनाव पैदा करता है. समस्या धीमी रिफंड प्रक्रिया से और बढ़ जाती है, जो कार्यशील पूंजी की रिहाई में देरी करती है और रीसाइक्लिंग मूल्य श्रृंखला में औपचारिक भागीदारी को हतोत्साहित करती है. महीनों बाद मिलता है GST विभाग से नोटिस उद्योग और विशेषज्ञों ने कहा कि हम GST कानूनों का अनुपालन करते हैं, लेकिन इनपुट टैक्स क्रेडिट (ITC) की वास्तविकता की गारंटी कोई कैसे दे सकता है? हम खरीदे जा रहे स्क्रैप पर करों के साथ कीमत चुकाते हैं और महीनों बाद हमें GST विभाग से नोटिस मिलता है कि जिस स्रोत से हमने स्क्रैप खरीदा वह बोगस था. ITC को ब्याज और जुर्माने के साथ उलटने की जरूरत है.” एक रीसाइक्लर ने समझाया. यह मुद्दा केवल व्यवसाय गणित से परे है. यह भारत की रीसाइक्लिंग अर्थव्यवस्था की संरचना को आकार दे रहा है. स्क्रैप पर 18 प्रतिशत का उच्च कर छोटे, अनुपालन करने वाले रीसाइक्लरों को GST प्रणाली के भीतर काम करने से हतोत्साहित करता है, जबकि नकदी-आधारित अनौपचारिक व्यापार को प्रोत्साहित करता है. जहां कोई कर नहीं दिया जाता. इसके वैध संचालक ग्रे मार्केट में काम करने वालों द्वारा कम दाम पर मात खाते हैं. औपचारिकता में कमी, सरकार के लिए राजस्व हानि और बढ़ती पर्यावरणीय लागत क्योंकि अधिक कचरा लैंडफिल में जाता है. अनौपचारिकता भारत के कचरा क्षेत्र पर हावी विशेषज्ञों ने कहा कि सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) की 2025 की रिपोर्ट “रिलैक्स द टैक्स” के अनुसार, अनौपचारिकता भारत के कचरा क्षेत्र पर हावी है. कागज और कांच में 95 प्रतिशत, प्लास्टिक में 80 प्रतिशत, ई-कचरे में 90 प्रतिशत और धातुओं में 65 प्रतिशत. यह रिसाव सालाना संभावित GST राजस्व में अनुमानित 65,300 करोड़ रुपये की हानि में तब्दील होता है, जबकि औपचारिक रीसाइक्लिंग से केवल 30,900 करोड़ रुपये एकत्र किए जाते हैं. सुधार के बिना, यह असंतुलन 2035 तक दोगुना हो सकता है. कमजोर कड़ी देती है नकली चालान और केवल कागजी व्यापार को बढ़ावा विशेषज्ञों ने कहा कि बहस के केंद्र में यह है कि रीसाइक्लिंग श्रृंखला के साथ GST कैसे एकत्र किया जाता है. भारत का अधिकांश कचरा अपंजीकृत या अनौपचारिक संग्रह नेटवर्क में उत्पन्न होता है. स्क्रैप औपचारिक रीसाइक्लर तक पहुंचने से पहले कई छोटे डीलरों से गुजरता है, केवल अंतिम लेनदेन में GST आता है. यह कमजोर कड़ी नकली चालान और केवल कागजी व्यापार को बढ़ावा देती है. जिससे अनुपालन करने वाले रीसाइक्लर उलटने और जुर्माने के संपर्क में आते हैं, यदि पहले के डीलर कर जमा करने में विफल रहते हैं. यह उल्टा शुल्क ढांचा केवल नकदी प्रवाह को तनाव नहीं देता बल्कि यह उस सर्कुलर इकोनॉमी को हतोत्साहित करता है. जिसे भारत बनाने की कोशिश कर रहा है. जब रीसाइक्लड सामग्री कुंवारी सामग्री की तुलना में अधिक या असंगत करों का सामना करती