India’s soil, once the quiet engine of its agricultural success, is showing unmistakable signs of strain. A new assessment by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), based on over 1.3 crore soil samples collected between 2023 and 2025 under the Soil Health Card programme, has found widespread depletion of key nutrients across the country.
भारत का रीसाइक्लिंग सेक्टर, जिसमें प्लास्टिक, धातु, कागज, ई-कचरा और अन्य सामग्रियां शामिल हैं, आज पर्यावरणीय जिम्मेदारी और आर्थिक अवसर के चौराहे पर खड़ा है। यह क्षेत्र भारत के हरित परिवर्तन को गति दे सकता है, लैंडफिल कचरे को कम कर सकता है और नई कच्ची सामग्री के उत्पादन से होने वाले उत्सर्जन में भारी कटौती ला सकता है। लेकिन इस दिशा में आगे बढ़ने से पहले ही, मौजूदा गुड्स एंड सर्विसेज टैक्स (GST) ढांचा रीसाइक्लर्स के लिए राहत की बजाय एक ‘ब्लैक होल’ साबित हो रहा है। इनवर्टेड ड्यूटी स्ट्रक्चर: समस्या की जड़ मुख्य चुनौती उस स्थिति से उत्पन्न होती है जिसे विशेषज्ञ “इनवर्टेड ड्यूटी स्ट्रक्चर” कहते हैं। वर्तमान में PET स्क्रैप पर GST दर 18% है, जबकि रीसाइकिल्ड PET फाइबर पर केवल 5% कर लगाया जाता है। इस असंतुलन के कारण रीसाइक्लर्स को अपने इनपुट्स पर अधिक टैक्स देना पड़ता है, जबकि आउटपुट पर कम कर लिया जाता है। परिणामस्वरूप, उनकी कार्यशील पूंजी इनपुट टैक्स क्रेडिट (ITC) के रूप में फंस जाती है। खासकर MSME क्षेत्र के रीसाइक्लर्स के लिए यह एक गंभीर कैश-फ्लो संकट बन जाता है। धीमी रिफंड प्रक्रिया इस स्थिति को और बिगाड़ देती है, जिससे रीसाइक्लिंग वैल्यू चेन में औपचारिक भागीदारी घटती जा रही है। एक रीसाइक्लर ने कहा, “हम GST कानूनों का पालन करते हैं, लेकिन हमारे ITC की वास्तविकता की गारंटी कौन देगा? हम खरीदे गए स्क्रैप पर टैक्स सहित कीमत चुकाते हैं, और महीनों बाद GST विभाग से नोटिस मिलता है कि स्रोत फर्जी था और ITC को ब्याज व जुर्माने के साथ वापस करना होगा।” Advertisement: 0:06 Unibots.com औपचारिक रीसाइक्लर्स की मुश्किलें और बढ़ी अनौपचारिकता यह समस्या केवल कर ढांचे तक सीमित नहीं है, बल्कि भारत की रीसाइक्लिंग अर्थव्यवस्था की दिशा तय कर रही है। स्क्रैप पर 18% का उच्च कर छोटे और अनुपालक रीसाइक्लर्स को GST सिस्टम में बने रहने से हतोत्साहित करता है। इसके विपरीत, यह नकद-आधारित अनौपचारिक व्यापार को बढ़ावा देता है, जहां कोई टैक्स नहीं दिया जाता। नतीजतन, वैध व्यवसाय ग्रे मार्केट से पिछड़ जाते हैं। इस स्थिति से सरकार को राजस्व हानि होती है और पर्यावरणीय लागत बढ़ती है, क्योंकि अधिक कचरा लैंडफिल में समाप्त हो जाता है। CSE रिपोर्ट के आंकड़े चौंकाने वाले हैं सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) की 2025 की रिपोर्ट "रिलैक्स द टैक्स" के अनुसार, भारत के कचरा क्षेत्र में अनौपचारिकता का स्तर बेहद ऊंचा है — कागज और कांच में 95% प्लास्टिक में 80% ई-कचरे में 90% धातुओं में 65% रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक, औपचारिक रीसाइक्लिंग से ₹30,900 करोड़ का टैक्स इकट्ठा होता है, जबकि संभावित राजस्व ₹65,300 करोड़ सालाना है। यानी लगभग ₹34,000 करोड़ का नुकसान। अगर सुधार नहीं हुए, तो यह असंतुलन 2035 तक दोगुना हो सकता है।
Gurgaon: Even as large-scale tree felling for infrastructure projects is going on across the city, the timing — residents and environmentalists say — could not be worse. On one hand, winter is approaching and pollution levels have begun their seasonal rise, while on the other, trees along city's key arteries such as Galleria Market Road and Vyapar Kendra Road are being felled for widening of stretches. With the city's air quality already slipping into ‘ very poor' range and winter inversion about to trap pollutants, removing mature trees that act as natural filters has sparked criticism of how these projects were planned. "Once you cut them, you don't just lose shade or greenery, you lose a vital public health asset, " RP Balwan, a former Haryana forest officer and environmental expert, says. Environment activist Vivek Kamboj says, "They keep calling it development, but at what cost?" Kamboj told TOI, "Between sectors 27 and 43 alone, 344 trees have been allowed to go. These aren't just numbers on a file. These were old shade trees that kept this stretch cooler and quieter. Every summer gets harsher, every winter gets dustier and we are cutting the very things that could help us breathe. If the govt can approve removals this easily, then show us the replantation and survival record with the same urgency. Otherwise, this is not development, it's depletion." A Sector 9 resident said, "Had these trees been saved, they would have absorbed particulate matter and acted as a buffer during peak smog months. Instead, we are losing green cover when we need it most." The concerns are sharper this year because even the city's pollution data has come under scrutiny. In the last month, multiple air quality monitoring stations across Haryana — including in Gurgaon — have gone offline, making official AQI readings unreliable. With only one of the city's continuous monitoring stations operational on certain days, the "moderate" AQI being flashed offers little insight into actual exposure levels. "Development and green cover don't have to be at odds, " said Atul Kumar, a resident of Sector 45. "But here, tree protection gets treated as an obstacle rather than a design principle." With smog season looming, residents say the twin hits of tree loss and patchy air-quality monitoring leave the city more vulnerable and less informed, even as construction, traffic, and winter weather converge to push pollution up. This pattern is not new. Gurgaon has repeatedly cleared mature trees for road and metro infrastructure. In 2017, around 5,000 trees were felled for flyovers and underpasses along NH8. A year later, permission was granted to chop down 10,000 trees to widen Sohna Road. Many more trees have been cleared along highway stretches in the Gurgaon and Rewari forest divisions. An RTI query also showed authorities approved the felling of over 500 trees across projects, but only 124 were transplanted, while compensatory plantation for nearly 3,800 trees remained pending. Officials say compensatory afforestation is being carried out near the Kundli–Manesar–Palwal Expressway for the metro project as around 30,000 trees are being planted for the felling of 3,000 trees. But saplings planted on the periphery cannot instantly replace the ecological services of mature trees inside dense neighbourhoods. These saplings will take 15–20 years before they begin functioning as meaningful carbon and dust sinks. Former forest officer Balwan told TOI, "The city is losing decades of natural infrastructure for shortterm road expansion. It takes at least 20 years for a sapling to mature into a tree that can meaningfully clean the air. You cannot replace that ecosystem service overnight with plantation drives on paper. At a time when particulate matter is already rising because of unchecked vehicular pollution, cutting full-grown trees is like removing our only natural defence. Gurgaon keeps adding vehicles every year with no real curb or public transport alternative and these trees were silently doing the heavy lifting by trapping dust and absorbing carbon." Officials argue the projects are essential for easing traffic as Gurgaon's vehicle count continues to swell, but critics say the city is once again prioritising concrete over climate logic. What this really means is the air will pay before the commuters benefit. Centre for Science and Environment executive director (environment) Anumita Roychowdhury said, "Transport emissions are a major driver of urban air pollution and cities should be protecting trees while planning mobility infrastructure, not cutting them as an afterthought."
