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State of India Environment Report 2026

The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) released the ‘State of India’s Environment 2026’ report.  Published annually since 1982, the report provides an overview of major environmental challenges in India, including floods, extreme weather events, wildlife behaviour changes, and air pollution. It also examines global climate change trends and their impact on India. CSE experts warned that the global temperature rise may exceed the 1.5°C threshold, indicating that the world is nearing a critical climate tipping point.... Read more at:

State policies emerge as key drivers of India’s Compressed Biogas expansion, says CSE expert at IFGE conference

As India accelerates efforts to build a robust compressed biogas (CBG) ecosystem, experts are increasingly pointing to the crucial role of state-level policy frameworks in determining whether projects move from paper to implementation. Strong policies that address both capital investment and operational challenges are essential for scaling the bioenergy sector across the country. Speaking on the evolving policy landscape, Shobhit Shrivastava, Program Manager at the Centre for Science and Environment, emphasized that effective state-level interventions are critical to ensuring the growth of the bioenergy industry. “Without strong state-level policy support, projects do not move on the ground,” Shrivastava noted, highlighting that several Indian states have already introduced dedicated bioenergy frameworks to support compressed biogas development. Among the states that have taken significant policy initiatives are Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Punjab, all of which have implemented targeted policies to promote bioenergy projects. According to Shrivastava, evaluating state policies for compressed biogas requires careful consideration of both capital expenditure and operational expenditure components. While capital investment in CBG plants is significant, operational costs often exceed capital costs over the lifetime of the project, making long-term policy support essential for maintaining financial viability. In this context, Uttar Pradesh stands out as one of the most unique policy frameworks in the country. Unlike most states that offer incentives as a percentage of eligible fixed capital investment, Uttar Pradesh provides a distinct support model that includes land allocation at Rs 1 per acre for up to 30 years, creating a highly attractive environment for project developers. The state has also introduced long-term tax incentives that strengthen project economics. Alongside Uttar Pradesh, Chhattisgarh has also provided one of the longest timelines for tax relief among state bioenergy policies. Policy design in several states has also expanded to address critical infrastructure requirements. Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh have incorporated detailed provisions for infrastructure development within their bioenergy policies, reflecting a broader understanding of the logistical needs of CBG projects. In addition, states such as Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Haryana have introduced the concept of defined catchment areas to ensure consistent feedstock supply for biogas plants. Other states are focusing on different aspects of financial support. The bioenergy policy of Gujarat, for instance, primarily emphasizes operational assistance, offering support of up to Rs 25 crore for eligible projects. Meanwhile, Telangana has introduced significant financial backing for project financing by providing up to 75 percent intervention on term loans, helping developers access capital more easily. Energy-related incentives also vary across states. Assam currently offers one of the longest guaranteed power subsidies under its policy framework, providing long-term operational stability for bioenergy developers. Another emerging area of focus is workforce development. As the bioenergy sector expands, the need for skilled manpower to operate and maintain compressed biogas facilities is becoming increasingly important. States such as Bihar and Chhattisgarh have incorporated capacity-building initiatives into their bioenergy policies to address this challenge. Some states are also working to strengthen market linkages for by-products generated from CBG plants. Madhya Pradesh, for example, has mandated the sale of bio-digested organic manure through fertilizer retail outlets, creating structured market access for plant operators. These policy variations reflect the evolving nature of India’s bioenergy ecosystem. According to Shrivastava, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat currently stand out as the top three state policies in the bioenergy sector, owing to their comprehensive incentive structures and implementation frameworks. Despite the progress made through state-level initiatives, the overall scale of the industry remains relatively limited. India currently has approximately 194 operational compressed biogas plants, but one of the major challenges facing the sector is the absence of real-time data monitoring systems that can track plant performance, feedstock utilization, and production output across the country. Shrivastava emphasized that strengthening operational support mechanisms will be critical for the sector’s future growth. Expanding operational expenditure support under state policies, implementing comprehensive real-time monitoring systems, and ensuring greater operational transparency could significantly improve the sector’s performance. He also underscored the importance of aligning policy formulation with implementation, noting that effective policies must be supported by robust execution mechanisms. “Implementation and formulation of policy should go hand in hand,” Shrivastava said, stressing that coordinated action between governments, industry stakeholders, and project developers will be essential for scaling India’s compressed biogas ecosystem in the years ahead.