है, तो उद्योग स्वाभाविक रूप से सस्ते, गैर-रीसाइक्लड इनपुट की ओर बढ़ते हैं. यह रीसाइक्लड वस्तुओं की मांग को कमजोर करता है. जीएसटी को लेकर की गई सिफारिशें उद्योग की आवाजों ने लंबे समय से तर्क दिया है कि GST सुधारों का एक सरल सेट रीसाइक्लिंग को एक संपन्न, कर-अनुपालन, रोजगार-उत्पादक क्षेत्र में बदल सकता है. इसके लिए उद्योग ओर विशेषज्ञों ने जीएसटी को लेकर सिफारिशें की है. स्क्रैप पर GST को 18 प्रतिशत से 5 प्रतिशत तक कम करें: उल्टे शुल्क ढांचे को ठीक करें, रीसाइक्लरों के लिए अधिक निष्पक्ष मूल्य निर्धारण सुनिश्चित करें और कर चोरी के लिए प्रोत्साहन कम करें. रिवर्स चार्ज मैकेनिज्म (RCM) पेश करें: रीसाइक्लरों को सीधे सरकार को GST देने के लिए जिम्मेदार बनाएं, ताकि केवल कागजी डीलर श्रृंखलाओं को समाप्त किया जा सके. स्क्रैप के लिए अलग कर श्रेणियां बनाएं: अनौपचारिक क्षेत्र से मिले “पुराने स्क्रैप” के लिए संभावित रूप से नाममात्र 1 प्रतिशत GST दर निर्धारित करें. रिफंड प्रक्रियाओं को सुव्यवस्थित करें: छोटे रीसाइक्लरों के लिए नकदी प्रवाह संकट को कम करें और समय पर ITC उपयोग को बढ़ावा दें। उद्योग विशेषज्ञों का कहना है कि इन कर विकृतियों को ठीक करने से निजी निवेश में अरबों रुपये अनलॉक हो सकते हैं और रीसाइक्लिंग पारिस्थितिकी तंत्र में दस लाख से अधिक नए हरित रोजगार पैदा हो सकते हैं. CSE के अनुमान दर्शाते हैं कि सुधार विशेष रूप से कम स्क्रैप दरें और तेज रिफंड चक्र औपचारिक रीसाइक्लिंग क्षमता को दोगुना कर सकते हैं, जबकि सालाना हजारों टन कचरे को लैंडफिल से बचा सकते हैं. अर्थव्यवस्था निर्माण के लिए GST में सुधार का समय उद्योग और विशेषज्ञों ने स्पष्ट संदेश देते हुए कहा कि वर्तमान कर डिजाइन औपचारिक रीसाइक्लिंग को हतोत्साहित करता है, तरलता को निकालता है और अनुपालन करने वालों को दंडित करता है. कम स्क्रैप दरों, त्वरित रिफंड, और कुशल RCM तंत्र के साथ एक तर्कसंगत GST प्रणाली इस असंतुलन को उलट सकती है. विकास, अनुपालन, और स्थिरता को एक साथ चलाते हुए. भारत की सर्कुलर इकोनॉमी की दिशा में यात्रा केवल पर्यावरणीय नारों से नहीं, बल्कि सुविचारित कर नीतियों से तय होगी. राजस्व संग्रह बढ़ाने के लिए, बल्कि एक टिकाऊ, समावेशी और समृद्ध हरित अर्थव्यवस्था के निर्माण के लिए GST सुधार का समय अब है.

घुट रही सांस, राहत की नहीं आस... दिल्ली-NCR के आसमान में क्यों टिक गया जहरीला स्मॉग?

दिल्ली-एनसीआर में कमजोर हवाओं ने पॉल्यूशन को फंसा दिया, जिससे रविवार को एक्यूआई 366 (बहुत खराब) पहुंच गया. पीएम2.5 189.6 और पीएम10 316 पर पहुंच गया. इ... प्रो. अनुमिता रॉय चौधरी (सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट): कमजोर हवाओं के अलावा, पराली जलाना, वाहनों का धुआं और उद्योग मुख्य वजहें हैं. ग्रेडेड रिस्पॉ...

