The most direct version of heat death comes from hyperthermia, two extreme forms of which are heat exhaustion and heat stroke.
Sunita Narain is director general of the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). Speaking to Srijana Mitra Das at Times Evoke, she discusses the long ark of climate politics: What are some key turning points in the global trajectory of climate politics? ■ This discussion began in 1991. Global warming came onto the world stage as an issue when the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change was being negotiated. Right at the start, there was concern about what this meant in terms of development for the Global South. The first big flashpoint came when a report was published just before the 1992 Rio Conference when the Framework Convention was being negotiated. Until then, there was a lot of disquiet in developing nations about global warming but things were still simmering — suddenly, this report basically stated the developing world was a cause of climate change. It showed data about rising methane emissions and said if you took the contribution of the developing world, it matched that of countries like the United States. Therefore, it suggested, everyone had to act. Anil Agarwal and I then worked on a report titled ‘Global Warming in an Unequal World: A Case of Environmental Colonialism’. The real sleight of hand the earlier report had done was to allocate a share of the global commons based on the contribution of emissions. Human beings emit because of fossil fuel-driven growth but nature has its own assimilative capacity to clean up through carbon sinks like the oceans. That report was saying that if the United States emits, say, 10x, then it also gets a 10x share of global sinks. We argued this was completely wrong and global sinks had to be allocated on the basis of principles. We found reallocating these on the basis of per capita changed the entire calculation.
आने वाले समय में और तेजी से बढ़ेगा जलवायु परिवर्तन का असर। ग्लोबल नहीं लोकल भी दिख रहा है जलवायु परिवर्तन का असर। जलवायु परिवर्तन की वजह से रात के तापमान में हो रहा इजाफा। देश-दुनिया से लेकर स्थानीय स्तर पर लोग इन दिनों चरम पर मौसमी घटनाओं को करीब से महसूस कर रहे हैं। जलवायु परिवर्तन के कारण यह बदलाव जब हमारे-आपके जीवन को सीधे प्रभावित करने लगा है, तो 1980 के दौर में, यानी 44 साल पहले पर्यावरण बचाने व जलवायु परिवर्तन की बात करने वाली एक लड़की का चेहरा याद आता है। यह चेहरा देश के उन गिने-चुने पर्यावरणविदों में शामिल था, जो वैश्विक स्तर पर इस मुद्दे को लेकर जागरूकता फैलाने की कोशिश कर रहे थे। इस लंबी अवधि में उन्होंने पर्यावरण बचाव की अपनी मुहिम को न कभी धीमा पड़ने दिया, न ही कभी अपने तथ्य-कथ्य से पीछे हटीं। वह आज भी कहती हैं आने वाले समय में और तेजी से बढ़ेगा जलवायु परिवर्तन का असर। सचेत होने की जरूरत है। केंद्र सरकार और दिल्ली को आपसी लड़ाई बंद कर कागजी एक्शन प्लान बनाने के बजाय मैदानी स्तर पर काम करना चाहिए। यह हैं सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एन्वायरमेंट (सीएसई) की महानिदेशक व पद्मश्री से सम्मानित पर्यावरणविद् सुनीता नारायण। मौसम की चुनौतियों से कैसे निपटा जाए, भविष्य को लेकर क्या प्लानिंग की जाए, इन्हीं बिंदुओं पर दिल्ली राज्य ब्यूरो के प्रमुख संवाददाता संजीव गुप्ता ने उनसे बातचीत की। प्रस्तुत है प्रमुख अंशः सवाल: भारत विश्व की तीसरी अर्थव्यवस्था बनने जा रहा है, लेकिन इसकी राजधानी दिल्ली एक दिन की वर्षा भी नहीं झेल पाती। क्या कहेंगी इस पर? जवाब: निश्चित तौर पर यह एक चिंताजनक पहलू है। हर साल मानसून के दौरान दिल्ली की ऐसी ही तस्वीर देखने को मिलती है, लेकिन न कोई पुख्ता एक्शन प्लान बन पाता है और न ही पूर्व वर्षों की पुनरावृत्ति रोकने की दिशा में कुछ ठोस उपाय किए जाते हैं। इस बार भी यही देखने को मिला। न यमुना की गाद निकाली जाती है, न समय पर नाले साफ होते हैं और न जलभराव रोकने की तैयारी होती है। दिल्ली और केंद्र सरकार आपस में लड़ती रहती हैं तो पिसती इन सबमें जनता है। सवाल: दिल्ली सरकार का कहना है कि मानसून के पहले ही दिन रिकॉर्ड वर्षा हो गई, इसीलिए ऐसी स्थिति बनी? सवाल: समर एक्शन प्लान इस बार बहुत देरी से बना। हीट एक्शन प्लान कागजी रह गया है और क्लाइमेट एक्शन प्लान तो बना ही नहीं है। इस पर क्या कहेंगी? जवाब: समर एक्शन प्लान आधा-अधूरा है। यह वायु प्रदूषण के तात्कालिक कारणों का शमन करने के लिए, भविष्य के लिए नहीं। केवल धूल विरोधी अभियान सीधे वायु गुणवत्ता में सुधार को लक्षित करता है। बहुत से कार्य बिंदु जैसे ठोस अपशिष्ट प्रबंधन, हरित आवरण बढ़ाना और खुले में जलने से रोकना, पहले से ही राष्ट्रीय स्वच्छ वायु कार्यक्रम (एनसीएपी) के अभिन्न अंग हैं और मौसमी क्रियान्वयन के लिए नई रणनीतियां नहीं, बल्कि चल रही प्रथाएं होनी चाहिए। वृक्षारोपण और नगर वनों के विकास जैसी पहल, पर्यावरण की दृष्टि से प्रभावी होते हुए भी तत्काल वायु गुणवत्ता में सुधार नहीं लाती है। इसके चलते दीर्घकालिक पर्यावरणीय लक्ष्यों पर फोकस करना चाहिए। सवाल: क्या हीट एक्शन प्लान कागजी साबित हो रहा है? जवाब: बिल्कुल। दिल्ली आपदा प्रबंधन प्राधिकरण (डीडीएमए) द्वारा तैयार यह प्लान अभी भी एक कागजी दस्तावेज ही है। मई-जून में भयंकर लू में भी दिल्ली वासियों को राहत देने के लिए कहीं कोई कदम नहीं उठाए गए। यहां तक कि एलजी ने इस प्लान के आधार पर श्रमिकों को दोपहर 12 से तीन बजे तक ब्रेक देने के आदेश का भी ज्यादातर जगहों पर पालन नहीं ही हुआ। हीट एक्शन प्लान बनाने से पहले न इसके प्रभाव का आकलन किया गया, न कोई अलर्ट सिस्टम विकसित हुआ। हॉटस्पॉट में मुंगेशपुर का नाम तक शामिल नहीं और प्लान के लिए फंड का भी प्रविधान नहीं है। सवाल: इस साल गर्मी कुछ ज्यादा ही नहीं पड़ी? आप इसके पीछे क्या वजह मानती हैं? जवाब: बिल्कुल पड़ी है, लेकिन राजधानी में गर्मी इसी साल एकाएक नहीं बढ़ी है, बल्कि पिछले चार दशकों के दौरान इसमें निरंतर इजाफा हो रहा है। जलवायु परिवर्तन के चलते मौसम तेजी से बदल रहा है। तापमान ही नहीं, वातावरण में मौजूद नमी में भी तेजी से इजाफा हो रहा है। जलवायु परिवर्तन ने शहर को पहले के मुकाबले कहीं ज्यादा गर्म और नम बना दिया है। इसीलिए दिल्ली में गर्मी के सीजन में बदलाव का अनुभव हो रहा है। दरअसल, पिछले चार देशों में दिल्ली में कंक्रीट का जंगल भी बढ़ा है, जो अर्बन हीट आइलैंड प्रभाव में भी इजाफा कर रहा है। सन 2000 के बाद दिल्ली में तेजी से विकास कार्य हुए हैं। निर्माण कार्यों में इजाफा हुआ। खाली पड़ी जमीन पर फ्लैटों का निर्माण हुआ है तो हरित क्षेत्र बढ़ाने के नाम पर भी झाड़ियां ज्यादा लगाई गईं, वृक्ष कम। सार्वजनिक परिवहन सेवा बेहतर न होने के कारण सड़कों पर वाहनों की संख्या भी काफी बढ़ गई है। शोधकर्ताओं के मुताबिक इसी के चलते शहर की खुद को ठंडा कर पाने की क्षमता में 12 से 21 प्रतिशत की कमी आई है। सवाल: क्या घर की बनावट और शहर की डिजाइनिंग में बदलाव भी इस स्थिति में फायदेमंद है? जवाब: शहर की भौगोलिक स्थिति और स्थानीय मौसम को भी ध्यान में रखना जरूरी है। खिड़कियों को ओपन स्पेस की तरफ बनाना चाहिए। बिल्डिंग को इस तरह से डिजाइन किया जाना जाए कि अधिक से अधिक फ्लैटों को ओपन स्पेस की तरफ खिड़कियां मिलें। खिड़कियों के साइज भी कमरों के साइज के हिसाब से तय करने होंगे, ताकि कमरों के अंदर की हवा ताजी हवा से बदल सके। सवाल: दिन तो दिन, अब रातों का तापमान भी तेजी से बढ़ रहा है, क्यों? जवाब: इसमें भी जलवायु परिवर्तन की बड़ी भूमिका है, क्योंकि वैश्विक तापमान में लगातार वृद्धि के चलते हवा का तापमान भी बढ़ा है, जिसका दिन और रात के तापमान पर असर पड़ा है। साफ आसमान से रात ठंडी होने का रास्ता भी साफ होता है, लेकिन प्रदूषण में बढ़ोत्तरी या आसमान में बदली छा जाने के कारण लांग वेव रेडिएशन के रूप में धरती द्वारा निकाली जा रही ऊर्जा बादलों और भूतल के बीच फंस जाती है, जिससे तापमान में और भी वृद्धि होती है। सवाल: आपको नहीं लगता कि मानसून की वर्षा का पैटर्न बदल गया है और मौसम चक्र भी धीरे-धीरे बदल रहा है? जवाब: जलवायु परिवर्तन का असर तेजी से देखने को मिल रहा है। मानसून का पैटर्न भी इसीलिए बदल रहा है। एनसीआर सहित देश भर में लंबे समय से मानसून के मौसम में वर्षा वाले दिनों की संख्या घट रही है। कुछ ही दिनों में रुक-रुक कर भारी से अत्यंत भारी वर्षा हो जाती है। यह पैटर्न