सर्द मौसम की शुरुआत है। हवा की गति कम है लेकिन, नमी भी है। पहली किरण जब आपके घर की खिड़की से झांकती है, तो हवा में धुंधली परत नजर आने लगी है। यह अब राजधानी ही नहीं देशभर की हकीकत है। हर वर्ष की तरह प्रदूषण अपने पूरे रंग दिखा रहा है। इन दिनों हवा भारी हो जाती है। वह ऊपर नहीं जाती और प्रदूषक तत्वों को भी नीचे ही रोके रखती है। प्रदूषण तेजी से बढ़ता है। सोमवार को दैनिक जागरण विमर्श में सेंटर फार साइंस एंड एनवायरमेंट (सीएसई) की महानिदेशक पद्मश्री सुनीता नारायण ने प्रदूषण को एक सवाल राजनीतिक सवाल से अलग इसे जीवन का सवाल बनाने के लिए कहा।
Is cloud seeding the solution to Delhi’s pollution crisis? Apparently not. Or will odd-even, smog towers or water sprinkling make a real difference? As Delhi gasps for breath once again, govts, citizens and experts weigh in with a range of measures — each with its own promise and pitfalls. VEHICULAR POLLUTION: Improved public transport Pros: Much has been done to strengthen public transport to reduce the number of private vehicles on the road. The number of public buses is inadequate to meet requirements, especially during peak hours. Facts: A public fleet of 5,327 buses. Delhi told the Supreme Court in 2018 that the city requires 11,000 buses. People who are habitual users of private vehicles are unlikely to shift back to public transport. Cons: Poorly maintained and recklessly driven buses are often used for commercial advertisements. Status: As of Jan 20, 2020, two low-floor electric wirerouted CNG buses were launched, causing 26 deaths and 130 injuries. Last-mile connectivity Pros: Metro and city buses lack last-mile connectivity. Introducing e-rickshaw and aggregator options across the city can ensure proper public transport usage. Cons: Poor maintenance and reckless driving by erickshaw operators create chaos. Carpooling Pros: Can reduce the number of cars on the road, especially during peak hours. Cons: Some people may find it inconvenient or unsafe. RFID at border areas Pros: Helps in identifying vehicles that enter Delhi without paying taxes. Facts: There are 13 entry points where green taxes are collected online; only 13 have RFID. Cons: Manual collection causes traffic jams and congestion. Congestion tax Pros: Fees on vehicles entering congested zones discourage car use and encourage public transport use. Successfully implemented in New York City, London, and Singapore. Cons: May affect low-income individuals. DUST POLLUTION: Paving of roadsides Pros: Helps reduce airborne particulate matter (PM10 and PM2.5). Cons: Government agencies sometimes plant exotic species that fail to survive Delhi’s climate. Water sprinklers/smog guns Pros: Helps temporarily settle pollutants. Cons: Effects are short-lived as dust resurfaces quickly. Management of construction and demolition waste Pros: Proper handling of C&D waste can significantly reduce dust. Facts: Delhi produces 5,746 MT of C&D debris daily, of which only 2,500 MT is sent to recycling plants. Cons: Enforcement of bylaws remains poor. Mechanised road sweeping Pros: More efficient in removing fine particulate matter from roads compared to manual cleaning. Cons: Few government agencies have assessed their effectiveness. OPEN BURNING: Providing heaters to low-income groups Pros: Prevents open burning by those trying to keep warm. Cons: Many slums, markets, and workshops lack access to alternative means of heating. Status: No policy discourag open burning. Proper disposal of waste Facts: Delhi generates around 11,300 tonnes of waste daily. 7,300 MT goes to Bhalswa and Okhla landfills; 4,000 MT to Ghazipur. Cons: Waste segregated into mixed garbage mounts to more fires at landfills. STUBBLE BURNING: Pros: In situ and ex situ management of crop residue is crucial; stubble burning significantly affects Delhi’s air for about 45 days annually. Cons: Lack of machinery and inadequate crop diversification hinder progress. 100% Door-to-Door Collection Pros: Essential for effective waste management. Cons: City agencies lack logistics and coordination with residents and informal waste workers. OTHER SOURCES: Power plants Pros: Curtailing emissions and better fly ash management is needed. Facts: Emission standards in NCR districts are less stringent than Delhi. Some deadline extensions have been given. Cons: 90 emission norms have been relaxed. Industrial pollution Pros: Many NCR industries use natural gas instead of coal. Cons: No penalties for non-compliance exist; random inspection process affects regulation. Ban on coal or firewood in eateries Pros: Helps cut local pollution. Cons: The ban is not widely followed. Norms in NCR districts Pros: Emission control is critical. Cons: Many districts violate norms followed in Delhi. Green building norms Pros: Promote sustainable, low-emission construction. Cons: Sourcing eco-friendly items can be difficult. Expert speak: “We must target pollution emission reduction across major sources — power, industry, transport, waste and construction — within the airshed. Industries must switch to cleaner fuels, especially in NCR districts. Accurate data is crucial and, so, no high-influence activities should take place near monitoring stations” SUNIL DAHIYA, founder and lead analyst, EnviroCatalysts “We experience rain for a maximum of 60 days a year compared with about 300 days in European countries. We must try to keep our soil moist with vegetation cover, pay attention to natural land use patterns, restrict earthwork and avoid burning garbage or other items. There should be controlled growth in the number of vehicles, an adequate public transport system, better management of arterial roads” DIPANKAR SAHA, former head, Air Laboratory, Central Pollution Control Board “A time-bound implementation of priority measures is needed. Ensure a significant clean energy transition in industry, vehicles and households; implement a vehicle electrification programme with integrated public transport systems to meet at least 80% of travel demand; achieve 100% collection, segregation and material recovery from all waste streams along with remediation of legacy waste; redevelop road network & public spaces for dust control, walking, cycling and greening” ANUMITA ROYCHOWDHURY, executive director, Centre for Science and Environment
After days of hazy skies and thick pollution, Mumbai finally woke up to a breath of clean, fresh air last week. The city’s overall Air Quality Index (AQI) dropped to a rare 47, placing it in the ‘Good’ category. For much of the week, Mumbai had been shrouded in smog — a mix of firecracker emissions, construction dust, post-festival pollution, and stagnant winds that pushed the AQI to hazardous levels. However, the dry spell of hazardous air ended with 14mm of overnight rainfall recorded across Mumbai on Friday, 24 October 2025, as per the IMD Mumbai Regional Meteorological Centre Daily Weather Report. Cool winds swept through the city, making it a pleasant morning and giving Mumbai a much-needed breath of fresh air. Rainfall brings relief – with cleaner air and clearer views Interestingly, the spell of rain not only cooled the city but also acted as a natural purifier, washing away suspended particulate matter. The maximum temperature was settled around 34°C, while the minimum was near 25°C, bringing the much-needed respite to the Mumbaikars. The PM2.5 levels dropped sharply from 95 to 28 micrograms per cubic metre overnight — a nearly 70% decrease, according to the System of Air Quality and Weather Forecasting and Research (SAFAR). On the clearer side, Parel-Bhoiwada registered the best air quality with an AQI of just 18 adding to the list of cleaner air areas, Chembur (32), Vile Parle West (33), Juhu (33) and Deonar (35) also reported 'Good' air quality and a welcome relief for residents after several days of pollution. As per the IMD Climatological Summary (2023–24), post-monsoon, the cool north-westerly winds flow at a speed of around 8–10 km/h. Along with this, a humidity drop of 15–25% is also observed. The winds gave Mumbaikers a rare view of the clear skies with bright sunlight. Photographers captured stunning shots of the Taj Mahal Palace Hotel visible from as far as 22 kilometres away, a sight not seen in months due to haze and suspended particulate matter. The science behind rainfalls During rainfalls, the pollutants from the air are removed through the process of wet deposition. Pollutants like aerosols, dust, and soluble gases act as tiny “seeds” called cloud condensation nuclei, on which water vapour condenses to form droplets — so when these droplets grow and fall as rain, they carry those particles down, naturally cleansing the air. When the rain falls through polluted air, it collides and absorbs the airborne particles, including PM 2.5 and PM 10, and dissolves soluble gases like sulphur dioxide, ammonia and nitrogen dioxides. After the shower, humidity levels are nearly around 20%, allowing the pollutants to settle faster and improving visibility by over 40%, according to IMD Santacruz Observatory readings. While one night of rain is not the solution to the ever-growing pollution problem of Mumbai, this drop to AQI 47 is a reminder that cleaner air is always possible. Here are a few steps you can take to help keep your city’s air clean and breathable: 1. Choose public or green transport: Road transport contributes about 20% of PM2.5 emissions in Mumbai. Taking a local train or metro twice a week instead of driving can cut your carbon footprint by up to 15% annually. Even one less car per home can make a difference. 