Delhi’s Air Quality Remains ‘Very Poor’ as Smog Thickens—Here's Why

Delhi’s air quality remained ‘very poor’ on November 3, with the overall Air Quality Index (AQI) recording 324 at 6.05 am, reported HT citing data from the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB). A thick layer of smog blanketed the national capital despite anti-pollution measures being implemented across the National Capital Region (NCR). Visibility remained low, and residents reported eye irritation and respiratory discomfort. According to the Air Quality Early Warning System (AQEWS) for Delhi, pollution levels will remain in the ‘very poor’ range till November 10, with no significant improvement expected. According to CPCB, an AQI between 0 and 50 is 'good', 51 and 100 'satisfactory', 101 and 200 'moderate', 201 and 300 'poor', 301 and 400 'very poor', and 401 and 500 'severe'. Factors Choking Delhi According to TOI, experts say that the current surge in pollution is mostly driven by vehicular emissions, stagnant weather and urban dust, while stubble burning in Punjab and Haryana have played minimal role so far. Citing data from the Decision Support System (DSS), which tracks pollution sources across the National Capital Region, TOI reported that stubble burning contributed only 1.6% to Delhi’s PM2.5 levels on October 31. The highest contribution this season was recorded at 5.8% on October 28. Emphasising the need to adopt year-round measures to control sources of pollution, Anumita Roychowdhury, Executive Director (Research and Advocacy) at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) told TOI that the current increase in pollution despite minimal stubble-burning impact indicates that local and regional pollution sources such as vehicular emissions, construction dust and waste burning are at play.

Global Commitments, Local Realities: India’s Climate Finance Journey

India’s climate transition financing presents a complex landscape where global climate finance mechanisms intersect with domestic innovation needs, especially in the electric vehicle (EV) sector. This article examines the dual challenges India faces in securing sufficient international climate finance while simultaneously developing strong domestic mechanisms to achieve its goal of net-zero emissions by 2070. Through analysis of India’s stance on the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) and emerging challenges in EV financing, this article highlights notable gaps between global climate finance commitments and local implementation realities. The research shows that while India rejected the NCQG’s $300 billion target as insufficient against its $1.5-2.5 trillion climate financing needs by 2030, domestic innovations in EV financing are hampered by structural barriers such as high interest rates (>20% versus 10% for Internal Combustion Engine vehicles), uncertain residual values, and limited institutional support. The article suggests that India’s success in climate transition financing hinges on reforming global mechanisms and fostering local innovations, including government-backed EV financing institutions, battery-as-a-service models, and integration with climate finance taxonomies. Introduction India’s approach to financing the climate transition reflects a core tension between global ambitions and local realities, most visibly at the intersection of international climate finance negotiations and domestic challenges to the adoption of electric vehicles (EVs).¹ As the world’s most populous nation and the third-largest greenhouse gas emitter, India simultaneously advocates for increased climate finance from developed countries while also taking a leadership position in its domestic climate action, thereby requiring innovative domestic financing mechanisms². The scale of India’s financing challenge is unprecedented. Current assessments suggest India requires between $1.5 trillion and $2.5 trillion by 2030 to meet its climate targets and support its transition to net-zero emissions by 2070³. This massive capital requirement, which is equivalent to roughly 1.3% of India’s GDP annually, must be mobilised through a complex ecosystem of global and local financial mechanisms, each with distinct characteristics, constraints, and opportunities⁴. Recent developments have intensified focus on this dual challenge. India’s rejection of the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) at COP29 as “a paltry sum” crystallised persistent tensions between the needs of the Global South and commitments by the Global North⁵. Simultaneously, India’s domestic EV sector, despite selling over 1.5 million units in FY2024, faces acute financing challenges that threaten to make it difficult for people to access affordable transportation in an increasingly electrified mobility landscape⁶.The EV financing crisis illuminates broader patterns in climate transition financing. While global climate finance mechanisms emphasise market-driven mobilisation and private sector engagement, ground-level realities reveal structural barriers that hinder equitable access to climate solutions⁷. EV buyers face interest rates exceeding nearly 20%, compared to almost 10% for Internal Combustion Engine (ICE) vehicles. Uncertain residual values and limited institutional support create additional barriers, particularly for vulnerable populations⁸.This article argues that India’s climate transition financing challenges cannot be understood in isolation but must be analysed as interconnected dimensions of a broader transformation in global environmental governance. The global dimension reveals that international climate finance mechanisms, despite recent increases, remain inadequate and structurally