बीते कुछ वर्षों से लगातार मजबूत हो रहा है। ग्लोबल वार्मिंग के कारण हवा में नमी अब अधिक रहने लगी है। महासागर भी गर्म है। दक्षिण -पश्चिम मानसून अपने साथ अतिरिक्त नमी ला रहा है। एक अन्य अहम पहलू यह कि बढ़ते तापमान के साथ, हवा में नमी धारण करने की क्षमता भी बढ़ जाती है। चूंकि गर्म हवा लंबे समय तक नमी को धारण नहीं रख सकती, ऐसे में जब भी वर्षा होती है तो सारी नमी कुछ घंटों या कुछ दिनों के अंतराल में बरस जाती है। यही वजह है कि इतने कम समय में इतनी भारी बरसात हो रही है। सवाल: क्या भविष्य में इन सबमें कमी की उम्मीद की जा सकती है या फिर इसमें और इजाफा होगा? जवाब: जलवायु विसंगतियों के प्रभाव से प्रतिकूल मौसम की ऐसी परिस्थितियां बढ़ ही रही हैं। हम इसका व्यापक असर दिल्ली में भी देख रहे हैं। जैसे-जैसे जलवायु परिवर्तन और तीव्र होगा, बाढ़, लू और चक्रवात जैसी चरम घटनाएं और गंभीर हो जाएंगी। इन घटनाओं से बढ़ते जोखिमों से निपटने के लिए तत्काल जलवायु कार्रवाई, अनुकूलन उपाय और वैश्विक ग्रीनहाउस गैस कटौती पर सहयोग आवश्यक है। सवाल: ऐसे में बिना पुख्ता प्लानिंग के तो वर्षा का जल भी बर्बाद होता जाएगा। क्या करना चाहिए? जवाब: मानसून के पैटर्न में बदलाव को देखते हुए ज्यादा से ज्यादा तालाब और झील विकसित करने चाहिए। इससे दिल्ली और बेंगलुरु जैसे जल संकट वाले शहरों में वर्षा जल संचयन हो सकेगा और वर्षा का पानी नाली और सड़कों पर बहने से भी बचेगा। जलवायु-परिवर्तन के इस दौर में अच्छी वर्षा तो होगी, लेकिन कम दिनों में। इसका मतलब है कि बाढ़ का प्रबंधन करने की क्षमता महत्वपूर्ण होगी। लंबे समय तक सूखे का सामना भी करना पड़ेगा। यह वही है जो आप आज दिल्ली में देख रहे हैं, जिसका मतलब यह कि जल आपूर्ति प्रणाली को ठीक करना होगा। इस बारे में सोचें कि वर्षा कहां और कब होती है, इसके पानी को कैसे बचाएं। वर्षा जल संचयन पर वापस जाएं। हमें जल निकायों, झीलों, टैंकों और पोखरों की कला को फिर से सीखने की जरूरत है। खासकर आज के जलवायु परिवर्तन के समय में। हमें स्थानीय जल प्रणालियों में निवेश करने के लिए अपने काम को बढ़ाने की जरूरत है, ताकि बारिश की हर बूंद को इकट्ठा किया जा सके। हमें अपनी झीलों और पोखरों को पुनर्जीवित करने की जरूरत है। इसी तरह से जल पुनर्भरण बढ़ेगा। सवाल: क्या कारण है कि देश और दिल्ली में वायु प्रदूषण बढ़ता ही जा रहा है? जवाब: ऐसा नहीं कहा जा सकता कि वायु प्रदूषण बढ़ता ही जा रहा है। पहले से कम भी हुआ है। बढ़ वहीं रहा है जहां ईमानदारी से काम नहीं किया जा रहा। समस्या क्या है कि प्रदूषण समाप्त करने के लिए शब्द और चिट्ठियां नहीं, बल्कि सख्ती चाहिए। मसलन, ग्रेडेड रिस्पांस एक्शन प्लान (ग्रेप) एक अस्थायी व्यवस्था है। सर्दियों में जब मौसमी वजह से प्रदूषण बहुत अधिक हो जाता है तो उस पर नियंत्रण की प्रक्रिया है, लेकिन अगर उस दौरान स्कूल बंद करने की नौबत आती है तो साल भर ऐसे उपाय करने चाहिए, जिससे कि दोबारा वह हालात नहीं बनें। सवाल: क्या प्रदूषण बढ़ने में भी मौसम की भूमिका है? जवाब: वायु प्रदूषण का स्तर वर्ष भर बढ़ा हुआ रहने के लिए दो प्रमुख कारण हैं। बिगड़ती मौसम की स्थिति, जो मानव नियंत्रण से परे है और संकट से निपटने की धीमी रफ्तार। इस सर्दी में दिल्ली सहित उत्तर-पश्चिम भारत में वर्षा नहीं हुई। वर्षा की कमी पश्चिमी विक्षोभ को प्रभावित करने वाले आर्कटिक जेट स्ट्रीम में बदलाव के कारण है, जो अधिक अनियमित हो रही है और उत्तर की ओर बढ़ रही है। इसके कारण पहाड़ों पर कम बर्फबारी हुई और दिल्ली में कम बारिश हुई, जिसके परिणामस्वरूप प्रदूषण का स्तर बढ़ गया। दूसरी बात 2021 तक की गई सभी कार्रवाइयों के बाद, हम उस गति से कार्रवाई नहीं कर रहे हैं जो संकट से निपटने के लिए आवश्यक है। दिल्ली में बस बेड़े का आखिरी बड़ा विस्तार मुख्यमंत्री शीला दीक्षित के कार्यकाल के दौरान राष्ट्रमंडल खेलों के आसपास हुआ था। तब से, कई बसों को प्रतिस्थापित नहीं किया गया है, जिससे बस सवारियों में गिरावट आई है। बस प्रणाली को प्रभावी बनाने के लिए मेट्रो सिस्टम और पार्किंग सुविधाओं के साथ एकीकृत करने की आवश्यकता है। सवाल: आंकड़ों की बाजीगरी छोड़ दें तो क्या वाकई दिल्ली की स्थिति में सुधार कहा जा सकता है? जवाब: हां, बिल्कुल, सुधार नजर आता है। सर्दी छोड़कर बाकी के दिनों में प्रदूषण कम हो रहा है। संतोषजनक और मध्यम श्रेणी के दिनों की संख्या बढ़ रही है, गंभीर और बहुत खराब श्रेणी वाले दिन घट रहे हैं। अब अगर मौसमी कारणों से एक्यूआइ बढ़ता है तो उसमें वाकई कुछ नहीं किया जा सकता, लेकिन हमें अपनी प्लानिंग इसी तरह बनानी चाहिए कि प्रतिकूल मौसम में हालात अनुकूल ही बने रहें। सवाल: आपको क्या लगता है कि राज्य और केंद्र सरकार वायु प्रदूषण की रोकथाम के लिए वाकई गंभीर हैं? जवाब: बिल्कुल, राज्य और केंद्र सरकार प्रदूषण की रोकथाम के लिए आज गंभीर तो हैं, इसमें कोई शक नहीं। इसी के तहत ई वाहनों पर फोकस किया जा रहा है और पराली प्रबंधन पर भी लगातार काम हो रहा है। सवाल: आपके हिसाब से क्या करना चाहिए प्रदूषण की रोकथाम के लिए? जवाब: प्रयास हो रहे हैं, लेकिन उन्हें लगातार करने की जरूरत है। प्रदूषण बढ़ने पर ही नहीं, प्रदूषण न बढ़े, इसके लिए भी कदम उठाए जाने चाहिए। प्रदूषण के स्रोत पता करने के लिए अध्ययन करने या कराने की बात कहना भी बहानेबाजी है। स्रोत सभी का पता हैं, इसमें कोई विज्ञान नहीं है। सार्वजनिक परिवहन को विश्वसनीय बनाना होगा। पराली का समाधान इसे राजनीतिक मुददा बनाए बगैर करना होगा। इसके अलावा राजनीतिक दलों को वायु प्रदूषण का मुददा भी अपने एजेंडे में शामिल करना चाहिए।
Lea más: (¿Cuántas personas mueren por el calor extremo? Nadie sabe exactamente) https://www.bloomberglinea.com/2024/07/13/cuantas-personas-mueren-por-el-calor-extremo-nadie-sabe-exactamente/
Faced with extreme weather events, people living in parts of India are "losing the ability to cope" and are forced to flee their homes, experts warn. Weather-related disasters such as extreme heat, droughts and massive flooding are increasing in frequency and intensity in India. While the suffering they cause is immense and wide-reaching, it usually vulnerable, impoverished communities that suffer the most. A study conducted by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a New Delhi-based public interest research and advocacy organization, tracked extreme weather events that occurred in India last year and found that the country, overall, experienced such events on 314 out of the 365 days. The CSE said 2,923 people died, almost two million hectares of crops were ruined, 80,000 homes were destroyed, and more than 92,000 animals were killed. But these numbers could be even higher because the data was not complete, according to the organization. The environmental crisis is also causing displacement and forcing people to migrate to already overcrowded megacities, Sunita Narain, head of the CSE, told DW. She said human-induced climate change is impoverishing farmers and others in the agricultural sector. "With increasing frequency of extreme weather events, people are losing the ability to cope and have no alternative but to migrate. The challenge is for all countries, particularly the rich, to take climate change targets seriously," Narain stressed.
50°C (122°F) is a staggeringly high temperature. Yet Avikal Somvanshi can just about live with 50°C heat in Delhi (where a dedicated heatstroke clinic opened in May amidst a brutal heatwave). What Somvanshi can’t handle is increased humidity, when “Delhi turns into a sauna.” “You can’t really do anything,” he says. “You just have to sit in front of a fan and wait for it to pass.” However, media attention peaks not with the highest humidity, in July and August, but with the highest temperatures, in May and June. This is a grave mistake, warns Somvanshi, who leads the Urban Lab at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a Delhi-based research organization. When people are somewhat acclimatized to very high temperatures already, “going to 50 is more of a psychological shock” than a physiological one, Somvanshi believes. But “the humidity shock to the body is very intense.” Yet humidity remains under-researched and under-appreciated. This is a troubling gap, given that humid heat is more dangerous than dry heat.