2. Go easy on the industrial activities and vehicular emissions: Vehicular emissions from petrol and diesel, along with industrial activities and port operations, result in elevated levels of PM2.5, with frequent daily averages exceeding 50 micrograms per cubic metre according to Deccan Herald’s report in January 2025. Minimising the excessive use of diesel generators, we can cut localised emissions of soot, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter, helping improve air quality and reduce the overall pollution load in the city. 3. Plant local greens: Native species like neem, ficus, and jamun can absorb 10–15 micrograms per cubic metre of PM2.5 per square metre of leaf area. Even balcony plants make a measurable difference in micro-environments. 4. Celebrate consciously: Firecrackers give a sharp, short-term boost to PM 2.5 — in Mumbai, recent reports showed citywide PM 2.5 rose by roughly 30 – 40% on Diwali nights. With strict enforcement, designated bursting zones and public awareness, short-term festival peaks in PM2.5 levels could plausibly be reduced, and there can be brighter and healthier celebrations. These small actions that we take together can lead to big changes. Let us do our part to ensure that fresh air isn’t just momentary but a way of life for the Indian cities. Sources Mumbai weather: Patchy Rain expected today; AQI remains moderate by Times Of India, Published on 24 October 2025. ‘Mumbai Weather Update: City Sees Cloudy Skies; AQI Improves Drastically With Overall Rating Of 47, Parel & Chembur Breathe Cleanest’ by Prathamesh Kharade for Free Press Journal, Published on 24 October 2025. ‘Not as bad as Delhi, but Mumbai's air still a matter of concern’ by Mrityunjay Bose for Deccan Herald, Published on 13 January 2025. 'Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) – Urban Emission Profile Report' by Centre for Science and Environment, Published in 2023. ‘International Energy Agency (IEA) & ICCT Mobility Reports’ by International Energy Agency, Published on 2 March 2023. ‘Air Pollution Mitigation by Urban Greenery’ by IIT Delhi (Environmental Science & Pollution Research), Published in 2021 'Urban Green Infrastructure and Air Quality' by Teri Publications Portal, Published in 2022
Recycling Sector: देश के रीसाइक्लिंग क्षेत्र में प्लास्टिक, धातु, कागज, ई-कचरा और अन्य सामग्रियां शामिल हैं. उद्योग और विशेषज्ञों ने कहा कि इस समय रीसाइक्लिंग क्षेत्र पर्यावरण की जिम्मेदारी और आर्थिक अवसर के संगम पर खड़ा है. इसमें भारत के हरित परिवर्तन को मजबूत करने, लैंडफिल कचरे को कम करने और कुंवारी सामग्री के उत्पादन से उत्सर्जन घटाने की क्षमता है, लेकिन रीसाइक्लरों के लिए, मौजूदा गुड्स एंड सर्विसेज टैक्स (GST) का ढांचा राहत की बजाय एक ब्लैक होल बन गया है. उल्टा शुल्क ढांचा चुनौती का प्रमुख हिस्सा इस चुनौती का प्रमुख हिस्सा वह है जिसे विशेषज्ञ “उल्टा शुल्क ढांचा” कहते हैं। PET स्क्रैप पर GST 18 प्रतिशत है, जबकि रीसाइक्लड PET फाइबर पर यह केवल 5 प्रतिशत है. जिससे कर संरचना उलट जाती है. यह बेमेल रीसाइक्लरों को अपने इनपुट पर अधिक कर देने के लिए मजबूर करता है, जबकि वे अपने आउटपुट पर कम कर वसूलते हैं. इससे कार्यशील पूंजी इनपुट टैक्स क्रेडिट (ITC) के रूप में फंस जाती है. विशेष रूप से MSMEs के लिए, यह गंभीर नकदी प्रवाह तनाव पैदा करता है. समस्या धीमी रिफंड प्रक्रिया से और बढ़ जाती है, जो कार्यशील पूंजी की रिहाई में देरी करती है और रीसाइक्लिंग मूल्य श्रृंखला में औपचारिक भागीदारी को हतोत्साहित करती है. महीनों बाद मिलता है GST विभाग से नोटिस उद्योग और विशेषज्ञों ने कहा कि हम GST कानूनों का अनुपालन करते हैं, लेकिन इनपुट टैक्स क्रेडिट (ITC) की वास्तविकता की गारंटी कोई कैसे दे सकता है? हम खरीदे जा रहे स्क्रैप पर करों के साथ कीमत चुकाते हैं और महीनों बाद हमें GST विभाग से नोटिस मिलता है कि जिस स्रोत से हमने स्क्रैप खरीदा वह बोगस था. ITC को ब्याज और जुर्माने के साथ उलटने की जरूरत है.” एक रीसाइक्लर ने समझाया. यह मुद्दा केवल व्यवसाय गणित से परे है. यह भारत की रीसाइक्लिंग अर्थव्यवस्था की संरचना को आकार दे रहा है. स्क्रैप पर 18 प्रतिशत का उच्च कर छोटे, अनुपालन करने वाले रीसाइक्लरों को GST प्रणाली के भीतर काम करने से हतोत्साहित करता है, जबकि नकदी-आधारित अनौपचारिक व्यापार को प्रोत्साहित करता है. जहां कोई कर नहीं दिया जाता. इसके वैध संचालक ग्रे मार्केट में काम करने वालों द्वारा कम दाम पर मात खाते हैं. औपचारिकता में कमी, सरकार के लिए राजस्व हानि और बढ़ती पर्यावरणीय लागत क्योंकि अधिक कचरा लैंडफिल में जाता है. अनौपचारिकता भारत के कचरा क्षेत्र पर हावी विशेषज्ञों ने कहा कि सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) की 2025 की रिपोर्ट “रिलैक्स द टैक्स” के अनुसार, अनौपचारिकता भारत के कचरा क्षेत्र पर हावी है. कागज और कांच में 95 प्रतिशत, प्लास्टिक में 80 प्रतिशत, ई-कचरे में 90 प्रतिशत और धातुओं में 65 प्रतिशत. यह रिसाव सालाना संभावित GST राजस्व में अनुमानित 65,300 करोड़ रुपये की हानि में तब्दील होता है, जबकि औपचारिक रीसाइक्लिंग से केवल 30,900 करोड़ रुपये एकत्र किए जाते हैं. सुधार के बिना, यह असंतुलन 2035 तक दोगुना हो सकता है. कमजोर कड़ी देती है नकली चालान और केवल कागजी व्यापार को बढ़ावा विशेषज्ञों ने कहा कि बहस के केंद्र में यह है कि रीसाइक्लिंग श्रृंखला के साथ GST कैसे एकत्र किया जाता है. भारत का अधिकांश कचरा अपंजीकृत या अनौपचारिक संग्रह नेटवर्क में उत्पन्न होता है. स्क्रैप औपचारिक रीसाइक्लर तक पहुंचने से पहले कई छोटे डीलरों से गुजरता है, केवल अंतिम लेनदेन में GST आता है. यह कमजोर कड़ी नकली चालान और केवल कागजी व्यापार को बढ़ावा देती है. जिससे अनुपालन करने वाले रीसाइक्लर उलटने और जुर्माने के संपर्क में आते हैं, यदि पहले के डीलर कर जमा करने में विफल रहते हैं. यह उल्टा शुल्क ढांचा केवल नकदी प्रवाह को तनाव नहीं देता बल्कि यह उस सर्कुलर इकोनॉमी को हतोत्साहित करता है. जिसे भारत बनाने की कोशिश कर रहा है. जब रीसाइक्लड सामग्री कुंवारी सामग्री की तुलना में अधिक या असंगत करों का सामना करती है, तो उद्योग स्वाभाविक रूप से सस्ते, गैर-रीसाइक्लड इनपुट की ओर बढ़ते हैं. यह रीसाइक्लड वस्तुओं की मांग को कमजोर करता है. जीएसटी को लेकर की गई सिफारिशें उद्योग की आवाजों ने लंबे समय से तर्क दिया है कि GST सुधारों का एक सरल सेट रीसाइक्लिंग को एक संपन्न, कर-अनुपालन, रोजगार-उत्पादक क्षेत्र में बदल सकता है. इसके लिए उद्योग ओर विशेषज्ञों ने जीएसटी को लेकर सिफारिशें की है. स्क्रैप पर GST को 18 प्रतिशत से 5 प्रतिशत तक कम करें: उल्टे शुल्क ढांचे को ठीक करें, रीसाइक्लरों के लिए अधिक निष्पक्ष मूल्य निर्धारण सुनिश्चित करें और कर चोरी के लिए प्रोत्साहन कम करें. रिवर्स चार्ज मैकेनिज्म (RCM) पेश करें: रीसाइक्लरों को सीधे सरकार को GST देने के लिए जिम्मेदार बनाएं, ताकि केवल कागजी डीलर श्रृंखलाओं को समाप्त किया जा सके. स्क्रैप के लिए अलग कर श्रेणियां बनाएं: अनौपचारिक क्षेत्र से मिले “पुराने स्क्रैप” के लिए संभावित रूप से नाममात्र 1 प्रतिशत GST दर निर्धारित करें. रिफंड प्रक्रियाओं को सुव्यवस्थित करें: छोटे रीसाइक्लरों के लिए नकदी प्रवाह संकट को कम करें और समय पर ITC उपयोग को बढ़ावा दें। उद्योग विशेषज्ञों का कहना है कि इन कर विकृतियों को ठीक करने से निजी निवेश में अरबों रुपये अनलॉक हो सकते हैं और रीसाइक्लिंग पारिस्थितिकी तंत्र में दस लाख से अधिक नए हरित रोजगार पैदा हो सकते हैं. CSE के अनुमान दर्शाते हैं कि सुधार विशेष रूप से कम स्क्रैप दरें और तेज रिफंड चक्र औपचारिक रीसाइक्लिंग क्षमता को दोगुना कर सकते हैं, जबकि सालाना हजारों टन कचरे को लैंडफिल से बचा सकते हैं. अर्थव्यवस्था निर्माण के लिए GST में सुधार का समय उद्योग और विशेषज्ञों ने स्पष्ट संदेश देते हुए कहा कि वर्तमान कर डिजाइन औपचारिक रीसाइक्लिंग को हतोत्साहित करता है, तरलता को निकालता है और अनुपालन करने वालों को दंडित करता है. कम स्क्रैप दरों, त्वरित रिफंड, और कुशल RCM तंत्र के साथ एक तर्कसंगत GST प्रणाली इस असंतुलन को उलट सकती है. विकास, अनुपालन, और स्थिरता को एक साथ चलाते हुए. भारत की सर्कुलर इकोनॉमी की दिशा में यात्रा केवल पर्यावरणीय नारों से नहीं, बल्कि सुविचारित कर नीतियों से तय होगी. राजस्व संग्रह बढ़ाने के लिए, बल्कि एक टिकाऊ, समावेशी और समृद्ध हरित अर्थव्यवस्था के निर्माण के लिए GST सुधार का समय अब है.