biased towards solutions that may not serve the priorities of developing countries. The local dimension highlights how domestic innovations encounter institutional and market barriers that necessitate coordinated policy interventions to achieve scale and equity. The Global Dimension: India and the NCQG Climate Finance Before NCQG: A System of Loans Disguised as Support The climate finance architecture that preceded the NCQG was fundamentally flawed in its delivery mechanisms and composition, creating what economists term “debt traps” for the very countries it purported to help⁹. According to the Centre for Science & Environment (CSE) analysis, between 2011 and 2020, a mere 5% of climate finance was provided as grants, while 61% was disbursed as loans and 34% as equity financing. This heavily loan-based approach meant that climate finance, rather than providing relief for climate impacts that developing countries did not cause, actually added to their debt burdens. The limited concessional finance available (grants and low-cost debt constituted only 16% of total climate finance) during this decade led to a vast majority of international climate finance being market-rate loans that required full repayment with interest. The debt trap arises from the intersection of high climate finance needs and predominantly loan-based delivery mechanisms, which is particularly acute for climate-vulnerable nations. CSE’s analysis reveals that about 30% of low- and middle-income countries face higher annual debt servicing costs than what it would cost to achieve their entire Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). For instance, countries like Ghana face $3.23 billion in annual debt service while needing only $0.93 billion annually to meet their climate goals. This creates a perverse situation where countries must choose between servicing existing debt or investing in climate action, often trapped in a cycle where climate inaction leads to greater climate-related damages, which further weaken their fiscal position and increase borrowing costs. Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), despite being significant sources of climate finance, have perpetuated the debt trap through their lending practices. Between 2010 and 2020, MDBs provided an average of only 20% of their climate finance as grants, with 79% coming as loans. The World Bank, for example, provided 30% of its total operations as climate finance in 2021, but predominantly through debt-creating instruments. This approach is particularly problematic because MDBs hold 22% of the debt of emerging market economies, yet they do not participate in debt relief efforts. The pre-NCQG climate finance system came with conditionalities that constrained the policy sovereignty of developing countries while adding to their debt burdens. The emphasis on mobilising private sector finance rather than providing direct public support meant that climate finance flows were concentrated in commercially viable projects in middle-income countries. In contrast, the most vulnerable nations, particularly Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States, received disproportionately limited support. This market-oriented approach failed to address the fundamental justice dimension of climate finance: that developing countries, having contributed minimally to historical emissions, should receive support as a matter of equity rather than commercial viability, not loans that worsen their fiscal constraints and limit their capacity for future climate action. The NCQG Framework and Its Limitations The New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) on climate finance represents the most significant recalibration of international climate commitments since the Paris Agreement. Yet, its architecture reveals fundamental tensions between developed and developing country perspectives on climate justice¹⁰. Established at COP29 in Baku with a baseline target of $300 billion annually by 2035, the NCQG was designed to address the acknowledged failure of the $100 billion commitment while scaling up to meet the unprecedented financing needs of developing countries. The quantitative dimensions of the NCQG, while representing a threefold increase from previous commitments, fall dramatically short of assessed needs. Multiple studies have placed annual developing country climate finance requirements at $1.1-1.8 trillion per year till 2030¹¹. The emphasis on mobilising finance from diverse sources, including private sector investment, multilateral development bank lending, and innovative financing instruments, raises concerns about the commitments of governments and their obligation to meet climate finance targets¹². India’s comprehensive rejection of the NCQG at COP29 represented more than diplomatic dissent; it articulated a sophisticated critique of contemporary approaches to international environmental governance¹³. Speaking on behalf of the Like-Minded Developing Countries (LMDCs), India’s intervention highlighted both substantive and procedural objections that also illuminate broader questions about democratic legitimacy in climate negotiations. Substantively, India challenged the fundamental framing of the NCQG as inadequate in quantum, inappropriate in composition, and problematic in timeline. The $300 billion target, while numerically significant, represents what India termed “a paltry sum” when assessed against the scale of climate impacts already affecting developing countries and the accelerating costs of delayed action. The 2035 timeline, moreover, effectively defers substantial scaling up of climate finance for more than a decade while developing countries face immediate