New study estimates at least 33,000 people die from exposure to air pollution in 10 Indian cities on an annual basis. The National Ambient Air Quality Standards don’t have a health component. More stringent air quality standards focussing on health impacts can better inform air quality management, say experts. A new study shedding light on the high mortality associated with air pollution in India points to the need for more stringent air quality standards, say experts. The study, published in the Lancet journal, found a “clear association” between short-term exposure to air pollution and mortality, which “could serve as a strong addition” to emerging research suggesting India’s air quality standards be more health-focussed. The current National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) set the safe limit of 24-hour exposure to Particulate Matter 2.5 (PM2.5) at 60 µg/m³, which is significantly higher than the World Health Organisation’s safe limit of 15 µg/m³. The Lancet study, which studied the association between air pollution related mortality in India for the first time, finds that short term exposure can increase risk of mortality by a higher margin than previously thought. The study estimates at least 33,000 people die from exposure to air pollution in 10 cities on an annual basis. India’s NAAQS, which were last revised in 2009, are being reviewed by a committee led by the Indian Institute of Technology Kanpur, the government had said. Dr. Harshal Salve, additional professor in the Centre for Community Medicine at the All India Institute Of Medical Sciences Delhi and a member of the revision committee, told Mongabay-India that discussions on the committee’s work is ongoing with the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), but did not share further details. The revision process has been underway since at least 2022. “When the review of the standard happens, health evidence that exists should be taken note of. There are several global studies and standards that exist which take health impacts into account and can help inform our own standard making process, but more needs to be done to understand local contexts and vulnerabilities.” said Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director of research and advocacy at the Centre for Science and Environment. Higher mortality than previously thought The Lancet study conducted two time series analyses from 2008 and 2019, looking at whether 48-hour variations in air pollution affected the daily number of deaths across 10 cities in India – Ahmedabad, Bengaluru, Chennai, Delhi, Hyderabad, Kolkata, Mumbai, Pune, Shimla, and Varanasi. The study’s main analysis used a more conventional approach of evaluating changes in PM2.5 had on mortality, using aggregated, all-cause mortality from each city. This approach included using variables like satellite-based observations, meteorology, land-use patterns, emissions inventories, and reanalysis-based data to observe effects of PM2.5 on deaths. A second “instrumental” analysis sought to isolate the effect of locally generated air pollution on deaths, by including more particular variables like wind speed, atmospheric pressure and the height at which air mixes (planetary boundary layer height PBLH). “For the instrumental analysis, we specifically call it air pollution because it could be a cocktail effect of both PM2.5 and nitrogen oxide, from combustion sources like transport emissions and waste burning,” said Bhargav Krishna, author of the study and fellow at the Sustainable Futures Collaborative. On average, the study’s main analysis observed a 1.42% increase in daily mortality per 10 μg/m3 increase of PM2.5 levels. The instrumental analysis, which isolated the effects of local air pollution generation, found the rate of daily mortality to be even higher for every 10 μg/m3 increase – at 3.57%. The difference in rate indicates that past analyses “probably underestimated the effect of short-term exposure to air pollution on daily mortality.” Previous studies using global data sets estimated a 0. 68% increase in daily mortality per 10 μg/ m3 increase in PM2.5. The study also finds that the risk of mortality sharply increased at lower concentrations of PM2.5, indicating “ambient PM2.5 must be reduced substantially from current concentrations to garner concomitant health benefits.” The causal effects of air pollution at lower concentrations were seen in relatively cleaner cities like Shimla and Bengaluru. “People dying from air pollution are probably dying at lower to moderate levels of exposure, because they are already at risk. This includes people who have pre-existing health conditions, young children, and the elderly,” Krishna explained. Collectively, the 10 cities recorded 3.6 million all-cause deaths from 2008 to 2019. The study estimates 7.2% of all deaths were attributable to PM2.5 concentrations higher than WHO recommended limits, corresponding to 33,627 air pollution deaths annually. “Delhi had the largest attributable fraction and highest attributable yearly deaths,” says the study. Setting health-based standards The WHO’s guidelines on air pollution are devised through a five step process: formulating the scope and key questions of the guidelines, systematic review of the relevant evidence, assessing the certainty level of evidence resulting from systematic reviews, formulation of the air quality guidelines and formulation of other supporting guidance. While the guideline recommends a limit of 15 µg/m3 for safe 24-hour exposure to PM2.5 levels, it also provides four interim targets for countries with high pollution levels to follow as they bring levels down. India’s NAAQS have taken six components into consideration: land use patterns, pollutants, average time of exposure (annual, daily, eight hourly and hourly), levels of pollution, monitoring methods, and conditions (for example, the 24-hour or 8 hours averaged values should meet the NAAQS guideline levels 98% of the time in a year. However, the NAAQS don’t have a health component. India has lacked evidence-based research linking impacts of air pollution on morbidity and mortality. In 2023, the Centre for Policy Research published a framework to include health indicators into the NAAQS, which was also co-authored by Krishna. It suggested a scientific review committee guide the standard making process, with help from working groups in charge of reviewing literature, ecological and health impacts, and advancements in monitoring methods, among other aspects. According to Roychowdhury, the main challenge lies in enforcing standards. “We can tighten the benchmark of regulation, but in reality, we also have to meet the standard. That’s turning out to be a challenge in the Indo-Gangetic Plain and other parts of the country because it requires changes in how we carry out air quality management,” she said. Researchers and civil society groups have advocated an airshed level approach, which prioritises management of air quality beyond administrative and political boundaries. Policies aimed at reducing air pollution levels, like the the National Clean Air Programme and the Graded Response Action Plan, kick in at high concentrations which would “only yield marginal benefits with respect to daily mortality, and negative health effects could continue to accrue even at lower pollution concentration,” says the Lancet study. “Background levels of air pollution are also influenced by anthropogenic activity. Setting the air pollution standard low forces you to be much more stringent about how we approach some of the sources of air pollution and set more stringent metrics of progress. The point is to be ambitious, and work backwards to try and meet the standard,” said Krishna.
Introduction The evolution of cities will impact efforts to address climate change and ensure resource security, with policy, market, and human behaviour factors converging to determine outcomes in urban areas. Currently, 56 percent[1] of the global population reside in cities, a proportion that is expected to grow to 68 percent[2] by 2050, with 90 percent[3] of this growth concentrated in Asia and Africa. Despite occupying only 3 percent[4] of the world’s land, cities consume approximately 75 percent[5] of global electricity and contribute 70 percent[6] of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions. India is anticipating an additional 416 million urban residents by 2050—[7] the largest projected increase worldwide. This urban surge will double the country’s building space, with 70 percent[8] of new constructions located in urban areas. The growing population and economic activity in Indian cities is straining freshwater supplies, sewage systems, and land use. Resource demands and capital converge in cities and highlight water, energy, and food (WEF) issues. Cities are also vulnerable due to their high population densities and critical infrastructures. The central role of cities in resource networks can create cascading security risks, as seen in the growing water, energy, and food security crises in Indian cities. By 2030,[9] global demand for food, water, and energy are projected to increase by 35 percent, 50 percent, and 40 percent, respectively, compared to 2012. Uncertainties in water availability, energy security, and food price stability also impact political and economic stability, which is essential for maintaining infrastructure and resource distribution systems. Traditional sector-specific policymaking approaches are inadequate for managing the interconnected challenges of the nexus and often fail to account for detrimental cross-sectoral effects and synergies. A decade after the WEF nexus became a focal point of political and research agendas, an integrated perspective on these resources has become crucial. India, the largest groundwater user globally, extracted 244.92 billion cubic metres in 2020,[10] surpassing the combined usage of the United States (US) and China. Nexus approaches aim to investigate critical linkages among food, water, and energy systems and their societal implications. Cities are often seen as innovation hubs that are capable of leading sustainable transformations, with high densities promoting resource-use efficiency. However, urban-focused research on the WEF nexus is limited, often failing to capture urban complexities, being overly reliant on technical solutions, and rarely including stakeholder participation. By reimagining resource-efficient and sustainable cities, India can set a model for emerging countries in the Global South. This report delves into the interplay of water, energy, and food issues in urban settings, emphasising the importance of the WEF nexus for Indian cities. By exploring the interdependencies and synergies among these resources, the report highlights how a nexus approach can enhance urban sustainability and resilience. Through a comprehensive analysis of current policies and the identification of existing gaps in the management of WEF resources, the report examines the challenges faced by Indian cities and offers strategic recommendations to optimise resource use, promote sustainable development, and ensure the well-being of urban populations. WEF Issues in Indian Cities Food Insecurity India has made progress in agricultural production, achieving 3,296.87 lakh tonnes in food grain production in 2022-23,[11] up by 140.71 lakh tonnes from 2021-22 and 308.69 lakh tonnes from the previous five-year average. Despite this, as of 2023, nearly 200 million people in the country are undernourished.[12] Food insecurity in Indian cities remains prevalent despite economic progress and rapid urbanisation. Economic disparities, rising living costs, and shifting food consumption patterns have led to urban populations facing both food scarcity and dietary excess. Low-income groups, especially those in urban slums, are disproportionately affected by irregular employment, insufficient incomes, and limited access to affordable, nutritious food. Studies highlight a high prevalence of food insecurity at the household level across urban areas. For instance, in an urban resettlement colony in Delhi, 77.2 percent of households were found to be food insecure.[13] Another study found that 17 percent of the 1,700 households surveyed in Bengaluru face food insecurity,[14] while 13 percent are experiencing severe food insecurity due to inadequate food quantity and variety. A cross-sectional survey in Mumbai[15] found that 60 percent of urban slum households were severely food insecure, with an additional 16.6 percent experiencing mild to moderate food insecurity. In eastern Uttar Pradesh,[16] 43 percent of households were food insecure, with many experiencing intense hunger. Research in Delhi and Chennai[17] showed 8.5 percent food insecurity among the lowest wealth quintile compared to 1.7 percent in wealthier households, with a higher prevalence in Delhi. A longitudinal survey in Bihar[18] noted an increase in severe food insecurity, from 25 percent in 2016 to 35 percent in 2021. Jharkhand exhibits similar levels of food insecurity, especially in priority districts. Both Bihar and Jharkhand, which face significant challenges in achieving food security, score the lowest[19] on Sustainable Development Goal 2 (Zero Hunger). At the same time, the average citizen in urban India wastes 0.34 kg[20] of food per day, resulting in 153 gigagrams of food waste daily across these regions. According to the United Nations Food Waste Index Report, Indian households waste 78.2 million[21] tonnes of food annually. A report by the UN Environment Programme, released ahead of the International Day of Zero Waste in December 2024, places India’s per-capita food waste at 55 kg per year[22] and highlights that rural India wastes less food compared to urban areas. Water Insecurity Achieving food sufficiency in India has come at the cost of increased water extraction and energy consumption in agriculture. India will need more food grains annually to sustain its growing population, which is projected to reach 1.7 billion by 2060.