Lessons From a Failing City

Delhi. This is my city—my family records many generations who have lived here. It is also where I have spent most of my professional career advocating for clean air, clean water and everything that we need for a basic well-being. We have garbage everywhere; potholes; no traffic discipline; congestion, illegal buildings and parking that add to the chaos of road management; water supply that is struggling to keep up with demand; a forsaken Yamuna river, which is a receptacle of sewage; and of course, the now infamous unbreathable air. I could go on, but all residents of Delhi know what we are living through. So, we need to ask, if the complete, visible and much-discussed breakdown of urban services that we are witnessing today can be reversed, or if the blight has gone too far? I ask this not to crib over collapsed infrastructure, but to ensure that we learn from this experience and do not create another Delhi in India. In other words, we ensure that middle-India cities do not become mega-messes as they grow—even implode. This is important. We know that urbanisation will drive the white-collar economy. Today, with the pressures on immigration in the western world, there is a huge opportunity for young, skilled workers to flourish in our country. But they need more than money; they need quality of life—for themselves and their children. It is not just about malls, restaurants and nightlife, but about the basics: clean water, clean air, education and housing that attract and retain talent. It is about liveable cities. To make this work, we must understand what not to do. Population data for cities is outdated; planning still depends on the 2011 Census. Yet we can see the implosion as cities expand into their peripheries. Over two decades ago, at the turn of the millennium, Gurugram sprang up on Delhi’s outskirts. Today, urban extension spreads laterally for miles and grows every day. Smaller towns are becoming big, but without adequate planning or services. This is the challenge. So, what should be done? First, cities must plan for mobility, not just roads. This is key as moving people is linked to affordable housing and livelihoods. As cities grow and land prices rise, many cannot afford to buy homes. This then means the poor—critical to the city’s service sector—look for living in what is euphemistically called “unauthorised”, illegal areas or slums. The tragedy is that these lands are, in many cases, key for the city’s environment like green areas or catchments of waterbodies. Residents have little choice but to endure poor living conditions and daily harassment. The commute from the periphery, where housing may be cheaper, is either unavailable or just out of reach. The middle class also moves outwards, relying on private transport, which then adds to congestion. The city loses in every way. So, as cities grow, the most important component, call it the spine, should be transport planning—to connect the periphery and enable movement within the city. People should be able to walk, cycle, take buses, use the metro, and, only if necessary, use a car. A modern city should not resemble gridlocked Delhi or Bengaluru. Then, of course, there is a need for other basic services, from education to healthcare to clean water. These will drive the liveability quotient. But nothing is as important as the enforcement of the master plan. Delhi’s master plan is outdated, and worse, it is practised more in the breach. Most cities in India, and certainly the ones growing, do not even have the semblance of a land-use plan, which is then available publicly so that people know what is permitted and what is not. Transparency is the first step towards deterrence. The chaos, deliberately born out of this confusion, is visible in Delhi, where illegal encroachments take over roads, and public investment in infrastructure is lost. The new-gen city needs management, not populism that leads to anarchy. This is where the rubber meets the road. We need affordable models of urbanisation, but these will not emerge from permitting everything that is illegal in the name of protecting livelihoods. This will only guarantee chaos and poor service. The bottom line is, focus on the nature of urban governance. We have completely discordant city governance systems, where representatives are elected and then disabled. They then play with everything that is lucrative, adding to the disorder. It is ironic that New Delhi, where the power elite lives, has decided that democracy does not work for it—an authority of officials runs the city. This is fast becoming a model for other newly growing cities. What, then, is best? This is the question that will determine our economic future—nothing less. The nature of urbanisation must be resource-efficient, inclusive and capable of ensuring livelihood security and all that makes life worth living, from clean water and clean air to playgrounds and schools. Let’s discard the Delhi-style city dreams of the past and embrace the future. DTE Views expressed are personal. The writer is the Director-General of CSE and editor of DownToEarth