adaptation needs and escalating loss and damage costs. The Local Dimension: EV Financing Challenges in India India’s electric mobility transformation presents a compelling case study of how global climate objectives intersect with local financing realities, creating both opportunities and barriers for sustainable development¹⁴. With over 1.5 million electric vehicles sold in FY2024 and projections suggesting EVs will account for 30% of all new vehicle sales by 2030, India’s EV market represents one of the world’s fastest-growing sustainable transport transitions. The fundamental challenge stems from the cost economics of EVs compared to Internal Combustion Engine (ICE) vehicles, which create affordability barriers that disproportionately affect vulnerable populations¹⁵. The upfront cost of an EV typically ranges from 1.5 to 2 times that of an equivalent ICE vehicle, while operating costs are only 10-20% of ICE vehicle costs. This cost structure makes economic sense for high-usage commercial vehicles but creates significant barriers for private vehicles used sparingly by students, rural populations, and low-income urban residents. The financing landscape exacerbates these challenges through structural biases that penalise EV adoption among vulnerable populations. Interest rates for EV loans typically exceed 20%, nearly double the rates available for ICE vehicle financing. This disparity reflects multiple factors, including perceived technology risks, uncertain residual values, and limited institutional familiarity with EV financing models. For populations that save for months to purchase a two-wheeler or dedicate substantial portions of their monthly income to vehicle loan repayment, these higher costs create insurmountable barriers. The institutional architecture of vehicle financing in India compounds these challenges. Traditional public sector banks, including State Bank of India, have historically avoided the two-wheeler and three-wheeler financing market, creating space for specialised Non-Banking Financial Companies (NBFCs) such as Bajaj Finance and Mahindra Finance¹⁶. However, these NBFCs have been slow to enter the EV financing space due to technology risks, uncertain asset values, and higher capital costs. The result is a financing gap that threatens to exclude millions of potential EV users, particularly in Tier II and Tier III cities, where formal financial penetration remains limited. The Intersection of Global and Local: Lessons from India’s Experience How Global Climate Finance Gaps Affect Local Implementation The disconnect between global climate finance commitments and local implementation realities is perhaps nowhere more evident than in India’s EV transition, where international funding mechanisms designed to support sustainable transport often fail to address the specific barriers that prevent equitable access to electric mobility¹⁷. This misalignment reflects broader structural issues in international climate finance, which prioritise scalable, commercially viable investments over equity and inclusion as primary objectives. International climate finance for electric mobility in India, while substantial in absolute terms, reveals several patterns that illuminate broader challenges in global climate governance. The $3 billion mobilised by multilateral institutions for India’s ZEV transition represents significant resources; however, the predominance of loan-based instruments creates debt burdens that may be inappropriate for addressing what are fundamentally global public goods¹⁸. When EV financing carries interest rates exceeding 20% due to perceived risks and limited institutional familiarity, international climate finance mechanisms that rely on market-based cost recovery may exacerbate accessibility barriers. Case Study: The World Bank-SIDBI EV Financing Program – A Lesson in Implementation Failures The World Bank-SIDBI Electric Vehicle Risk Sharing Program represents a compelling case study of how well-intentioned global climate finance initiatives can encounter significant implementation challenges when they fail to address local market realities and institutional constraints¹⁹ adequately. Announced in 2021 with considerable fanfare, this program was designed to establish a $300 million “first loss risk sharing instrument” that would ultimately mobilise $1.5 billion in EV financing, demonstrating how international climate finance could catalyse domestic lending for sustainable transportation. The program’s initial design reflected a sophisticated understanding of EV financing barriers, proposing to reduce interest rates from the prevailing 20-25% to 10-12% through a partial credit guarantee mechanism. Under NITI Aayog’s guidance as the facilitating agency, the initiative aimed to address the fundamental constraint that prevented mainstream financial institutions from entering the EV financing market: the perception of excessive risk due to unproven technology, uncertain residual values, and limited operational experience. However, the program’s trajectory illustrates how global climate finance mechanisms can struggle with ground-level implementation challenges. The State Bank of India (SBI), originally designated as the program manager, withdrew after conducting due diligence that revealed concerns about the non-viability of this instrument. This withdrawal reflected broader institutional hesitancy among traditional banks in financing two-wheelers and three-wheelers, partially due to losses suffered from financing e-rickshaws powered by unreliable lead-acid batteries. NITI Aayog’s response to these setbacks demonstrates both the opportunities and limitations of policy coordination in complex financing