[23] However, challenges such as water scarcity and limited arable land complicate efforts to meet this demand. The requirement for irrigation water in India is expected to grow by over 50 percent by 2050 while per-capita water availability continues to decline.[24] Annual irrigation requirement is projected to increase by 4.63-20.46 percent by 2050 even as climate change results in reduced crop yields by 4.5-9 percent and per-capita water availability continues to decline.[25] Climate change could lead to India’s food production dropping by 16 percent while the population at risk for hunger increases by 23 percent by 2030.[26] The average annual per-capita water availability for the years 2021 and 2031 has been assessed at 1,486 cubic metres and 1,367 cubic metres, respectively.[a],[27] Since Independence, India’s annual per-capita water availability has declined by 75 percent,[28] from 6,042 cubic metres in 1947 to 1,486 cubic meters in 2021. This is expected to drop by another 20 percent by 2050,[29] making India the world’s largest user of groundwater and a severely water-stressed country. Cities like Bengaluru and Chennai have experienced severe water shortages in recent summers. Urban households consume only about 7 percent of the country’s water,[30] with 6-8 percent of total water demand used for cooking.[31] Meanwhile, 85 percent of water demand comes from agriculture.[32] Climate change will exacerbate water scarcity in India, where large regions already suffer from limited water availability and rely heavily on groundwater for irrigation. A UN report[33] from March 2023 warned that India will be the most severely affected country as the global urban population facing water scarcity increases from 933 million in 2016 to between 1.7 and 2.4 billion by 2050. Groundwater constitutes 48 percent of the urban water supply in India.[34] However, groundwater levels in seven of India’s ten most populated cities have drastically declined over the past two decades,[35] often exceeding the annual limit of 20 cm of decline and reaching depths as low as 20 metres. The northwestern states of Punjab and Haryana, which produce most of the country’s rice and wheat, are particularly water-stressed, with groundwater extraction rates surpassing 100 percent.[36] Over two decades, groundwater levels in these areas have dropped[37] from 3-10 metres to below 30 metres. World Bank projections indicate that, with a global mean warming of 2°C above pre-industrial levels, India’s food water requirements will exceed green water availability.[38] This gap between water demand and supply is likely to have serious implications for food grain production and food security in India. In Delhi,[39] the Delhi Jal Board struggles to meet the water and wastewater needs of the capital, providing an erratic and unequal water supply well below international standards. Mismanagement of water particularly affects the urban poor, with slum dwellers receiving only about 27 litres per capita per day.[40] Despite a third of India’s population living in cities, less than half of the country’s urban population has access to piped water supply.[41] Energy Insecurity Agriculture has the largest energy consumption in India, with the share of direct energy use in the form of electricity in the agriculture sector increasing from 28.75 percent in 2009-10 to 37.1 percent in 2019-20.[42] Energy is also essential in every stage of the municipal water supply system, including extraction, treatment, pumping, and recycling, making it a significant operational cost. Water and wastewater treatment plants are the most energy-intensive facilities operated by local governments, accounting for 30-60 percent of a municipality’s total energy bill.[43] With more than half of India’s population expected to live in cities by 2036, millions of households are anticipated to purchase new appliances, air-conditioning units, and motor vehicles. In urban areas, energy consumption is primarily in the form of electricity. Consequently, the country’s electricity demand has increased by 50 percent since 2014.[44] India’s electricity demand grew by 7 percent in 2023 and is projected to grow by an average of 6 percent annually through 2026 due to higher economic activity.[45] A fourfold increase in commercial energy consumption is projected by 2025.[46] As water shortages become more acute, unscheduled power cuts and outages have become common, causing housing and living standards to decline and making access to healthcare facilities challenging. To meet the growing electricity demand over the next 20 years, India will need to add a power system the size of the European Union to its current capacity.[47] The country’s electricity demand is set to increase much more rapidly than its overall energy demand as the country’s building space doubles over the next two decades, with 70 percent of new constructions occurring in urban areas.[48] The extent to which these new constructions follow energy-efficient building codes will influence energy use patterns. The shift towards urban living is accelerating the transition in residential energy use from solid biomass to electricity and modern fuels. Rising appliance ownership and demand for cooling are driving the share of electricity in residential energy use to nearly triple. However, India relies heavily on coal for electricity supply (55 percent of energy needs[49]), and unscheduled power cuts and outages are common during shortages, particularly during heatwaves and higher temperatures; urban households in India experience power outages for at least two hours a day.[50] Thermal energy,[51] which constitutes more than 70 percent of India’s total electricity generation and 60 percent of its installed power capacity, is highly dependent on freshwater for cooling. Projections indicate that more than two-thirds[52] of the country’s power plants will face high water stress by the end of the decade. During the 2016 drought, water-related outages[53] in thermal power plants were significant enough to cover Sri Lanka’s annual demand, costing utilities billions in lost revenue. Between 2017 and 2021, there was approximately 8.2 terawatt-hours (TWh) of lost energy production due to water shortages—enough to power 1.5 million Indian households for five years.[54] Coal-fired electricity is another significant water consumer, with thermal generators requiring gigalitres of water from rivers to cool their turbine circuits. The power sector is estimated to account for more than a quarter of Karnataka’s urban water consumption by 2030.[55] Much of this electricity is used in agriculture, with millions of grid-connected electric pumps adding further stress on the power system and accounting for about one-fifth of electricity consumption.[56] Resource conservation, optimisation of use, and waste minimisation are crucial to meeting the growing demand for high-quality resources in sufficient quantities. To achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030, it is crucial to urgently reduce the demand-supply gap (see Table 1) and make cities inclusive, resilient, and sustainable by implementing integrated policies and plans for efficient resource use and climate change adaptation. Therefore, an integrated approach to managing water, energy, and food is necessary to balance resource use and reduce trade-offs among different sectors. The strong inter-relationship between water, energy, and food means that improving efficiency in one sector positively impacts the others. Enhancing resource security through technological interventions and policy measures would not only ensure adequate availability but also bring co-benefits in resource management. The WEF Nexus and Its Importance for Indian Cities The WEF nexus captures the interdependencies[57] among the food, energy, and water sectors and emphasises the interconnected governance of WEF resources. Energy is essential for water treatment and supply, water is crucial for energy production, and food production requires both energy and water. Given the conflicting demands on WEF resources from a growing population, understanding the WEF nexus can help decision-makers avoid the unforeseen consequences of policy actions across these sectors. The Food-Energy Nexus Programme, initiated by the United Nations University (UNU) in 1983, marked the beginning of nexus thinking.[58] It gained recognition at the 2011 Bonn Nexus Conference and is regarded as integral to achieving the SDGs. Among the 17 SDGs, Goals 2 (No Hunger), 6 (Clean Water and Sanitation), and 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) specifically address WEF security, essential for human survival, economic growth, and development. Additionally, Goals 10 (Reduced Inequalities), 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities), and 12 (Responsible Consumption and Production) emphasise resource efficiency and strengthening urban-rural linkages for sustainable development.[59] The WEF nexus (see Figure 1) highlights the relationship between water, energy, and food, which evolves with resource availability, development priorities, and technological advancements. Therefore, it provides a platform to explore synergies for maximum benefits. Effective management of the WEF nexus requires a watershed approach at all municipal planning levels to optimise resource use. Incorporating a watershed perspective in micro-level planning can reduce cities’ reliance on external resources and enhance self-sufficiency through techniques like aquifer recharging and rainwater harvesting. Residential buildings should consider rooftop water harvesting, separate water-supply pipe connections, and renewable energy provisions to minimise their water and energy footprints while balancing food consumption needs. Figure 1: The Water-Energy-Food Nexus Source: Hoff, 2011[60] India’s rapidly growing population and rising energy demand present challenges in energy and food supply. Addressing these challenges requires an integrated management approach to ensure sustainable agriculture, energy production, and food and water security. This approach is important in existing as well as emerging urban areas to meet the needs of expanding populations. Megacities, characterised by urban slums, poverty, and inadequate infrastructure, contrast with slow-growing cities that offer opportunities for innovative, sustainable, and inclusive infrastructure development. However, both megacities and slow-growing cities rely on rural areas to meet their resource needs. Urban areas, as net consumers of food, water, and energy, draw resources from global and local hinterlands. Decentralised systems can address supply-demand mismatches, despite trade-offs. For instance, urban agriculture can increase access to healthy foods in “urban food deserts” and reduce ecosystem strain by recycling wastewater. However, challenges include water-intensive agricultural practices, carbon emissions, capital costs, land prices, and social acceptance of urban-grown food. Food production intersects with water and energy systems. The WEF nexus framework posits that there are no externalities in this system, underscoring the interconnected nature of these resources in urban development and the achievement of the SDGs. The integration of WEF sectors at key stakeholder nodes can benefit urban populations, city regions, and supporting ecosystems. Recognising the intersectoral impacts of decisions, research underscores the need for improved data systems to quantify these interactions. India’s Urban Development Programmes for Synergising WEF Nexus Issues Urban India needs to utilise available resources efficiently to improve the quality of life of citizens. The Indian government views urban development as an opportunity, with urban centres serving as engines of change. Water, energy, and food are managed by different ministries and departments across national, state, and district levels. Urban development, however, falls under the jurisdiction of state governments. The 74th Amendment Act further delegates many of these functions to Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) for city-level management.[61] Despite this decentralisation, the Ministry of Urban Affairs remains crucial for formulating policies, programs, and schemes for urban development. Smart Cities Mission In 2015, the Government of India launched the Smart Cities Mission (SCM)[62] to transform urban areas into sustainable, technologically advanced, and citizen-responsive smart cities. The SCM aims to drive economic growth and enhance the quality of urban life through smart technology applications. The initiative uniquely integrates water and energy components alongside addressing other urban ecosystem issues. The mission focuses on water management through smart meters, leakage detection, maintenance, and water quality monitoring. Similarly, energy management under the mission includes smart meters, renewable energy sources, energy efficiency, and green building concepts. Notably, the initiative aims to ensure that 10 percent of the energy requirement for smart cities comes from solar energy.[63] In the fiscal budget of 2014-15, the government allocated US$1.2 billion to the SCM.