India’s new waste management rules face old implementation gaps

“There are not many provisions in the new rules that directly address air pollution or heat stress, despite the clear link between waste burning, emissions and air quality,” says Shrotik Bose, Research Associate, Solid Waste Management and Circular Economy, Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). India’s environment ministry notified the new solid waste management (SWM) rules of 2026 on January 27, superseding the 2016 rules. The new rules signal a shift towards a more systematic compliance architecture, with a clearer outline of duties for waste generators, a revised definition of Bulk Waste Generators, and higher landfill user fees for mixed waste to encourage segregation. Well-intentioned as the new rules are, experts caution against gaps in implementation that have dogged solid waste management in India for decades. Illustrating this are the towering landfills in New Delhi — Bhalaswa, Ghazipur and Okhla — symbols of the city’s historical failure to segregate waste at source. Delhi leads all Indian cities, generating approximately 600 grams of waste per person per day. Nearly 64% of the collected waste is processed, according to the Central Pollution Control Bureau (CPCB), while the remaining 36% or. 4,241 tonnes, find its way to unsanitary landfills, or dumpsites everyday. These landfills and dumpsites are silent contributors to air pollution through the year as well as to greenhouse gas emissions and heat stress during the summers. Biomass and waste burning are the second largest contributors to particulate matter emissions in Delhi, contributing 23% to PM10 and 24% to PM2.5, according to one source apportionment study. When biodegradable waste accumulates and is left to rot, it produces methane, which has a warming potential 80 times greater than that of carbon dioxide, over a 20-year-period, and is the second-largest contributor to global warming. According to another study, higher temperature zones within the Ghazipur landfill are widening and reaching the surface, which is unsuitable. “There are not many provisions in the new rules that directly address air pollution or heat stress, despite the clear link between waste burning, emissions and air quality,” says Shrotik Bose, Research Associate, Solid Waste Management and Circular Economy, Centre for Science and Environment (CSE).