ecosystems. The institution pivoted from SBI to SIDBI as the implementing agency, recognising that a development finance institution with expertise in MSMEs might be better positioned to navigate the specific challenges of EV financing. This decision reflected NITI Aayog’s sophisticated understanding that successful climate finance requires institutional intermediaries with appropriate risk appetite and sectoral knowledge. Yet the broader program’s failure to achieve its original scale and timeline highlights structural limitations in how international climate finance engages with domestic institutional realities. Three years after its announcement, the promised fund has not materialised, and interest rates for EV financing remain in the 20-25% range that the program was designed to address. This outcome reflects not institutional incompetence but rather the complexity of addressing market failures that extend beyond pure financial intervention to encompass technology maturity, regulatory frameworks, and ecosystem development. Local Innovations as Models for Global Reform India’s domestic innovations in climate finance and EV financing provide important models that could inform broader reforms in international climate finance mechanisms²⁰. The country’s draft Climate Finance Taxonomy, developed by the Ministry of Finance, demonstrates how comprehensive frameworks can support both international and domestic climate investments while maintaining attention to equity and development objectives. The taxonomy’s emphasis on “country-determined transition pathways” offers an alternative to climate finance driven by the global north, with conditions that often overlook ground-level realities²⁰. By establishing clear criteria for climate-relevant activities while maintaining flexibility to accommodate India’s diverse economic structure and development priorities, the framework demonstrates how technical standards can support rather than constrain climate action in India. India’s approach to addressing EV financing challenges through proposed government-backed institutions offers insights relevant to international climate finance reform. The recommendations by various stakeholders for an EV-focused financing institution, modelled on successful examples like the Small Industries Development Bank of India (SIDBI) and the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD), demonstrate how public institutions can address market failures while catalysing private sector engagement²¹. Battery-as-a-Service models and other innovations that decouple high upfront costs from ongoing operational expenses offer insights for international climate finance design. By reducing initial capital requirements, these models address one of the most significant barriers to climate technology adoption among vulnerable populations²². Global climate finance mechanisms could incorporate similar approaches, providing patient capital for high upfront costs while enabling market-based recovery of operational expenses. Persistent Challenges and Structural Barriers The fundamental challenge facing India’s climate transition financing remains the stark mismatch between assessed needs and available resources across all dimensions and scales. At the global level, even if the NCQG’s $300 billion annual target were fully achieved and distributed equitably among developing countries, India’s share would represent only a fraction of its estimated $1.5-2.5 trillion financing needs through 2030²³. This quantitative gap underscores the limitations of the current international climate finance architecture and the continued dependence on domestic resource mobilisation. The EV sector illustrates how these constraints operate at the level of specific technologies and markets. Despite the remarkable growth in EV financing, expected to reach $19.9 billion by 2030, this amount remains insufficient to support the complete transformation of India’s transport sector, which includes over 200 million vehicles and requires an estimated $60 billion investment by 2030²⁴. The gap is particularly acute for adaptation and resilience investments in transport infrastructure, which receive minimal attention from both international and domestic climate finance mechanisms. Institutional capacity constraints further compound scale challenges. While India has developed sophisticated frameworks such as the draft Climate Finance Taxonomy, effective implementation requires capacity building across hundreds of financial institutions, thousands of project developers, and millions of potential beneficiaries²⁵. The specialised knowledge needed for climate finance assessment, monitoring, and verification creates bottlenecks that may constrain scaling up even when financial resources are available. Policy Recommendations: Bridging Global and Local Finance Reforming Global Climate Finance Architecture India’s experience with both the NCQG negotiations and domestic EV financing challenges provides essential insights for reforming international climate finance to serve the needs of developing countries better and ensure equitable access to climate solutions. In this context, international climate finance mechanisms must shift from mobilisation frameworks that emphasise private sector engagement towards obligations that acknowledge developed countries’ historical responsibility for climate change. This should be in the form of grant capital, mainly, thus reducing the cost of accessing finance and alleviating the fear of a debt trap in India and other economies in the Global South²⁶. This shift would entail several concrete changes in the design of international climate finance. Grant-based and highly concessional financing