[64] Despite the mission’s emphasis on improving water and energy use efficiency, less than 15 percent of the projects from the winning cities in the first round relate to water, and only 5 percent relate to energy. Only ten cities have implemented smart water management to reduce Non-Revenue Water (NRW),[65] indicating a lack of commitment from civic authorities. The mission impact is difficult to assess due to the presence of over 4,000 urban settlements and significant project backlog in the country.[66] However, latest data indicates that 66 out of the selected 100 cities have yet to meet their physical targets, even after eight years.[67] Of these 66 cities, 25 have completed more than half of their originally planned projects, 19 have completed between 25 and 50 percent, and 22 have completed less than 25 percent of their projects. Consequently, the deadline for completing the mission has been extended to July 2024. However, according to the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA), more than two-thirds of the 7,804 projects under the SCM have been completed as of January 2023.[68] While 34 cities have exceeded their project targets, some even by four times, the remaining 66 cities are yet to meet their targets, with some showing particularly poor performance. ULBs often lack the core competencies, trained personnel, and financial resources to complete urban infrastructure projects. Despite doing reasonably well with targeted schemes such as AMRUT and SBM, ULBs have struggled with the comprehensive scope of the SCM.[69] Confusion and project drops further impede progress. JNNURM The Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM),[70] launched in 2005, marked a significant shift in India’s urban sector, emphasising the preservation of water bodies, adequate water supply, and the replacement of old and worn-out pipes in 63 identified cities. A component of JNNURM, the Urban Infrastructure Development Scheme for Small and Medium Towns (UIDSSMT)[71] aimed to improve urban infrastructure, including water supply and sewerage in smaller towns. It positively impacts the WEF nexus by providing better quality water infrastructure services, minimising water loss during transmission, and introducing by-laws for the reuse of recycled water. Additionally, policies on user charges were formulated to achieve 100-percent cost recovery in water supply and solid waste management. Rainwater harvesting was also made mandatory to address depleting groundwater levels and promote water conservation. However, the reforms envisioned under JNNURM did not yield the desired results due to poor implementation and weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms. Among the projects aimed at improving water supply, less than one-third have been completed.[72] None of the projects for preserving water bodies have been finished. Although a toolkit to reduce NRW was developed under JNNURM, its usage has been limited due to the lack of capacity in municipalities. AMRUT The Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation (AMRUT) scheme, launched on 1 October 2021 and with an implementation period of five years, aims to ensure that every household has access to a tap with an assured water supply and sewerage connections.[73] The scheme has covered about 60 percent of the urban population[74] and emphasises universal metering, reduction of NRW, rainwater harvesting, rejuvenation of water bodies, and groundwater recharge. AMRUT 2.0[75] aims to achieve universal water supply coverage through functional taps in all statutory towns and sewerage and septage management in the 500 cities covered in the first phase. Under AMRUT, the Energy Efficiency Services Limited (EESL) is working with the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs to deploy more efficient pumps in 500 cities.[76] These pumps, which will be replaced at no upfront cost to municipal bodies, promise uninterrupted water supply, lower energy bills, and reduced water wastage, backed by a seven-year repair and maintenance guarantee. Additionally, over 330 Indian cities will be audited for energy efficiency under the scheme.[77] The scheme, however, has faced setbacks. The Centre’s contribution to projects is just 50 percent, with the state and ULBs expected to cover the remainder. If a state fails to execute the project within a year, it must return the funds to the Centre, which will redistribute them to better-performing local bodies. In Kerala, projects worth INR 41 crores in the high-priority septage/sewerage sector were cancelled during the first phase of AMRUT, along with 58 projects worth INR 76.9 crores in various sectors.[78] The total expenditure in the sewerage/septage sector under AMRUT was just 20.6 percent over six years in Kerala.[79] The Local Self Government Department (LSGD) failed to properly utilise AMRUT funds, focusing more on consultancy engagements and seldom addressing irregularities in the scheme’s implementation. Reports also indicate that many thrust areas proposed under the scheme are not feasible for the state, which lacks basic facilities.[80] URDPFI The Urban and Regional Development Plans Formulation and Implementation (URDPFI) Guidelines,[81] formulated in 2015, aim to address the emerging needs of planned urban development. These guidelines include provisions for rainwater harvesting, conservation of urban water bodies, water supply systems, wastewater management, energy efficiency, strategic planning for new and renewable energy, alternative energy sources, and smart grids to reduce electricity losses.[82] URDPFI uniquely incorporates food security within the urban context, emphasising the holistic integration of WEF systems. The Ministry of Urban Development first introduced Urban Development Plans Formulation and Implementation (UDPFI) guidelines in 1996, which were later updated in 2015 to URDPFI.[83] The policy emphasises citizen partnership at every level of implementation. The 1996 guidelines suggested steps for public participation in development plan preparation, including public notification and display of draft plans, public meetings for comments and suggestions, public hearings, and submission of the final draft to ULBs for approval.[84] Direct participation was encouraged through various groups, including citizens, neighbourhoods, businesses, and consumer groups, with Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) and Community-Based Organisations (CBOs) acting as intermediaries. The 2015 URDPFI update introduced stakeholder consultation throughout the development plan process and emphasised revising state planning provisions to enhance public participation early in the planning stages, involving Residential Welfare Associations in Local Area Plans (LAPs), and using modern tools like websites by ULBs to increase public awareness and engagement during the preparation of urban development plans.[85] To date, however, only 2,100 master plans have been notified out of a total of 7,933 cities and towns under URDPFI.[86] Public participation plays a pivotal role in democratic decision-making, supporting sustainability. In India, public participation is more evident during the implementation of plans rather than during their formulation.[87] Decentralised participatory spaces in megacities are fragmented,[88] and unlike the rural districts, cities lack platforms like the Gram Sabha to engage citizens.[89] Current practices for public involvement are limited to stakeholder consultations, primarily with expert groups, and lack robust methods to capture the input of the general public in the formulation of development plans. The WEF Nexus in Indian Cities: A Review of Gaps and Policy Recommendations Integrating WEF in Urban Systems Current policies and interventions often work in isolation, leading to overlaps and conflicts that fail to address resource scarcity. The lack of integration and awareness of the WEF nexus results in policies that target the same objectives and populations, disproportionately affecting vulnerable groups through resource mismanagement. The absence of explicit national or international policies for coordinating the WEF nexus underscores the urgent need for institutional frameworks to address these constraints. Embracing a nexus approach that acknowledges the interdependencies among the water, energy, and food sectors is essential for overcoming the limitations of silo-based methodologies. This approach is crucial for emerging urban spaces in India, which are already under tremendous stress. Unsustainable resource utilisation in the WEF sectors can further endanger millions of future city dwellers. Given the existing water scarcity in many parts of the country, climate change impacts in urban areas will be severe. Unplanned urban growth and excessive water from monsoons or flooding can also threaten city infrastructure if not climate-proofed. It is important to note that for better water governance, along with the introduction of surface water pricing, a proper groundwater bill/act needs to be enacted. With rising population and incomes, there will be a need to not only produce more food but also save water for drinking, manufacturing, and other needs of growing urbanisation. Once productivity is looked at from the water angle, the inefficiencies in allocation and use of water in agriculture could be identified and addressed. The rapid urbanisation in India will accelerate transitions in residential energy use from solid biomass to electricity and modern fuels. Therefore, technological innovations, improvements in irrigation efficiency, and robust policy interventions with government incentives are imperative to navigate the complexities of the WEF nexus and achieve the SDGs. The Need for a Definition and Understanding of the WEF Nexus The vagueness in current definitions of the WEF nexus can hinder its application, while an overly restrictive definition can stifle development. Governance issues are further exacerbated by a lack of awareness and understanding of the nexus principle. Many professionals in the WEF sectors are not fully aware of the concept and its benefits. Additionally, some practitioners and researchers mistakenly compare the nexus approach with Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM) without recognising the distinct advantages of each. The key difference between the nexus and IWRM is that the latter is water focused, addressing issues primarily from a water-management perspective, whereas the WEF nexus considers water, energy, food, and ecosystems as part of an interrelated system and takes into account the interdependencies among these factors. This holistic perspective is crucial for addressing the complex challenges faced by emerging urban spaces in India. Close Institutional Gaps Each domain of the WEF nexus is currently individually handled by institutions, leading to fragmented and reactive decision-making. This approach often results in disjointed policies that fail to address the interconnected nature of the WEF sectors. Multiple ministries, including the Ministry of Jal Shakti, Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change, Ministry of Agriculture & Farmers Welfare, Ministry of New and Renewable Energy, Ministry of Coal, and Ministry of Power, contribute to the WEF nexus. While their involvement highlights the importance of these sectors, their siloed operations pose significant challenges to achieving a cohesive and integrated strategy. Bridging these silos is crucial for addressing the complex interplay between water, energy, food, and ecosystems. Urban and regional policymaking must shift from isolated sectoral planning to an integrated approach that enhances productivity, equitable delivery, affordability, reliability, and the overall quality of urban services. With the anticipated rise in resource demand, sustainably addressing resource scarcity is imperative for India’s future cities. Effective Stakeholder Integration Balancing the interests of different sectors and stakeholders is a challenging task.[90] Different parts of the government often struggle to cooperate due to strict regulations, powerful interests, and established communication systems within their respective domains. For instance, the imbalance of power among sectors—such as the dominance of agriculture over water or water over the environment—and lobbying efforts pose significant barriers. In India, as in many other countries, implementation and experience with the nexus principle are limited, primarily because of the lack of communication between engineers, scientists, policymakers, and the public. Senior-level decision-makers need to be sensitised to the advantages of the approach in policy formulation. Additionally, researchers must exert greater effort in translating nexus studies into actionable points to achieve a long-term, stable vision in policy and plans. Community, industry and government must work together to improve water management. Proponents of private sector participation contend that if water were correctly priced, it would facilitate investment from the private sector and help find solutions to the water crisis facing vast regions of the developing world.[91] Generating Data and Knowledge of Interconnected Sectoral Risks India faces significant challenges in understanding and managing the interconnected impacts of the WEF nexus. The interdependencies among these systems are not well recognised, and the roles of related institutions remain poorly understood. Disruptions in one sector often trigger cascading effects in others, leading to compounded extreme events. Climate change exacerbates these challenges, particularly in India’s water resources, endangering not only water availability for consumption but also agriculture, which heavily relies on groundwater. Thermal power plants, which generate over 70 percent of India’s electricity, depend on freshwater for cooling. Projections indicate that two-thirds of these plants will face high water stress by the end of the decade.