दिल्ली-एनसीआर में कमजोर हवाओं ने पॉल्यूशन को फंसा दिया, जिससे रविवार को एक्यूआई 366 (बहुत खराब) पहुंच गया. पीएम2.5 189.6 और पीएम10 316 पर पहुंच गया. इ... प्रो. अनुमिता रॉय चौधरी (सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट): कमजोर हवाओं के अलावा, पराली जलाना, वाहनों का धुआं और उद्योग मुख्य वजहें हैं. ग्रेडेड रिस्पॉ...
Delhi’s air quality remained ‘very poor’ on November 3, with the overall Air Quality Index (AQI) recording 324 at 6.05 am, reported HT citing data from the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB). A thick layer of smog blanketed the national capital despite anti-pollution measures being implemented across the National Capital Region (NCR). Visibility remained low, and residents reported eye irritation and respiratory discomfort. According to the Air Quality Early Warning System (AQEWS) for Delhi, pollution levels will remain in the ‘very poor’ range till November 10, with no significant improvement expected. According to CPCB, an AQI between 0 and 50 is 'good', 51 and 100 'satisfactory', 101 and 200 'moderate', 201 and 300 'poor', 301 and 400 'very poor', and 401 and 500 'severe'. Factors Choking Delhi According to TOI, experts say that the current surge in pollution is mostly driven by vehicular emissions, stagnant weather and urban dust, while stubble burning in Punjab and Haryana have played minimal role so far. Citing data from the Decision Support System (DSS), which tracks pollution sources across the National Capital Region, TOI reported that stubble burning contributed only 1.6% to Delhi’s PM2.5 levels on October 31. The highest contribution this season was recorded at 5.8% on October 28. Emphasising the need to adopt year-round measures to control sources of pollution, Anumita Roychowdhury, Executive Director (Research and Advocacy) at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) told TOI that the current increase in pollution despite minimal stubble-burning impact indicates that local and regional pollution sources such as vehicular emissions, construction dust and waste burning are at play.
India’s climate transition financing presents a complex landscape where global climate finance mechanisms intersect with domestic innovation needs, especially in the electric vehicle (EV) sector. This article examines the dual challenges India faces in securing sufficient international climate finance while simultaneously developing strong domestic mechanisms to achieve its goal of net-zero emissions by 2070. Through analysis of India’s stance on the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) and emerging challenges in EV financing, this article highlights notable gaps between global climate finance commitments and local implementation realities. The research shows that while India rejected the NCQG’s $300 billion target as insufficient against its $1.5-2.5 trillion climate financing needs by 2030, domestic innovations in EV financing are hampered by structural barriers such as high interest rates (>20% versus 10% for Internal Combustion Engine vehicles), uncertain residual values, and limited institutional support. The article suggests that India’s success in climate transition financing hinges on reforming global mechanisms and fostering local innovations, including government-backed EV financing institutions, battery-as-a-service models, and integration with climate finance taxonomies. Introduction India’s approach to financing the climate transition reflects a core tension between global ambitions and local realities, most visibly at the intersection of international climate finance negotiations and domestic challenges to the adoption of electric vehicles (EVs).¹ As the world’s most populous nation and the third-largest greenhouse gas emitter, India simultaneously advocates for increased climate finance from developed countries while also taking a leadership position in its domestic climate action, thereby requiring innovative domestic financing mechanisms². The scale of India’s financing challenge is unprecedented. Current assessments suggest India requires between $1.5 trillion and $2.5 trillion by 2030 to meet its climate targets and support its transition to net-zero emissions by 2070³. This massive capital requirement, which is equivalent to roughly 1.3% of India’s GDP annually, must be mobilised through a complex ecosystem of global and local financial mechanisms, each with distinct characteristics, constraints, and opportunities⁴. Recent developments have intensified focus on this dual challenge. India’s rejection of the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) at COP29 as “a paltry sum” crystallised persistent tensions between the needs of the Global South and commitments by the Global North⁵. Simultaneously, India’s domestic EV sector, despite selling over 1.5 million units in FY2024, faces acute financing challenges that threaten to make it difficult for people to access affordable transportation in an increasingly electrified mobility landscape⁶.The EV financing crisis illuminates broader patterns in climate transition financing. While global climate finance mechanisms emphasise market-driven mobilisation and private sector engagement, ground-level realities reveal structural barriers that hinder equitable access to climate solutions⁷. EV buyers face interest rates exceeding nearly 20%, compared to almost 10% for Internal Combustion Engine (ICE) vehicles. Uncertain residual values and limited institutional support create additional barriers, particularly for vulnerable populations⁸.This article argues that India’s climate transition financing challenges cannot be understood in isolation but must be analysed as interconnected dimensions of a broader transformation in global environmental governance. The global dimension reveals that international climate finance mechanisms, despite recent increases, remain inadequate and structurally biased towards solutions that may not serve the priorities of developing countries. The local dimension highlights how domestic innovations encounter institutional and market barriers that necessitate coordinated policy interventions to achieve scale and equity. The Global Dimension: India and the NCQG Climate Finance Before NCQG: A System of Loans Disguised as Support The climate finance architecture that preceded the NCQG was fundamentally flawed in its delivery mechanisms and composition, creating what economists term “debt traps” for the very countries it purported to help⁹. According to the Centre for Science & Environment (CSE) analysis, between 2011 and 2020, a mere 5% of climate finance was provided as grants, while 61% was disbursed as loans and 34% as equity financing. This heavily loan-based approach meant that climate finance, rather than providing relief for climate impacts that developing countries did not cause, actually added to their debt burdens. The limited concessional finance available (grants and low-cost debt constituted only 16% of total climate finance) during this decade led to a vast majority of international climate finance being market-rate loans that required full repayment with interest. The debt trap arises from the intersection of high climate finance needs and predominantly loan-based delivery mechanisms, which is particularly acute for climate-vulnerable nations. CSE’s analysis reveals that about 30% of low- and middle-income countries face higher annual debt servicing costs than what it would cost to achieve their entire Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). For instance, countries like Ghana face $3.23 billion in annual debt service while needing only $0.93 billion annually to meet their climate goals. This creates a perverse situation where countries must choose between servicing existing debt or investing in climate action, often trapped in a cycle where climate inaction leads to greater climate-related damages, which further weaken their fiscal position and increase borrowing costs. Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), despite being significant sources of climate finance, have perpetuated the debt trap through their lending practices. Between 2010 and 2020, MDBs provided an average of only 20% of their climate finance as grants, with 79% coming as loans. The World Bank, for example, provided 30% of its total operations as climate finance in 2021, but predominantly through debt-creating instruments. This approach is particularly problematic because MDBs hold 22% of the debt of emerging market economies, yet they do not participate in debt relief efforts. The pre-NCQG climate finance system came with conditionalities that constrained the policy sovereignty of developing countries while adding to their debt burdens. The emphasis on mobilising private sector finance rather than providing direct public support meant that climate finance flows were concentrated in commercially viable projects in middle-income countries. In contrast, the most vulnerable nations, particularly Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States, received disproportionately limited support. This market-oriented approach failed to address the fundamental justice dimension of climate finance: that developing countries, having contributed minimally to historical emissions, should receive support as a matter of equity rather than commercial viability, not loans that worsen their fiscal constraints and limit their capacity for future climate action. The NCQG Framework and Its Limitations The New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) on climate finance represents the most significant recalibration of international climate commitments since the Paris Agreement. Yet, its architecture reveals fundamental tensions between developed and developing country perspectives on climate justice¹⁰. Established at COP29 in Baku with a baseline target of $300 billion annually by 2035, the NCQG was designed to address the acknowledged failure of the $100 billion commitment while scaling up to meet the unprecedented financing needs of developing countries. The quantitative dimensions of the NCQG, while representing a threefold increase from previous commitments, fall dramatically short of assessed needs. Multiple studies have placed annual developing country climate finance requirements at $1.1-1.8 trillion per year till 2030¹¹. The emphasis on mobilising finance from diverse sources, including private sector investment, multilateral development bank lending, and innovative financing instruments, raises concerns about the commitments of governments and their obligation to meet climate finance targets¹². India’s comprehensive rejection of the NCQG at COP29 represented more than diplomatic dissent; it articulated a sophisticated critique of contemporary approaches to international environmental governance¹³. Speaking on behalf of the Like-Minded Developing Countries (LMDCs), India’s intervention highlighted both substantive