should be prioritised for adaptation, loss and damage, and technology access that serves public goods functions rather than generating commercial returns. The governance structures of international climate funds should be reformed to ensure meaningful representation of developing countries in decision-making, with particular attention to the voices of climate-vulnerable populations. The integration of climate finance with broader development objectives requires explicit attention in international mechanisms. Rather than treating climate action as an isolated intervention, international climate finance should support integrated approaches that address climate, development, and equity objectives simultaneously. India’s Climate Finance Taxonomy provides a model for how such integration can be operationalised through technical frameworks that maintain rigour while ensuring flexibility. Scaling up Domestic Climate Finance Innovation in the EV Sector The domestic dimension of India’s climate finance challenges requires coordinated policy interventions that can address market failures while ensuring equitable access to climate solutions. The establishment of a government-backed EV financing institution should be prioritised as a model for broader institutional development in climate finance. Such an institution could provide refinancing facilities to NBFCs and microfinance institutions, thereby reducing their cost of capital and enabling more accessible terms for end-users. Initial capitalisation could combine government resources with international climate finance, including funds from the Green Climate Fund and other multilateral mechanisms. This approach demonstrates how global and domestic resources can be effectively combined to address specific market failures while maintaining local ownership and control. Battery-as-a-Service models and other innovations that reduce upfront costs should be supported through targeted policy interventions. This could include risk-sharing mechanisms that facilitate private sector concerns about technology obsolescence, regulatory frameworks that enable new business models, and integration with broader digital infrastructure initiatives. The proposed Battery Aadhar system, which would track individual battery performance and enable transparent valuations, represents the kind of institutional innovation that could transform EV financing by reducing uncertainty and improving asset quality. Conclusion: Toward Equitable Climate Transition Financing India’s experience with climate transition financing reveals both the possibilities and limitations of current approaches to mobilising resources for sustainable development in the context of urgent climate action needs. The country’s rejection of the NCQG and its struggles with EV financing highlight issues of aligning global climate finance mechanisms with local development priorities and ensuring that climate solutions are accessible to all populations²⁷. The analysis demonstrates that adequate climate transition financing requires addressing both global and regional dimensions simultaneously. International climate finance mechanisms, despite recent increases in commitments, remain inadequate in scale and inappropriate in design for addressing the equity dimensions of climate action. The emphasis on market-driven mobilisation and private sector engagement, while potentially expanding resource volumes, may exacerbate inequalities if not carefully designed to ensure accessibility and affordability. The World Bank-SIDBI case study illustrates how even well-designed international climate finance programs can struggle with implementation when they encounter institutional constraints and market realities that were not adequately anticipated during program design. The program’s shift from SBI to SIDBI demonstrates the importance of adaptive management and institutional learning in climate finance delivery. However, India’s innovations in domestic climate finance provide essential models for addressing these challenges. The Climate Finance Taxonomy demonstrates how technical frameworks can maintain rigour while ensuring flexibility and country ownership. Proposed innovations in EV financing, including government-backed institutions and Battery-as-a-Service models, offer pathways for addressing market failures while maintaining development objectives. The path forward requires continued collaboration between global and local actors, sustained innovation in financial instruments and delivery mechanisms, and unwavering commitment to ensuring that climate finance serves both environmental and development objectives. India’s leadership in these areas, from its principled advocacy in international forums to its institutional innovations in domestic markets, positions the country to influence fundamentally how the world approaches climate finance in the critical decade ahead²⁸. Author Brief Bio: Mr. Abhishek Saxena is an accomplished climate professional with over a decade of expertise in climate action, global cooperation, clean energy, and sustainable transport, with a particular focus on electric vehicles. He worked with NITI Aayog for more than 5 years where he led pivotal public policy initiatives and was instrumental in shaping India’s electric vehicle landscape, contributing significantly to the nation’s mobility transformation. Previously, Mr. Saxena played an influential role in India’s startup ecosystem, notably optimizing supply chain operations at Flipkart and advancing sustainable transportation and energy projects across leading private sector organizations. He holds an MBA from IIT Delhi and a B.Tech in Computer Engineering from the NIT Kurukshetra.