[92] The evolution of Indian cities will be crucial in determining the country’s success in combating climate change, especially as urban populations grow and are increasingly at risk due to poor planning and mitigation strategies. Therefore, integrated policy mechanisms and robust institutional frameworks are essential. Way Forward The interconnected challenges posed by the WEF nexus present a significant threat to sustainable urban transformation. The use of unsustainable resources exacerbates greenhouse gas emissions, which compromises water storage, energy generation, and food production. The lack of a WEF nexus approach can result in actions in one sector having unintended and adverse impacts on other interlinked sectors. A review of policies and programs related to the water, energy, and food sectors in India as presented in this report highlights the need for greater integration and attention to the interconnectedness and interdependencies among these sectors through a nexus approach. The rapidly changing development scenarios in these sectors and the threat of climate change demand the adoption of nexus concepts to better address synergies and manage trade-offs. It is imperative that relevant policies and programs are reviewed and updated to become nexus-compliant. Alongside developing coherent policies and programs in the WEF sectors, concerted efforts are required to create nexus-specific policy frameworks towards strengthening institutions and methods, including integrated risk and vulnerability assessments using a systems approach. This will enable informed policy development and effective management of interlinked challenges within the WEF nexus in Indian cities. Aparna Roy is Fellow and Lead, Climate Change and Energy, Centre for New Economic Diplomacy, ORF. Shoba Suri is Senior Fellow, Health Initiative, ORF. Disclosure: The authors have used the AI tool, ChatGPT, to sharpen the language. The research, analysis, and structure of the paper is the authors’ own work. Endnotes [a] Annual per-capita water availability of less than 1,700 cubic metres is considered as a water-stressed condition whereas annual per-capita water availability below 1,000 cubic metres is considered as a water scarcity condition. See: https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=2002726 [1] “Urban Development”, World Bank Group, https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/urbandevelopment [2] “Case studies: cities and urban health”, World Health Organization, https://www.who.int/teams/social-determinants-of-health/urban-health/cities-and-urban-health#:~:text=Over%2055%25%20of%20the%20world%27s,in%20protecting%20their%20citizens%27%20health. [3] “News”, United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, May 16, 2018, https://www.un.org/development/desa/en/news/population/2018-revision-of-world-urbanization-prospects.html#:~:text=Projections%20show%20that%20urbanization%2C%20the,and%20Africa%2C%20according%20to%20a [4] “Goal 11: Make cities inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable”, Sustainable Development Goals, https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/cities/ [5] International Energy Agency, “Empowering Urban Energy Transitions – Executive Summary”, https://www.iea.org/reports/empowering-urban-energy-transitions/executive-summary [6] International Energy Agency, “Executive Summary” [7] Nandan Dawda, “Overcoming inconsistencies in comprehensive mobility plans of Indian cities”, Observer Research Foundation, February 27, 2024, https://www.orfonline.org/research/overcoming-inconsistencies-in-comprehensive-mobility-plans-of-indian-cities#:~:text=The%20country%27s%20urban%20population%2C%20currently,to%2075%20percent%20by%202030. [8] “India Energy Outlook 2021”, International Energy Agency, February 2021, https://www.iea.org/reports/india-energy-outlook-2021 [9] Manish Bapna, “4 Grand Challenged to Energy, Food and Water”, World Resources Institute, January 31, 2013, https://www.wri.org/insights/4-grand-challenges-energy-food-and-water#:~:text=While%20these%20projections%20would%20bring,50%20percent%20respectively%20by%202030. [10] Nirmal Jovial, “India uses more groundwater than US and China combined” The Week, August 21 2022, https://www.theweek.in/theweek/specials/2022/08/13/india-uses-more-groundwater-than-us-and-china-combined.html [11] Ministry of Agriculture & Farmers Welfare, Government of India, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1968931, October 18, 2023. [12] FAO, IFAD, UNICEF, WFP and WHO. 2023. “The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World”, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, 2023, https://openknowledge.fao.org/items/2241e4d7-dbcb-46e9-ab05-70db6050ccf9 [13] Chinnakali, Palanivel, Ravi P. Upadhyay, Deepa Shokeen, Kavita Singh, Manpreet Kaur, Arvind K. Singh, Anil Goswami, Kapil Yadav, and Chandrakant S. Pandav. "Prevalence of household-level food insecurity and its determinants in an urban resettlement colony in north India." 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[50] Rewati Karan, “City in crisis: Metros in the country are bursting at the seams with rapid & haphazard expansion”, Financial Express, April 14 ,2024, https://www.financialexpress.com/business/infrastructure-city-in-crisis-metros-in-the-country-are-bursting-at-the-seams-with-rapid-amp-haphazard-expansion-3455950/ [51] Daniel Gajardo, Anupriya Goyal, Samantha Kuzma & Sahana Goswami, “How Water Challenges Threaten India’s Energy Security”, World Resources Institute, August 26, 2021, https://www.wri.org/insights/water-challenges-energy-sector-india [52] Gajardo, Goyal, Kuzma, and Goswami, “How Water Challenges Threaten India’s Energy Security” [53] Tianyi Luo, “Droughts and Blackouts: How Water Shortages Cost India Enough Energy to Power Sri Lanka”, World Resources Institute, July 26, 2017, https://www.wri.org/insights/droughts-and-blackouts-how-water-shortages-cost-india-enough-energy-power-sri-lanka [54] Gajardo, Goyal, Kuzma, and Goswami, "How Water Challenges Threaten India’s Energy Security” [55] David Fickling, “Bengaluru water crisis: India’s most innovative cities are running out of water”, April 1, 2024, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/bengaluru-water-crisis-indias-most-innovative-cities-are-running-out-of-water/articleshow/108930938.cms [56] Ficking, “Bengaluru water crisis” [57] Nazar Kholod, Meredydd Evans, Zarrar Khan, Mohamad Hejazi & Vaibhav Chaturvedi, “Water-energy-food nexus in India: A critical review”, Energy and Climate Change, 2021, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2666278721000374 [58] Prakriti Prajapati, “Water-food-energy nexus in India”, The Energy and Resources Institute, June 15, 2018, https://www.teriin.org/article/water-food-energy-nexus-india#:~:text=The%20idea%20of%20the%20food,(Sachs%20and%20Silk%201990). 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[76] “Municipal Energy Efficient Programme (MEEP)”, International Energy Agency, May 12, 2021, https://www.iea.org/policies/7457-municipal-energy-efficient-programme-meep [77] “Municipal Energy Efficient Programme” [78] Aswin J Kumar, “Kerala cancelled Amrut-I projects worth Rs 76 crore”, The Times of India,November 21, 2022, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/thiruvananthapuram/kerala-cancelled-amrut-i-projects-worth-rs-76-crore/articleshow/95649838.cms [79] Kumar, “Kerala cancelled Amrut-I projects worth Rs 76 crore” [80] Shainu Mohan, “Amrut turns out to be not so useful” Deccan Chronicle, September 19, 2015, https://www.deccanchronicle.com/150919/nation-current-affairs/article/amrut-turns-out-be-not-so-useful [81]“Urban and Regional Development Plans Formulation and Implementation (URDPFI) Guidelines Volume I”, Ministry of Urban Development, Government of India, January 2015, https://mohua.gov.in/upload/uploadfiles/files/URDPFI%20Guidelines%20Vol%20I.pdf [82] Singh and Tayal, “Sustainable Urban Development: Necessity of Integrating Water-Energy-Food Dimensions in Developmental Policies” [83] Sharma et al., “Analysis of Urban Development Plan Formulation in India with Special Reference to Public Participation” International Review for Spatial Planning and Sustainable Development, August 31, 2022, https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/irspsd/10/4/10_12/_pdf/-char/en [84] Sharma et al., “Analysis of Urban Development Plan Formulation in India with Special Reference to Public Participation” [85] “Urban and Regional Development Plans Formulation and Implementation (URDPFI) Guidelines Volume I”, Ministry of Urban Development, Government of India, January 2015, https://mohua.gov.in/upload/uploadfiles/files/URDPFI%20Guidelines%20Vol%20I.pdf [86] “Urban and Regional Development Plans Formulation and Implementation (URDPFI) Guidelines” [87]Ashok Kumar and Poonam Prakash, “Public Participation in Planning in India”, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2016, https://www.cambridgescholars.com/resources/pdfs/978-1-4438-9707-5-sample.pdf [88] Binti Singh, “Parallel Structures of Decentralisation in the Mega City Context of Urban India: Participation or Exclusion?”, Space and Polity 16(1): 111-127, April 2012, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/254345007_Parallel_Structures_of_Decentralisation_in_the_Mega_City_Context_of_Urban_India_Participation_or_Exclusion [89] Sanskriti Menon and Janette Hartz-Karp, “Applying mixed methods action research to explore how public participation in an Indian City could better resolve urban sustainability problems”, Action Research 21(1), July 2020, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/343321070_Applying_mixed_methods_action_research_to_explore_how_public_participation_in_an_Indian_City_could_better_resolve_urban_sustainability_problems [90] Joyeeta Gupta and Claudia Pahl-Wostl, “Global Water Governance in the Context of Global and Multilevel Governance: Its Need, Form, and Challenges”, Ecology and Society 18(4), December 2013, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26269440 [91] Anil Agarwal and Sunita Narain, “ Private sector cannot solve India's water and sanitation problems,” WaterWorld, April, 2002, https://www.waterworld.com/wastewater-treatment/article/16201229/private-sector-cannot-solve-indias-water-and-sanitation-problems
New Delhi: Conversion of 80% of the govt fleet to electric by March 2025, creation of a model dust-free road on Ring Road by Oct this year, installation of CCTVs in all sewage treatment plants, also by Oct, restoration of 200 waterbodies by Dec and formulation of a noise management plan for noise pollution hotspots are some features of Delhi’s environment action plan for 2024-25. “This is the first time the environment department has prepared an action plan. It will be implemented in coordination with all agencies,” said a department official. Plan Ready, Time For Action On Clean Delhi Plan Ready, Time For Action On Clean Delhi The action plan involves 17 sectors, among them air quality monitoring, diesel generator and industrial pollution, clean fuels and electric mobility, vehicle and transport emissions, air and dust pollution from roads and open areas, noise pollution and adoption of best practices from other states. The plan has 164 action points in these sectors with targeted timelines to be achieved by the departments concerned. For strengthening air pollution, 13 mobile air quality monitoring vans will be procured by Dec 31 for all-year ambient air monitoring in the hotspots alongside special plans for the hotspots. To curb industrial pollution, it has been decided to conduct a fresh one-time survey to identify and punish polluting units in notified industrial and redevelopment areas, including closure or disconnection of electricity and water supply by the year-end. To minimise vehicular emissions, the plan says a mobile app will be developed for petrol pump attendants and camera installed at 500 petrol pumps to identify vehicles without PUCC by July 31. Vapour recovery systems to reduce benzene emissions will also be introduced in refuelling outlets by Dec 31. The plan also set targets for the number of battery-operated vehicles to be deployed in Delhi for last-mile connectivity. Making public transport effective will be emphasised. A comprehensive assessment of the city’s public transport, factoring in route rationalisation and existing ridership, will be done Dec 31 and by March 31 next year, 15,90 new e-buses for Delhi Transport Corporation and 2,480 for the Cluster Scheme will be procured. Apart from acquiring more mechanised road sweeping machines and anti-smog guns, the plan envisages an independent third-party audit of the efficiency and efficacy of these anti-pollution machines once in 2024-25. For improving water quality, the plan has listed the demarcation of the Yamuna floodplain, laying of stormwater drains in around 600 unauthorised colonies and ground truthing of 1,023 waterbodies by the 16 land-owning departments. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director (research and advocacy), Centre for Science and Environment, said, “According to the central govt policy, every state needs to prepare a state environment action plan with district-wise plans as well. It’s a good step that Delhi has prepared such an action plan. But it is more important to ensure that the plan is put into action.” She added, “The action plan should be implemented properly in an integrated manner by all departments. There must be a clear framework for compliance, monitoring and funding.”