and procedural objections that also illuminate broader questions about democratic legitimacy in climate negotiations. Substantively, India challenged the fundamental framing of the NCQG as inadequate in quantum, inappropriate in composition, and problematic in timeline. The $300 billion target, while numerically significant, represents what India termed “a paltry sum” when assessed against the scale of climate impacts already affecting developing countries and the accelerating costs of delayed action. The 2035 timeline, moreover, effectively defers substantial scaling up of climate finance for more than a decade while developing countries face immediate adaptation needs and escalating loss and damage costs. The Local Dimension: EV Financing Challenges in India India’s electric mobility transformation presents a compelling case study of how global climate objectives intersect with local financing realities, creating both opportunities and barriers for sustainable development¹⁴. With over 1.5 million electric vehicles sold in FY2024 and projections suggesting EVs will account for 30% of all new vehicle sales by 2030, India’s EV market represents one of the world’s fastest-growing sustainable transport transitions. The fundamental challenge stems from the cost economics of EVs compared to Internal Combustion Engine (ICE) vehicles, which create affordability barriers that disproportionately affect vulnerable populations¹⁵. The upfront cost of an EV typically ranges from 1.5 to 2 times that of an equivalent ICE vehicle, while operating costs are only 10-20% of ICE vehicle costs. This cost structure makes economic sense for high-usage commercial vehicles but creates significant barriers for private vehicles used sparingly by students, rural populations, and low-income urban residents. The financing landscape exacerbates these challenges through structural biases that penalise EV adoption among vulnerable populations. Interest rates for EV loans typically exceed 20%, nearly double the rates available for ICE vehicle financing. This disparity reflects multiple factors, including perceived technology risks, uncertain residual values, and limited institutional familiarity with EV financing models. For populations that save for months to purchase a two-wheeler or dedicate substantial portions of their monthly income to vehicle loan repayment, these higher costs create insurmountable barriers. The institutional architecture of vehicle financing in India compounds these challenges. Traditional public sector banks, including State Bank of India, have historically avoided the two-wheeler and three-wheeler financing market, creating space for specialised Non-Banking Financial Companies (NBFCs) such as Bajaj Finance and Mahindra Finance¹⁶. However, these NBFCs have been slow to enter the EV financing space due to technology risks, uncertain asset values, and higher capital costs. The result is a financing gap that threatens to exclude millions of potential EV users, particularly in Tier II and Tier III cities, where formal financial penetration remains limited. The Intersection of Global and Local: Lessons from India’s Experience How Global Climate Finance Gaps Affect Local Implementation The disconnect between global climate finance commitments and local implementation realities is perhaps nowhere more evident than in India’s EV transition, where international funding mechanisms designed to support sustainable transport often fail to address the specific barriers that prevent equitable access to electric mobility¹⁷. This misalignment reflects broader structural issues in international climate finance, which prioritise scalable, commercially viable investments over equity and inclusion as primary objectives. International climate finance for electric mobility in India, while substantial in absolute terms, reveals several patterns that illuminate broader challenges in global climate governance. The $3 billion mobilised by multilateral institutions for India’s ZEV transition represents significant resources; however, the predominance of loan-based instruments creates debt burdens that may be inappropriate for addressing what are fundamentally global public goods¹⁸. When EV financing carries interest rates exceeding 20% due to perceived risks and limited institutional familiarity, international climate finance mechanisms that rely on market-based cost recovery may exacerbate accessibility barriers. Case Study: The World Bank-SIDBI EV Financing Program – A Lesson in Implementation Failures The World Bank-SIDBI Electric Vehicle Risk Sharing Program represents a compelling case study of how well-intentioned global climate finance initiatives can encounter significant implementation challenges when they fail to address local market realities and institutional constraints¹⁹ adequately. Announced in 2021 with considerable fanfare, this program was designed to establish a $300 million “first loss risk sharing instrument” that would ultimately mobilise $1.5 billion in EV financing, demonstrating how international climate finance could catalyse domestic lending for sustainable transportation. The program’s initial design reflected a sophisticated understanding of EV financing barriers, proposing to reduce interest rates from the prevailing 20-25% to 10-12% through a partial credit guarantee mechanism. Under NITI Aayog’s guidance as the facilitating agency, the initiative aimed to address the fundamental constraint that prevented mainstream financial institutions from entering the EV financing market: the perception of excessive risk due to unproven technology, uncertain residual values, and limited operational experience. However, the program’s trajectory illustrates how global climate finance mechanisms can struggle with ground-level implementation challenges. The State Bank of India (SBI), originally designated as the program manager, withdrew after conducting due diligence that revealed concerns about the non-viability of this instrument. This withdrawal reflected broader institutional hesitancy among traditional banks in financing two-wheelers and three-wheelers, partially due to losses suffered from financing e-rickshaws powered by unreliable lead-acid batteries. NITI Aayog’s response to these setbacks demonstrates both the opportunities and limitations of policy coordination in complex financing ecosystems. The institution pivoted from SBI to SIDBI as the implementing agency, recognising that a development finance institution with expertise in MSMEs might be better positioned to navigate the specific challenges of EV financing. This decision reflected NITI Aayog’s sophisticated understanding that successful climate finance requires institutional intermediaries with appropriate risk appetite and sectoral knowledge. Yet the broader program’s failure to achieve its original scale and timeline highlights structural limitations in how international climate finance engages with domestic institutional realities. Three years after its announcement, the promised fund has not materialised, and interest rates for EV financing remain in the 20-25% range that the program was designed to address. This outcome reflects not institutional incompetence but rather the complexity of addressing market failures that extend beyond pure financial intervention to encompass technology maturity, regulatory frameworks, and ecosystem development. Local Innovations as Models for Global Reform India’s domestic innovations in climate finance and EV financing provide important models that could inform broader reforms in international climate finance mechanisms²⁰. The country’s draft Climate Finance Taxonomy, developed by the Ministry of Finance, demonstrates how comprehensive frameworks can support both international and domestic climate investments while maintaining attention to equity and development objectives. The taxonomy’s emphasis on “country-determined transition pathways” offers an alternative to climate finance driven by the global north, with conditions that often overlook ground-level realities²⁰. By establishing clear criteria for climate-relevant activities while maintaining flexibility to accommodate India’s diverse economic structure and development priorities, the framework demonstrates how technical standards can support rather than constrain climate action in India. India’s approach to addressing EV financing challenges through proposed government-backed institutions offers insights relevant to international climate finance reform. The recommendations by various stakeholders for an EV-focused financing institution, modelled on successful examples like the Small Industries Development Bank of India (SIDBI) and the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD), demonstrate how public institutions can address market failures while catalysing private sector engagement²¹. Battery-as-a-Service models and other innovations that decouple high upfront costs from ongoing operational expenses offer insights for international climate finance design. By reducing initial capital requirements, these models address one of the most significant barriers to climate technology adoption among vulnerable populations²². Global climate finance mechanisms could incorporate similar approaches, providing patient capital for high upfront costs while enabling market-based recovery of operational expenses. Persistent Challenges and Structural Barriers The fundamental challenge facing India’s climate transition financing remains the stark mismatch between assessed needs and available resources across all dimensions and scales. At the global level, even if the NCQG’s $300 billion annual target were fully achieved and distributed equitably among developing countries, India’s share would represent only a fraction of its estimated $1.5-2.5 trillion financing needs through 2030²³. This quantitative gap underscores the limitations of the current international climate finance architecture and the continued dependence on domestic resource mobilisation. The EV sector illustrates how these constraints operate at the level of specific technologies and markets. Despite the remarkable growth in EV financing, expected to reach $19.9 billion by 2030, this amount remains insufficient to support the complete transformation of India’s transport sector, which includes over 200 million vehicles and requires an estimated $60 billion investment by 2030²⁴. The gap is particularly acute for adaptation and resilience investments in transport infrastructure, which receive minimal attention from both international and domestic climate finance mechanisms. Institutional capacity constraints further compound scale challenges. While India has developed sophisticated frameworks such as the draft Climate Finance Taxonomy, effective implementation requires capacity building across hundreds of financial institutions, thousands of project developers, and millions of