3 of 4 monitoring stations record data now, Gurgaon’s AQI drops to ‘very poor’ after 2 weeks

The city's air quality deteriorated, falling back into the ‘very poor' category on Sunday. The air quality index (AQI) rose from 276 (poor) on Saturday to 357 (very poor) on Sunday, marking an increase of approximately 29% within just 24 hours, according to Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB). The last instance of the city reaching ‘very poor' level was on Oct 21, when the index rose to 370. Since then, air quality had predominantly remained within the ‘poor' and ‘moderate' ranges till Saturday. This shift is partly attributed to improved data availability. On Sunday, three of four AQI monitoring stations were operational, unlike the latter part of Oct when several stations were offline, resulting in multiple ‘moderate' days being recorded. With more comprehensive monitoring now restored, pollution levels are being measured more accurately, making the extent of the deterioration more apparent. On Sunday, Gwalpahari station recorded an AQI of 366 (very poor), while Sector 51 reported 404 (severe), and Vikas Sadan logged 314 (very poor). Teri Gram air monitoring station is still down. Several stations had been offline for much of late Oct, during which the city reported multiple ‘moderate' days. Delhi Air Quality Early Warning System and its Decision Support System (DSS) indicated that regional meteorological conditions also contributed to the decline in air quality. As minimum temperatures dropped by 1 to 3 degrees, colder and calmer nights trapped pollutants closer to the ground. Morning hours saw fog and shallow smog, while winds remained mostly light, strengthening only briefly during afternoons before subsiding again in evenings. Forecasts have predicted similar conditions in the coming days, with variable northwesterly and southeasterly surface winds, occasional shallow fog, and maximum temperatures ranging from 30 to 32°C. "Mixing height and ventilation index data point to weak dispersion on key days. Ventilation is expected to fall well below the 6000 m²/s threshold on Nov 4, a setup typically associated with pollutant build-up. As a result, air quality is projected to stay in the very poor category through early next week, with a possible dip into the severe zone around November 4 before marginal improvement," said Shubhansh Tiwari from Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). Officials have attributed sudden spike in pollution to stagnant conditions and increasing background pollution across NCR. Medical professionals have advised vulnerable groups to limit outdoor activities and use protective masks and air purifiers. Civic agencies have intensified dust control measures and checks to curb open burning, while slightly stronger winds in the midweek may provide temporary relief. Experts said winter pollution remains unpredictable across the region. A single still night or high-emission event can quickly push air quality back into hazardous levels, emphasising the need for consistent monitoring and response rather than relying on brief improvements. In essence, ‘very poor' air quality signifies that the air is polluted enough to cause breathing difficulties, irritation, and health stress even for healthy citizens. It poses a heightened risk for children, the elderly, and those with asthma or heart conditions. Meanwhile, Delhi's air quality deteriorated sharply on Sunday, reaching a season-high AQI of 388 in the very poor range at 10 am. It marginally improved to 366 by 4 pm. The improvement was credited to afternoon winds, but forecasts suggest the relief may be short-lived, and Delhi may record its first severe AQI of the season by Tuesday. The Centre's Air Quality Early Warning System has said that the AQI is "very likely to remain in the very poor category from Sunday to Monday" and then move to "severe on Tuesday, before returning to very poor readings on Wednesday." Noida's average AQI at 4pm stood at 348, a notable deterioration from 292 (poor) the day before. Greater Noida and Ghaziabad both displayed the same trend as the air quality slipped to 340 and 351 from 265 and 298, respectively.