With 9 per cent of the global population (712 million people) living in extreme poverty and 65 per cent of the targets under SDG 2 (ending hunger) have either stagnated or regressed, the High-level Political Forum (HLPF) on Sustainable Development reviewed the goals aimed at addressing poverty and hunger and their relationships with other SDGs. The delegates examined three of the five sustainable development goals that will be discussed at the forum. The first day of the event included a review of SDG 17, the global partnership for sustainable development, where more than 30 per cent of the targets had either stagnated or declined. The leaders discussed how these goals intersect with gender issues, conflict, agriculture, the economy, human rights, and failures in the multilateral system. They recognised that the triple planetary crisis of pollution, biodiversity loss, and climate change had exacerbated human vulnerabilities and social costs.
In March 2021, Kolkata’s iconic newspaper, The Telegraph, informed its readers that Kendall Jenner’s go-to street-style accessory has landed in the city and is up for grabs. The reference was to the merchandise being sold at the British luxury brand store Burberry housed in Kolkata’s high-end Quest Mall. The store also stocked Burberry’s Spring/Summer 21 line, In Bloom, which was inspired by the idea of a hot British summer. Fast forward to a hot Kolkata summer evening in April 2023. The nicely furnished and extra-cooled space in front of Burberry was the site of a sit-in by residents from Kasia Bagan, a neighbourhood located in the area behind Quest Mall. According to a report in The Washington Post, the locals were there to protest the frequent and extended power cuts they had to endure amidst the sweltering heat. PauseUnmute Fullscreen Kasia Bagan is a mixed-income Muslim-majority neighbourhood that has been a victim of “Muslim-ghettoisation” and gross neglect by the agencies responsible for provision of civic amenities. After being without power for three days, they chose to descend on Quest Mall, as its owner also owns Kolkata’s electric company. The residents, enraged by an apparent injustice, asked: If the electric company could provide uninterrupted power to the mall, why couldn’t it do that for Kasia Bagan, especially when the city experienced extreme heat and many locals were fasting for Ramadan? The protest worked. The electric company fixed Kasia Bagan’s power supply with surprising expediency. The Kasia Bagan men celebrated by holding a cricket tournament in the neighbourhood ground lit by makeshift floodlights. Most of the women were too exhausted to celebrate, several of them seriously ill from days of taking care of household chores, including lining up twice a day for securing their family’s stock of drinking water. Kasia Bagan’s story exemplifies the challenges India confronts in a climate-changed world. Yet, the lion’s share of India’s climate advocacy for the past 25 years has focused on international injustices. International inequalities in the accumulated stock of greenhouse gases (GHGs) responsible for the current crisis are truly staggering. A handful of countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, countries of the former Soviet Union, Germany, France, Poland, Canada, and Japan, have contributed about 75 per cent of the world’s historically accumulated emissions. China alone is responsible for about 18 per cent. The rest of the world collectively contributed only seven per cent to the total GHG emissions present in the atmosphere today, out of which India has contributed about three per cent. This year’s unprecedented heat waves made it painfully clear that extreme heat is likely to be an enduring reality for Indians. Despite contributing a negligible share to historically accumulated GHGs, various global indices rank India among the countries most vulnerable to the effects of the ongoing climate crisis. As such, India is a victim of international injustices caused by the climate crisis. Yet, the demands for international justice do not negate the need for addressing the disproportionate distribution of climate impacts within Indian society. This year’s unprecedented heat waves made it painfully clear that extreme heat is likely to be an enduring reality for Indians. Even though international media blamed the rapidly worsening effects of climate change, most Indians refer to extreme heat, floods, and landslides as “natural disasters.” Such normalisation of climate-related disasters obfuscates how India’s glaring inequalities concentrate the effects of these disasters on some sections of society. The policymakers and opinion makers themselves rarely experience the kind of hardship that residents of Kasia Bagan had to endure for three days. Men within a community do not experience the kind of hardships that women do. Muslim and Dalit women bear the dual burdens of a communal, casteist and patriarchal social system. Elderly women within disadvantaged communities do not receive the type of care and attention they deserve. The extent and nature of the effects of the climate crisis are multi-layered and vary by gender, age, caste, class, neighbourhood, and region. The complexity of the varied intersections of the climate crisis and socioeconomic factors is best captured in the idea of intersectionality. In its simplest form, intersectionality highlights the convergence of multiple forms of overt or covert discrimination and oppression rooted in the deeply entrenched social and economic structures. The deep-seated nature of intersectional injustices also determines how well we can respond to the climate crisis. For example, traditional local water-harvesting systems, such as naulas and dharas, which channel subterranean or spring water to the surface, can aid the process of climate adaptation. These well-adorned and intricately carved outlets are a crucial source of domestic water supply in the Garhwal region. Dharas often host a shrine or a small temple and, in some cases, a dhara itself serves as a place of worship, which brings them under the guidance of casteist Hindu rituals of purity and pollution. Dalit women are subjected to water apartheid, as they are assigned separate sources of water. Young Dalit girls who are sent to collect water from naulas are often subject to sexual harassment and violence. social Illustration: Vikas ThakurPhoto: Illustration: Vikas Thakur In March 2021, Kolkata’s iconic newspaper, The Telegraph, informed its readers that Kendall Jenner’s go-to street-style accessory has landed in the city and is up for grabs. The reference was to the merchandise being sold at the British luxury brand store Burberry housed in Kolkata’s high-end Quest Mall. The store also stocked Burberry’s Spring/Summer 21 line, In Bloom, which was inspired by the idea of a hot British summer. Fast forward to a hot Kolkata summer evening in April 2023. The nicely furnished and extra-cooled space in front of Burberry was the site of a sit-in by residents from Kasia Bagan, a neighbourhood located in the area behind Quest Mall. According to a report in The Washington Post, the locals were there to protest the frequent and extended power cuts they had to endure amidst the sweltering heat. PauseUnmute Fullscreen Kasia Bagan is a mixed-income Muslim-majority neighbourhood that has been a victim of “Muslim-ghettoisation” and gross neglect by the agencies responsible for provision of civic amenities. After being without power for three days, they chose to descend on Quest Mall, as its owner also owns Kolkata’s electric company. The residents, enraged by an apparent injustice, asked: If the electric company could provide uninterrupted power to the mall, why couldn’t it do that for Kasia Bagan, especially when the city experienced extreme heat and many locals were fasting for Ramadan? The Resistance Movement: Artwork by Prabhakar Pachpute - null Burning Earth: A Climate Crisis Unfolds BY Snigdhendu Bhattacharya The protest worked. The electric company fixed Kasia Bagan’s power supply with surprising expediency. The Kasia Bagan men celebrated by holding a cricket tournament in the neighbourhood ground lit by makeshift floodlights. Most of the women were too exhausted to celebrate, several of them seriously ill from days of taking care of household chores, including lining up twice a day for securing their family’s stock of drinking water. by TaboolaSponsored LinksYou May Like Income above 7L? Check this 1Cr Term Plan Max Life Insurance Look cool this summer! CaratLane Sobha Altus New Launch Book just 25 Lacs* at Dwarka Expressway Sobha Altus Gurgaon Be part of something bigger! Millions have invested in Amazon CFD , and you can too. CPX Kasia Bagan’s story exemplifies the challenges India confronts in a climate-changed world. Yet, the lion’s share of India’s climate advocacy for the past 25 years has focused on international injustices. International inequalities in the accumulated stock of greenhouse gases (GHGs) responsible for the current crisis are truly staggering. A handful of countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, countries of the former Soviet Union, Germany, France, Poland, Canada, and Japan, have contributed about 75 per cent of the world’s historically accumulated emissions. China alone is responsible for about 18 per cent. The rest of the world collectively contributed only seven per cent to the total GHG emissions present in the atmosphere today, out of which India has contributed about three per cent. This year’s unprecedented heat waves made it painfully clear that extreme heat is likely to be an enduring reality for Indians. Despite contributing a negligible share to historically accumulated GHGs, various global indices rank India among the countries most vulnerable to the effects of the ongoing climate crisis. As such, India is a victim of international injustices caused by the climate crisis. Yet, the demands for international justice do not negate the need for addressing the disproportionate distribution of climate impacts within Indian society. This year’s unprecedented heat waves made it painfully clear that extreme heat is likely to be an enduring reality for Indians. Even though international media blamed the rapidly worsening effects of climate change, most Indians refer to extreme heat, floods, and landslides as “natural disasters.” Such normalisation of climate-related disasters obfuscates how India’s glaring inequalities concentrate the effects of these disasters on some sections of society. The policymakers and opinion makers themselves rarely experience the kind of hardship that residents of Kasia Bagan had to endure for three days. Men within a community do not experience the kind of hardships that women do. Muslim and Dalit women bear the dual burdens of a communal, casteist and patriarchal social system. Elderly women within disadvantaged communities do not receive the type of care and attention they deserve. The extent and nature of the effects of the climate crisis are multi-layered and vary by gender, age, caste, class, neighbourhood, and region. The complexity of the varied intersections of the climate crisis and socioeconomic factors is best captured in the idea of intersectionality. In its simplest form, intersectionality highlights the convergence of multiple forms of overt or covert discrimination and oppression rooted in the deeply entrenched social and economic structures. The deep-seated nature of intersectional injustices also determines how well we can respond to the climate crisis. For example, traditional local water-harvesting systems, such as naulas and dharas, which channel subterranean or spring water to the surface, can aid the process of climate adaptation. These well-adorned and intricately carved outlets are a crucial source of domestic water supply in the Garhwal region. Dharas often host a shrine or a small temple and, in some cases, a