potential beneficiaries²⁵. The specialised knowledge needed for climate finance assessment, monitoring, and verification creates bottlenecks that may constrain scaling up even when financial resources are available. Policy Recommendations: Bridging Global and Local Finance Reforming Global Climate Finance Architecture India’s experience with both the NCQG negotiations and domestic EV financing challenges provides essential insights for reforming international climate finance to serve the needs of developing countries better and ensure equitable access to climate solutions. In this context, international climate finance mechanisms must shift from mobilisation frameworks that emphasise private sector engagement towards obligations that acknowledge developed countries’ historical responsibility for climate change. This should be in the form of grant capital, mainly, thus reducing the cost of accessing finance and alleviating the fear of a debt trap in India and other economies in the Global South²⁶. This shift would entail several concrete changes in the design of international climate finance. Grant-based and highly concessional financing should be prioritised for adaptation, loss and damage, and technology access that serves public goods functions rather than generating commercial returns. The governance structures of international climate funds should be reformed to ensure meaningful representation of developing countries in decision-making, with particular attention to the voices of climate-vulnerable populations. The integration of climate finance with broader development objectives requires explicit attention in international mechanisms. Rather than treating climate action as an isolated intervention, international climate finance should support integrated approaches that address climate, development, and equity objectives simultaneously. India’s Climate Finance Taxonomy provides a model for how such integration can be operationalised through technical frameworks that maintain rigour while ensuring flexibility. Scaling up Domestic Climate Finance Innovation in the EV Sector The domestic dimension of India’s climate finance challenges requires coordinated policy interventions that can address market failures while ensuring equitable access to climate solutions. The establishment of a government-backed EV financing institution should be prioritised as a model for broader institutional development in climate finance. Such an institution could provide refinancing facilities to NBFCs and microfinance institutions, thereby reducing their cost of capital and enabling more accessible terms for end-users. Initial capitalisation could combine government resources with international climate finance, including funds from the Green Climate Fund and other multilateral mechanisms. This approach demonstrates how global and domestic resources can be effectively combined to address specific market failures while maintaining local ownership and control. Battery-as-a-Service models and other innovations that reduce upfront costs should be supported through targeted policy interventions. This could include risk-sharing mechanisms that facilitate private sector concerns about technology obsolescence, regulatory frameworks that enable new business models, and integration with broader digital infrastructure initiatives. The proposed Battery Aadhar system, which would track individual battery performance and enable transparent valuations, represents the kind of institutional innovation that could transform EV financing by reducing uncertainty and improving asset quality. Conclusion: Toward Equitable Climate Transition Financing India’s experience with climate transition financing reveals both the possibilities and limitations of current approaches to mobilising resources for sustainable development in the context of urgent climate action needs. The country’s rejection of the NCQG and its struggles with EV financing highlight issues of aligning global climate finance mechanisms with local development priorities and ensuring that climate solutions are accessible to all populations²⁷. The analysis demonstrates that adequate climate transition financing requires addressing both global and regional dimensions simultaneously. International climate finance mechanisms, despite recent increases in commitments, remain inadequate in scale and inappropriate in design for addressing the equity dimensions of climate action. The emphasis on market-driven mobilisation and private sector engagement, while potentially expanding resource volumes, may exacerbate inequalities if not carefully designed to ensure accessibility and affordability. The World Bank-SIDBI case study illustrates how even well-designed international climate finance programs can struggle with implementation when they encounter institutional constraints and market realities that were not adequately anticipated during program design. The program’s shift from SBI to SIDBI demonstrates the importance of adaptive management and institutional learning in climate finance delivery. However, India’s innovations in domestic climate finance provide essential models for addressing these challenges. The Climate Finance Taxonomy demonstrates how technical frameworks can maintain rigour while ensuring flexibility and country ownership. Proposed innovations in EV financing, including government-backed institutions and Battery-as-a-Service models, offer pathways for addressing market failures while maintaining development objectives. The path forward requires continued collaboration between global and local actors, sustained innovation in financial instruments and delivery mechanisms, and unwavering commitment to ensuring that climate finance serves both environmental and development objectives. India’s leadership in these areas, from its principled advocacy in international forums to its institutional innovations in domestic markets, positions the country to influence fundamentally how the world approaches climate finance in the critical decade ahead²⁸. Author Brief Bio: Mr. Abhishek Saxena is an accomplished climate professional with over a decade of expertise in climate action, global cooperation, clean energy, and sustainable transport, with a particular focus on electric vehicles. He worked with NITI Aayog for more than 5 years where he led pivotal public policy initiatives and was instrumental in shaping India’s electric vehicle landscape, contributing significantly to the nation’s mobility transformation. Previously, Mr. Saxena played an influential role in India’s startup ecosystem, notably optimizing supply chain operations at Flipkart and advancing sustainable transportation and energy projects across leading private sector organizations. He holds an MBA from IIT Delhi and a B.Tech in Computer Engineering from the NIT Kurukshetra.
The city's air quality deteriorated, falling back into the ‘very poor' category on Sunday. The air quality index (AQI) rose from 276 (poor) on Saturday to 357 (very poor) on Sunday, marking an increase of approximately 29% within just 24 hours, according to Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB). The last instance of the city reaching ‘very poor' level was on Oct 21, when the index rose to 370. Since then, air quality had predominantly remained within the ‘poor' and ‘moderate' ranges till Saturday. This shift is partly attributed to improved data availability. On Sunday, three of four AQI monitoring stations were operational, unlike the latter part of Oct when several stations were offline, resulting in multiple ‘moderate' days being recorded. With more comprehensive monitoring now restored, pollution levels are being measured more accurately, making the extent of the deterioration more apparent. On Sunday, Gwalpahari station recorded an AQI of 366 (very poor), while Sector 51 reported 404 (severe), and Vikas Sadan logged 314 (very poor). Teri Gram air monitoring station is still down. Several stations had been offline for much of late Oct, during which the city reported multiple ‘moderate' days. Delhi Air Quality Early Warning System and its Decision Support System (DSS) indicated that regional meteorological conditions also contributed to the decline in air quality. As minimum temperatures dropped by 1 to 3 degrees, colder and calmer nights trapped pollutants closer to the ground. Morning hours saw fog and shallow smog, while winds remained mostly light, strengthening only briefly during afternoons before subsiding again in evenings. Forecasts have predicted similar conditions in the coming days, with variable northwesterly and southeasterly surface winds, occasional shallow fog, and maximum temperatures ranging from 30 to 32°C. "Mixing height and ventilation index data point to weak dispersion on key days. Ventilation is expected to fall well below the 6000 m²/s threshold on Nov 4, a setup typically associated with pollutant build-up. As a result, air quality is projected to stay in the very poor category through early next week, with a possible dip into the severe zone around November 4 before marginal improvement," said Shubhansh Tiwari from Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). Officials have attributed sudden spike in pollution to stagnant conditions and increasing background pollution across NCR. Medical professionals have advised vulnerable groups to limit outdoor activities and use protective masks and air purifiers. Civic agencies have intensified dust control measures and checks to curb open burning, while slightly stronger winds in the midweek may provide temporary relief. Experts said winter pollution remains unpredictable across the region. A single still night or high-emission event can quickly push air quality back into hazardous levels, emphasising the need for consistent monitoring and response rather than relying on brief improvements. In essence, ‘very poor' air quality signifies that the air is polluted enough to cause breathing difficulties, irritation, and health stress even for healthy citizens. It poses a heightened risk for children, the elderly, and those with asthma or heart conditions. Meanwhile, Delhi's air quality deteriorated sharply on Sunday, reaching a season-high AQI of 388 in the very poor range at 10 am. It marginally improved to 366 by 4 pm. The improvement was credited to afternoon winds, but forecasts suggest the relief may be short-lived, and Delhi may record its first severe AQI of the season by Tuesday. The Centre's Air Quality Early Warning System has said that the AQI is "very likely to remain in the very poor category from Sunday to Monday" and then move to "severe on Tuesday, before returning to very poor readings on Wednesday." Noida's average AQI at 4pm stood at 348, a notable deterioration from 292 (poor) the day before. Greater Noida and Ghaziabad both displayed the same trend as the air quality slipped to 340 and 351 from 265 and 298, respectively.