dhara itself serves as a place of worship, which brings them under the guidance of casteist Hindu rituals of purity and pollution. Dalit women are subjected to water apartheid, as they are assigned separate sources of water. Young Dalit girls who are sent to collect water from naulas are often subject to sexual harassment and violence. Dalit women of Rottigawad village suffer in the absence of toilets in their neighborhood. - Vikram Sharma/Outlook No Toilets For Dalits In A Karnataka Village BY Rakhi Bose It has been almost 100 years since Babasaheb Ambedkar led the Mahad Satyagraha, often referred to as India’s first civil rights movement, in which 3,000 Dalits dared to confront the caste norms that forbade them from drinking from a public water tank in Mahad, Maharashtra. Yet, access to safe drinking water remains a challenge in India even today, especially for Dalits, Adivasis, and other marginalised groups. Research from Uttarakhand and Gujarat, which we synthesise in Climate Justice in India, suggests that caste-based discrimination in access to drinking water is widespread. Such discrimination also continues under the watch of prestigious NGOs and multilateral agencies and in the workings of state government agencies responsible for emergency water supplies. Essentially, these enlightened agencies give into and normalise the casteist social order. The normalisation of climate change-related disasters also contributes to the obfuscation of the responsibility of policymakers. Nine years after the deadly heat waves of 2015 that killed more than 2,500 people, India wasn’t prepared any better for the heat waves this year. The data on fatalities related to heat waves are often grossly under-reported because protocols for recording the cause of death are unclear, especially in cases where extreme heat fatally exacerbates pre-existing health problems. This year, amidst reports of more than 40,000 recorded cases of heatstroke, only 110 heat-stroke-related deaths have been reported. Medical experts believe that the percentage of fatalities is expected to be 20 to 30 per cent of heatstroke cases, which means that the data reported publicly should be scrutinised very carefully. Clearly, we need to spruce up data collection protocols to better inform policy making. Yet, systems of data collection cannot be seen in isolation from how India’s economy is organised. More than 80 per cent of India’s population works in the informal economy, which lacks proper systems of record keeping and accountability of employers. A very large proportion of India’s Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim, and economically weak sections of society rely on outdoor labour in agriculture, mining, construction, autorickshaws, taxis, and other types of transportation services. These sectors are most directly affected by extreme heat, floods, and increasingly frequent avalanches. The high levels of informality in all these sectors, with virtually zero record keeping, makes it extremely difficult to implement social security and insurance schemes that are the first lines of defense against socio-economic vulnerabilities that the climate crisis is exacerbating. The informal nature of our economy, coupled with gender, caste, class, and religion-based inequalities, makes the climate crisis an even more daunting challenge for India. Unfortunately, as the analyses we present in Climate Justice in India shows, India’s climate action plans, including those at the state and city-levels, fail to address these intersecting inequalities in any meaningful sense. The effects on SC, ST, women, and minorities are often referenced perfunctorily, without context-specific analyses or concrete policy solutions. Hyphenating SC/ST as a made-up joint category, which ignores the remarkably different context of vulnerabilities experienced by Dalits and Adivasis, betrays the casual approach that most policy documents take to these serious questions. Another worrying trend is the blind mimicry of policy solutions imported from Western countries. For instance, India’s 2019 Cooling Action Plan focuses mainly on building the infrastructure of air-conditioning and refrigeration, while barely mentioning the hundreds of traditional practices that people in different parts of India have developed to deal with the heat. The normalisation of climate change-related disasters contributes to the obfuscation of the responsibility of policymakers. Ironically, the only time the Cooling Action Plan mentions architecture is with reference to “market-architecture.” Not cool! The unprecedented nature of the climate-induced heat waves means that we cannot ignore the role of air-conditioning and refrigeration, nor can we ignore the social inequalities embedded within traditional practices mentioned above. Yet, we cannot jettison centuries of context-specific knowledge and knowhow in favour of a singular focus on energy-intensive solutions borrowed from the West. The entire Northeast region or ecologically vibrant Thar Desert cannot be treated as hydropower or solar factories meant to feed our hunger for “renewable energy.” Responsible development of renewables requires controlling the consumption of the wealthiest Indians and promotion of good quality public transport systems. Any attempt to air-condition our way out of the climate crisis or cynically exploit the climate crisis as a source of profit for mega corporations, will further worsen the outdoor urban heat stresses, ecological impact of renewable energy, and contribute to new social injustices. Instead of treating our forests, pastures, and soils as stocks of carbon offsets exploited by global multinationals, we should support Adivasis and rural communities fighting to protect their forests and ecosystems. India is home to hundreds of deeply committed civil society organisations and youth climate movements. Policymakers must work with our world-renowned think tanks and NGOs such as the Centre for Science and Environment, Development Alternatives, Centre for Equity Studies, and Deccan Development Society, which have advocated the bolstering of water-harvesting structures, climate-resilient indigenous architecture, community resilience, and eco-friendly agriculture, in both rural and urban areas. State governments in Tamil Nadu and Kerala have introduced policies to secure Dalit women farmers’ access to agriculture land and extend support for agroecological farming, which minimises the use of energy-intensive chemical fertilisers and makes use of nature-friendly agriculture techniques. The success of these programmes shows that a hybrid approach that integrates the goal of securing women’s land rights with the state-led efforts to promote agroecology interventions advances women’s empowerment, food sovereignty, and the broader goals of climate action and climate justice in India. As climate activist Disha Ravi articulated: “Climate Justice isn’t just for the rich and the white. It is a fight alongside those who are displaced; whose rivers have been poisoned; whose lands were stolen; who watch their houses get washed away every other season; and those who fight tirelessly for what are basic human rights.” To address the climate crisis in ways that serve the large majority of Indians, we must tackle the age-old questions of caste, class, religion, and gender-based oppression. Brave activists like Hidme Markam, Suneeta Pottam, Surju Tekam, Nodeep Kaur, and Sudha Bharadwaj, who fight for ecological resilience and social dignity of the marginalised masses, should give us the strength to confront the climate crisis with humanitarian courage. We cannot tackle the climate crisis without pursuing climate justice. (Views expressed are personal) (This appeared in the print as 'A Crisis Of Inequality') Prakash Kashwan is Associate Professor of Environmental Studies at Brandeis University. He is the Editor of Climate Justice in India
New Delhi: India deployed four unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) on Monday to scan areas that rescue and relief workers have not been able to reach in the flood-hit Himalayan foothills in Uttarakhand in what was described as a pioneering operation. add_main_image“It was the first time that this was done,” said M. Shashidhar Reddy, vice-chairman of the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA). The UAVs made a reconnaissance of 50 areas in Uttarakhand on Monday, at least 20 of which were locations that rescuers hadn’t been able to reach to assess damage, Reddy said.NextMAds “The idea was to try to use UAVs to scan areas,” he said. It was the first time that the drones had been used in the country outside test situations, he said. The vehicle is controlled from a laptop “and has a camera attached to it which gives live video of the area,” he said. Designed by four former Indian Institute of Technology students, the UAVs have a range of two kilometres and are programmed to return automatically if they go beyond that range. “You can either control the altitude and the area at the time that it is going around or you can pre-programme it to cover the designated area at a certain altitude,” Reddy said. Uttarakhand was hit by the worst floods in more than five decades and landslides last week after unprecedented heavy rain. The home ministry said on Monday that the death toll in the state could reach 1,000. However, some experts said that this was a conservative figure and the death toll is likely to be around 10,000. NDMA was not prepared to cope with the disaster that took place in Uttarakhand, said Sunita Narain, director general of the Centre for Science and Environment. sixthMAds “We need much better disaster preparedness. Though there was enough warning from the local meteorological office in Dehradun, the state government failed to send warnings to the pilgrims travelling in the state,” she said. She was speaking at a South Asia regional consultation on climate change adaptation organized by Unicef in New Delhi on Monday. Reddy, who was also present at the event, said that the observational and forecast capabilities of the India Meteorological Department (IMD) have been “lacking”. “We have advised IMD officers to...monitor the weather in the state during the time that pilgrims visit the state” in a meeting held on 19 June, he said. He also said that the terminology used by IMD needs to be simplified for easier understanding. “Heavy (rainfall) needs to be translated further into millimetres per hour,” he said. Climate change will become an important factor in development work in the Himalayan terrain, he said. “There was an ecological imbalance in the area.” On the extent of damage caused by the floods, Narain said that the disaster in Uttarakhand is “as much man-made as it is natural. Any development strategy that is not environmentally sound will become more disastrous and more tragic. All this means that we cannot afford to get development wrong,” she said. Although the disaster in Uttarakhand could not be called an event caused directly by climate change, there definitely were links to it, she said. “Climate change talks about intensification of extreme rainfall events, and this is one of them,” she said. Apart from causing disasters, climate change also directly impacts the development and growth of countries, said Lise Grande, United Nations resident coordinator. “All of the millennium development goals are at risk because of climate change and it poses a serious threat to the development that has taken place in various countries,” she said. David Mcloughlin, convener of India’s United Nations disaster management team (UNDMT), said that there is a need to develop local-level resilience in the country since it is geographically very diverse. “The government should focus on building response and resilience centres at the district and state level. They need more technical support and also need to mobilize capacity,” he said.