India’s efforts to combat air pollution by using cloud seeding in its sprawling capital New Delhi appear to have fallen flat, with scientists and activists questioning the effectiveness of the move. Cloud seeding involves spraying particles such as silver iodide and salt into clouds from aircraft to trigger rain, that can wash pollutants from the air. Delhi authorities, working with the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Kanpur, began trials last week using a Cessna aircraft over parts of the city. But officials said the first trials produced very little rainfall because of thin cloud cover. “This will never ever do the job, it’s an illusion,” said Bhavreen Kandhari, an environmental campaigner in Delhi. “Only when we clean up sources of air pollution can we control it.” The government has spent around US$364,000 (RM1.5 million) on the trials, according to local media reports. Each winter, thick smog chokes Delhi and its 30 million residents. Cold air traps emissions from farm fires, factories and vehicles. Despite various interventions – such as vehicle restrictions, smog sucking towers, and mist-spraying trucks – the air quality ranks among the worst for a capital in the world. A day after the latest trial, levels of cancer-causing PM2.5 particles hit 323, more than 20 times the daily limits set by the World Health Organization. It will likely worsen further through the season. A study published in The Lancet Planetary Health last year estimated that 3.8 million deaths in India between 2009 and 2019 were linked to air pollution. There are also questions about the long-term impact of the chemicals sprayed themselves. While the US Environmental Protection Agency notes “limited” studies suggest silver iodide does not pose an environmental or health risk, it acknowledges the impact of more widespread use is “not known”. ‘Research process’ Environmental activists say even if cloud seeding produces rain, the benefits are short-lived. Climate scientist Daniele Visioni at Cornell University said it was unclear how efficient it was in heavy polluted conditions. “It can’t create rain where there is no moisture in the air, but it just ‘forces’ some of the water to condense in one location rather than another,” he told AFP. “There is only one thing that can sensibly reduce pollution: avoiding the burning of fossil fuels.” Virendra Sachdeva, from Delhi’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), said it was too early to dismiss the cloud seeding experiment as a “scientific failure”. “It is a part of the research process, and success is not always achieved in the first attempt,” he told reporters. However, two atmospheric scientists at IIT Delhi called the cloud seeding plan “another gimmick”. “It is a textbook case of science misapplied and ethics ignored,” Shahzad Gani and Krishna Achutarao wrote in The Hindu newspaper. Mohan George, from the Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment, said artificial rain was not the answer. “The levels of pollution will come back almost immediately as rain stops,” the scientist told AFP. When it does work, it will increase precipitation in one area – while potentially decreasing it for another. ‘Costly spectacle’ Cloud seeding, first developed in the 1940s, has been used in various countries to induce rain, clear fog, and reduce drought, but with mixed results. China used it during the 2008 Beijing Olympics in an attempt to control the weather. Gani and Achutarao said Delhi’s pollution causes – unchecked emissions and seasonal crop burning – are well known. So too are the solutions – cleaner fuel, better waste management and stricter enforcement of rules. “Instead of reinforcing these priorities, parts of the scientific ecosystem – researchers, advisors, and institutions – are lending credibility to a costly spectacle that will do little to address the sources of the crisis,” they said. — AFP
To be honest, we have always had the view from the perspective of the key Indian recyclers and importers, it is rare to get comment from spectators with a different perspective. Ahana Ghosh wrote of the pyrolysis situation in India and how the industry had gained a tainted reputation. Ghosh writes. “From sudden fires causing loss of life and property, to the thick plumes of harmful black smoke hanging over industrial cities, these units have drawn global criticism. Yet, not all pyrolysis units operate outside the law. India has a regulatory framework in place for pyrolysis — the process itself is not illegal.” The article then touches on the import of waste tyres for pyrolysis, an act that is illegal both in India and in the source countries. She pints out that those shouting loudest for tighter controls, are those source markets with the largest share of the imports. There is some disingenuity in the call for shred only exports. It is argued that shred only exports will prevent tyres going to the poor-quality processes that use whole tyres. Ghosh writes; “By promoting the export of shredded tyres instead of whole tyres, recyclers in these exporting countries can continue to earn revenue for the initial processing, to keep their businesses viable — revenue that is currently getting lost with the tyres getting shipped out to India.” India banned the import of waste tyres for pyrolysis in 2019, a ban that has been regularly flouted. As always, part of the problem is in the legislation – waste tyres come into India under a harmonised system of nomenclature – HSN. This is a global system. Used to track goods for revenue and tax purposes. However, in the case of imported waste tyres the HSN code for all forms of waste tyres — whether it is whole tyres, shredded tyres or even granulate, is the same. So, unless containers are opened, there is no way of checking the veracity of the content. This loophole creates a backdoor for people to import whole tyres for pyrolysis. Any legislation is only as good as its enforcement > India created an EPR framework to holding producers / importers of tyres responsible for the waste they generate. Ghosh states that instead; “it allows them to escape any real accountability by permitting producers to purchase credits from any registered recycler. Ghosh further argues that this allows producers to get away with compliance on paper, whilst the problem persists. But surely the introduction of Standard Operating Practices for pyrolysis plants would have addressed the pollution issues, you may well ask. However, the 2015 standard operating procedure (SOP), introduced by the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) to failed to curb the emissions from the units. A new SOP was presented in 2024 in a move aimed at pushing technical upgrading of pyrolysis plants. Here, it has to be said that at the top end of the industry, progress has been made and there is a move away from “batch” pyrolysis. However, the much-vaunted 2024 SOP have come under question by Ishita Garg, programme manager, industrial pollution, Centre for Science and Environment; “The 2024 SOP appears to be more cosmetic in nature than substantive. Apart from minor technological tweaks — like elaborating on the various types of emission control systems and automation systems, both of which were anyway already mandated in the older 2015 SOP — the new SOP largely mirrors the previous 2015 version but packaged under a new name.” Sitting in an office in the UK, it is one thing to speculate about what might be happening halfway around the world in a market and society we do not fully understand, but when local commentators make statements that validate suspicions we perhaps need to give them credit. Ghosh concludes; “These so-called reforms raise doubts on the seriousness of the government in meaningfully addressing the environmental risks associated with the pyrolysis.” People in the UK are asking themselves the same question regarding the Environment Agency and its enforcement of the export regulations, this despite the claimed tightening of the rules.
भारत की मिट्टी में नाइट्रोजन और ऑर्गेनिक कार्बन की भारी कमी पाई गई है। सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट की एक नई स्टडी में यह खुलासा हुआ है। यह स्थिति देश में टिकाऊ खेती के भविष्य के लिए चिंताजनक है। मिट्टी के स्वास्थ्य को बेहतर बनाने के लिए जांच और सुधार की तत्काल आवश्यकता है। नई दिल्ली: भारत की मिट्टी में नाइट्रोजन और ऑर्गेनिक कार्बन जैसे जरूरी पोषक तत्वों की भारी कमी है। सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट (CSE) की एक नई स्टडी में यह बात सामने आई है। यह स्टडी सरकार की 'सॉइल हेल्थ कार्ड' (SHC) स्कीम के तहत की गई है। स्टडी के मुताबिक, 64% मिट्टी के सैंपल में नाइट्रोजन की कमी है और 48.5% में ऑर्गेनिक कार्बन की। यह स्थिति देश में टिकाऊ खेती के भविष्य के लिए चिंताजनक है। CSE की 'सस्टेनेबल फूड सिस्टम्स: एन एजेंडा फॉर क्लाइमेट-रिस्क्ड टाइम्स' नाम की स्टडी में बताया गया है कि स्वस्थ मिट्टी का एक अहम काम ऑर्गेनिक कार्बन को जमा करना है। यह कार्बन जलवायु परिवर्तन से लड़ने में बहुत मददगार होता है। स्टडी का अनुमान है कि भारतीय मिट्टी हर साल लगभग 6-7 टेराग्राम कार्बन जमा कर सकती है। यह स्टडी मंगलवार को राजस्थान के निमली में टिकाऊ खाद्य प्रणालियों पर हुए एक सम्मेलन में जारी की गई। इस स्टडी में खाने के उत्पादन, वितरण और खपत के तरीकों को टिकाऊ बनाने के लिए कई अहम और आपस में जुड़े पहलुओं का गहराई से विश्लेषण किया गया है। सम्मेलन में देश भर के विशेषज्ञों और हितधारकों ने मिट्टी के स्वास्थ्य, कार्बन बाजार, मौसम की भविष्यवाणी, खेती से जुड़ी सलाह, फसल बीमा और पशुपालन से होने वाले उत्सर्जन जैसे कई मुद्दों पर चर्चा की। भारत सरकार ने 2015 में 'नेशनल मिशन फॉर सस्टेनेबल एग्रीकल्चर' के तहत 'सॉइल हेल्थ कार्ड' (SHC) स्कीम शुरू की थी। इस स्कीम का मकसद किसानों को उनकी जमीन की मिट्टी में पोषक तत्वों की जानकारी देना है। इसके लिए मिट्टी के 12 रासायनिक मापदंडों की जांच की जाती है। इस स्कीम के तहत किसानों को सॉइल हेल्थ कार्ड दिए जाते हैं, जिनमें खाद के इस्तेमाल और मिट्टी की उर्वरता व फसल की पैदावार बढ़ाने के लिए जरूरी सुधारों के बारे में सुझाव होते हैं। स्कीम के डैशबोर्ड के अनुसार, 2023-25 के दौरान लगभग 1.3 करोड़ मिट्टी के सैंपल की जांच की गई। इन जांचों में पाया गया कि 64% सैंपल में नाइट्रोजन की कमी थी और 48.5% में ऑर्गेनिक कार्बन की। CSE के फूड सिस्टम्स प्रोग्राम के डायरेक्टर अमित खुराना ने कहा कि SHC स्कीम सिर्फ 12 रासायनिक मापदंडों पर ध्यान केंद्रित करती है। उन्होंने बताया, "सिर्फ इन मापदंडों पर ध्यान देने से मिट्टी के पोषक तत्वों की पूरी स्थिति का पता नहीं चलता। FAO के GLOSOLAN जैसे अंतरराष्ट्रीय निकाय मिट्टी के स्वास्थ्य का समग्र मूल्यांकन करने के लिए भौतिक और जैविक संकेतकों को शामिल करने की सलाह देते हैं।"
सर्दियों की शुरुआत के साथ ही दिल्ली और आसपास के इलाकों (एनसीआर) की हवा एक बार फिर ज़हरीली हो गई है। रविवार को हवा की गुणवत्ता इतनी बिगड़ गई कि वायु गुणवत्ता सूचकांक (AQI) 366 तक पहुँच गया, जो "बेहद खराब" श्रेणी में आता है। लोगों को साँस लेने में तकलीफ़ हो रही है, खासकर बच्चों, बुज़ुर्गों और फेफड़ों या दिल की बीमारी वाले लोगों को। लेकिन सवाल यह है कि इस ज़हरीली हवा से राहत क्यों नहीं मिल रही है? इससे स्वास्थ्य को क्या ख़तरा हो सकता है? वायु प्रदूषण क्यों बना हुआ है? दिल्ली की हवा को ज़हरीला बनाने वाले मुख्य कारक PM2.5 और PM10 हैं। PM2.5 बहुत महीन कण होते हैं, जिनका आकार 2.5 माइक्रोमीटर से भी छोटा होता है, इतने छोटे कि ये आसानी से फेफड़ों तक पहुँच जाते हैं। वहीं PM10 कण थोड़े बड़े (10 माइक्रोमीटर तक) होते हैं। रविवार को PM2.5 की सांद्रता 189.6 माइक्रोग्राम प्रति घन मीटर थी, जो सामान्य से काफ़ी ज़्यादा है। PM10 का स्तर 316 पर पहुँचा। धौली गंगा में कृत्रिम झील... विशेषज्ञों ने कहा- हो सकता है बड़ा खतरा, प्रशासन अलर्ट केंद्रीय प्रदूषण नियंत्रण बोर्ड (CPCB) के आंकड़ों के अनुसार, एक दिन पहले AQI 303 था, जो रविवार को तेज़ी से बढ़कर 366 हो गया। इसकी मुख्य वजह? कमज़ोर हवाएँ! उत्तर-पश्चिम से आने वाली हवाओं की गति 8 किलोमीटर प्रति घंटे से कम हो गई। इससे प्रदूषक कण हवा में फँस गए और उनका बिखराव रुक गया। दिल्ली की वायु गुणवत्ता प्रारंभिक चेतावनी प्रणाली (AQEWS) ने बताया कि जब हवा की गति 10 किलोमीटर प्रति घंटे से कम होती है और वेंटिलेशन इंडेक्स 6,000 वर्ग मीटर प्रति सेकंड से कम होता है, तो प्रदूषण का फैलना मुश्किल हो जाता है और वह केंद्रित रहता है। मौसम विभाग के अनुसार, रविवार को दिल्ली में अधिकतम तापमान 30.7 डिग्री सेल्सियस (सामान्य से 0.5 डिग्री कम) और न्यूनतम तापमान 16.8 डिग्री सेल्सियस (सामान्य से 1.5 डिग्री अधिक) रहा। आर्द्रता 75% रही। सोमवार को हल्का कोहरा भी रहा। इन सब से प्रदूषण और भी बढ़ रहा है। एनसीआर के अन्य शहरों में भी स्थिति गंभीर है... गाजियाबाद: 351 (बहुत खराब) गुरुग्राम: 357 (बहुत खराब) नोएडा: 348 (बहुत खराब) ग्रेटर नोएडा: 340 (बहुत खराब) फरीदाबाद: 215 (खराब) हरियाणा का धारूहेड़ा: 434 (गंभीर) महाराष्ट्र का भिवंडी: 376 (बहुत खराब) यह भी पढ़ें: खराब मौसम, तेज़ हवाएँ... फिर भी LVM3 रॉकेट ने कमाल किया, उपग्रह को सही जगह पहुँचाया दिल्ली के वज़ीरपुर स्टेशन का AQI सबसे ज़्यादा 413 रहा, जो 'गंभीर' श्रेणी में आता है। कुल तीन स्टेशनों ने गंभीर (400 से ऊपर) और 28 ने बहुत खराब (300 से ऊपर) दर्ज किया। AQI श्रेणियां CPCB मानकों के अनुसार हैं: 0-50: अच्छा 51-100: संतोषजनक 101-200: मध्यम 201-300: खराब 301-400: बहुत खराब 401-500: गंभीर दिल्ली में 1 नवंबर से BS-3 या उससे कम उत्सर्जन वाले वाहनों पर प्रतिबंध लगा दिया गया है, लेकिन ये उपाय पर्याप्त नहीं लगते। AQEWS के अनुसार, 4 नवंबर तक वायु गुणवत्ता 'बहुत खराब' बनी रहेगी। स्वास्थ्य पर क्या प्रभाव पड़ेंगे? यह जहरीली हवा साँस लेना मुश्किल बना देती है। विशेषज्ञों का कहना है कि PM2.5 और PM10 फेफड़ों में जमा हो जाते हैं, जिससे श्वसन संबंधी बीमारियाँ बढ़ जाती हैं। बच्चे, बुजुर्ग और पहले से फेफड़ों या हृदय की बीमारी वाले लोग सबसे ज़्यादा प्रभावित होते हैं। मुख्य स्वास्थ्य जोखिम: साँस लेने में कठिनाई: आँखों में जलन, गले में खराश, खांसी और साँस लेने में तकलीफ। गंभीर मामलों में, अस्थमा का दौरा पड़ सकता है। हृदय संबंधी समस्याएं: प्रदूषक कण रक्त वाहिकाओं को नुकसान पहुँचाते हैं, जिससे दिल का दौरा पड़ने का खतरा बढ़ जाता है। फेफड़ों को नुकसान: लंबे समय तक सांस लेने से फेफड़ों में सूजन और कैंसर हो सकता है। बच्चों और गर्भवती महिलाओं पर प्रभाव: बच्चों का विकास रुक सकता है और गर्भ में पल रहे भ्रूण को नुकसान पहुँच सकता है। त्वचा और आँखों की समस्याएँ: त्वचा में खुजली और आँखों में जलन। विशेषज्ञों के अनुसार, यदि AQI 300 से ऊपर है, तो बाहर निकलना सीमित करें। मास्क (N95 या उससे बेहतर) पहनें, दरवाज़े और खिड़कियाँ बंद रखें और एयर प्यूरीफायर का इस्तेमाल करें। डॉक्टर ज़्यादा दूध, फल और सब्ज़ियाँ खाने और खूब पानी पीने की सलाह देते हैं। विशेषज्ञ की राय डॉ. अरविंद कुमार (फेफड़े रोग विशेषज्ञ, सर गंगा राम अस्पताल): PM2.5 कण इतने सूक्ष्म होते हैं कि वे रक्त में घुल जाते हैं। यह न केवल श्वसन तंत्र, बल्कि पूरे शरीर को प्रभावित करता है। दिल्ली में हर सर्दियों में श्वसन रोग के मामले 20-30% बढ़ जाते हैं। प्रो. अनुमिता रॉय चौधरी (विज्ञान और पर्यावरण केंद्र): कमज़ोर हवाओं के अलावा, पराली जलाना, वाहनों का धुआँ और उद्योग इसके मुख्य कारण हैं। ग्रेडेड रिस्पांस एक्शन प्लान (GRAP) को सख्ती से लागू करने की ज़रूरत है। सीपीसीबी अधिकारी: हम निगरानी कर रहे हैं, लेकिन बदलते मौसम से राहत मिलने में समय लगेगा। लोगों को भी सतर्क रहना चाहिए। जनता को क्या करना चाहिए? घर पर रहें: हो सके तो बाहर जाने से बचें, खासकर सुबह और शाम के समय। मास्क और फ़िल्टर: N95 मास्क पहनें और एसी में HEPA फ़िल्टर लगवाएँ। वाहनों का इस्तेमाल कम करें: सार्वजनिक परिवहन या साइकिल का इस्तेमाल करें। पेड़ लगाएँ: घर में ऑक्सीजन पैदा करने वाले पौधे लगाएँ। दिल्ली सरकार और केंद्र सरकार मिलकर कदम उठा रही हैं, लेकिन दीर्घकालिक समाधानों के लिए बड़े बदलावों की ज़रूरत है। अगर हवा को साफ़ नहीं किया गया, तो स्वास्थ्य संकट और भी बदतर हो सकता है।
: India's soils are severely deficient in essential nutrients like nitrogen and organic carbon, according to the Soil Health Card (SHC) scheme under the govt's National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture, found the new assessment study by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). Tests say that 64 per cent of the samples are low in nitrogen, and 48.5 per cent are low in organic carbon. This has serious implications for the future of sustainable agriculture in the country. "A critical function of a healthy soil is its capacity to store organic carbon, which makes it essential for climate change mitigation. Indian soils can sequester an estimated 6-7 teragram of carbon annually, " says the CSE study, titled Sustainable Food Systems: An Agenda for ClimateRisked Times, which was released at a conclave on sustainable food systems at Nimli in Rajasthan on Tuesday. The study is a comprehensive assessment of some critical and interconnected aspects which can lead to sustainability in the way we produce, distribute, and consume food. In the conclave, the experts and stakeholders from across the country discuss a range of topics: from soil health and voluntary carbon markets to weather forecasting and agro-meteorological advisories, and from crop insurance to issues related to emissions from livestock and poultry management systems. India's Soil Health Card (SHC) scheme, launched in 2015 under the National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture, tests 12 chemical parameters and aims to provide farmers with the soil nutrient status of their agricultural land. The scheme issues soil health cards to farmers that carry recommendations on fertiliser use and amendments required to ensure long-term soil fertility and crop productivity. The scheme's dashboard indicates that in 2023-25, about 1.3 crore soil samples were tested. Tests done by the scheme found that 64 per cent of the samples tested were low in nitrogen and 48.5 per cent were low in organic carbon. The SHC scheme concentrates on testing only 12 chemical parameters. Amit Khurana, Director, Food Systems Programme, CSE, says: "Focusing only on these parameters does not reflect the overall soil nutrient status. International bodies like the FAO's GLOSOLAN recommend including physical and biological indicators for a holistic assessment of soil health." According to Apoorva Oza, Global Lead Agriculture, Food Security and Climate Resilience at Aga Khan Foundation and a speaker at the CSE Conclave: "India has around 14 crore farmer households. In the past two years, soil card testing has reached only 1.1 crore. When it comes to soil testing, what is being measured, why, and by who are key to understanding the gaps.