Himachal Farmers Turn to Natural Farming Amid Climate Stress

Market access remains uneven. A 2023 study by the Centre for Science and Environment found that many farmers were dissatisfied because they were unable to secure significantly higher prices for natural produce. In several cases, produce was sold at rates comparable to chemically grown crops, and benefits came primarily from reduced cultivation costs rather than price premiums. Shimla, Himachal Pradesh: In Himachal Pradesh’s fragile mountainous terrain, changing weather patterns, erratic rainfall, rising crop diseases and increasing production risks are no longer occasional disruptions. For many farmers, they have become part of everyday experience. But Suresh Thakur, who cultivates six bighas in Pahal Panchayat of Shimla district, said these fluctuations do not worry him as much as they once did. “I started natural farming eight years ago… because of which even though we have not received a drop of rain for the last four months, I am free from worry,” Thakur told 101Reporters. “It took time to gain confidence in the new methodology… but now even if there is damage, I feel it will be limited since my input costs are lower and my crops are better able to withstand weather fluctuations.” Pointing to his field, he said, “The soil is now soft, crops are less prone to disease, and I am getting good yields even in drought and excess rainfall.” Thakur attributes this resilience largely to achhadan or, mulching, or keeping the soil covered with crop residue, dry grass or leaves. During dry spells, the mulch layer reduces evaporation and helps retain soil moisture. When rainfall is intense, it cushions the impact of raindrops and slows surface runoff, preventing soil erosion. Combined with mixed cropping of vegetables, cereals and pulses using indigenous seeds, he says the system spreads risk across crops. Since shifting to natural farming, Thakur’s input costs have fallen from Rs 45,000 to Rs 5,500. His income, he said, has increased from Rs 3 lakh to Rs 4.5 lakh. Natural farming is emerging in Himachal Pradesh as one approach to adapting agriculture to climate stress. The lines between natural farming and organic farming may seem blurred, however there are some distinctions. Dr. Manoj Gupta, Professor of Agricultural Economics at Chaudhary Sarwan Kumar Himachal Pradesh Agricultural University, Palampur, said, “While both avoid chemical fertilizers, in natural farming, the farmer makes all the formulations using cow dung and urine on his own farm at minimal cost, whereas in organic farming, his dependence on the market does not end completely.” He further added that natural farming is a better version of organic farming. The central principle is that soil is a living system. Microorganisms, earthworms and organic matter present in the soil are believed to provide nutrition and protection to crops when not disrupted by chemical inputs. According to the Himachal Pradesh Department of Agriculture, the state has 9.97 lakh farmers, of whom 2.23 lakh (22.37%) are practising natural farming on 38,456 hectares. In the plains of Una district, farmer Joginder Pal described a different climate challenge. “I live in the plains, and waterlogging during the rainy season is common,” he said. “Last year, during the rains, everyone’s fields were flooded. Due to high humidity, the surrounding farmers’ maize crops were almost completely destroyed, but I did not suffer as much damage.” Joginder said that natural farming improves soil porosity, allowing water to seep into the ground rather than stagnate on the surface. Mulching protects roots and reduces soil compaction. He said neighbouring farmers reported losses of up to 90% in their maize crop during flooding, while more than half of his crop remained intact. Losses in one crop were partly offset by mixed crops grown alongside. Comparing cost Farmers practising natural farming say lower input costs reduce financial risk. Thakur said that earlier, a poor season meant heavy losses because of spending on fertilisers, pesticides and hybrid seeds. “Now even if yield fluctuates, the cost burden is less,” he said. Research findings broadly reflect these economic shifts. The report Natural Farming through a Wide Lens by GIST Impact, supported by the Global Alliance for the Future of Food, found that farmers adopting natural farming recorded a 44% reduction in input costs and a 49% increase in income. A study by the Academy of Management Sciences, Lucknow, examining the economic impact in Himachal Pradesh, found that adoption reduced cultivation costs by an average of 36% and increased net profits by 28.6%. State-level research has also examined agronomic impacts. When the programme began in 2018 under the Prakritik Kheti Khushhal Kisan Yojana, later renamed the Rajiv Gandhi Prakritik Kheti Khushhal Kisan Yojana, there were doubts about whether the method would work across Himachal’s diverse agro-ecological zones. Manoj Gupta, Professor of Agricultural Economics at Chaudhary Sarwan Kumar Himachal Pradesh Agricultural University, Palampur, said research projects were assigned to agricultural and forestry universities to assess adaptation. Based on findings, modifications were made. The interval for applying Jeevamrit (made with cow dung, cow urine, jaggery, among others) was reduced from 21 days to 14 days after studies on paddy, wheat-pea, gram, maize-soybean and finger millet-soybean combinations showed higher yields with shorter intervals. Application of Ghanjeevamrit (also made with cow dung, cow urine, jaggery but in different proportions) was found to increase soil organic carbon and nitrogen, key indicators of soil fertility. Between 2018 and 2022, research conducted by Dr Yashwant Singh Parmar University of Horticulture and Forestry in the Spiti Valley found that natural farming combined with mulching resulted in 4% to 8% higher soil moisture compared to conventional farming. Scientists involved in the study said soil moisture remained more stable during the cropping season and organic carbon levels were consistently higher under natural farming across altitudes. Janardan Singh, Chairperson of the Department of Natural and Organic Farming at the university, said eliminating chemical fertilisers reduces greenhouse gas emissions associated with agriculture and can improve soil health over time. Government support To expand adoption, the Himachal Pradesh government provides Rs 30,000 assistance (Rs 25,000 grant and Rs 5,000 market fee support) to farmers purchasing cows, as natural farming relies on cow dung and urine. So far, 2,268 farmers have availed of the subsidy. Beneficiaries are required to purchase indigenous breeds such as local Pahari cows, Sahiwal or Gir varieties. The department has identified specific farms for procurement of certain breeds. In addition, 1,379 trained farmers have opened resource centres supplying inputs such as Jeevamrit and Beejamrit at minimal prices. Farmers who do not wish to rear cows can access inputs from these centres. To provide price assurance, the state is procuring naturally grown wheat, maize, raw turmeric and barley at the minimum support price. According to official data, Rs 3.31 crore has been paid to farmers so far. The government has also imposed a natural farming cess on liquor sales — Rs 2 per bottle on country liquor and Rs 5 per bottle on foreign liquor — to support the programme, and launched the “Him-Bhog” brand to market natural produce. Chief Minister Sukhwinder Singh Sukhu has said the state has introduced “the highest minimum support price” in the country for naturally grown crops and plans to expand procurement to more crops. Challenges Despite policy backing, natural farming faces practical constraints. Farmers are currently using a mix of old and new seeds sourced from departments, markets and other farmers. However, the state lacks a systematic seed bank tailored to its diverse agro-climatic zones. Somkrishna Gautam from Mandi district said he began conserving traditional seeds in 2018 under a Save Seeds campaign and now preserves 120 varieties of cereals, pulses and oilseeds. Around 500 farmers from six districts are engaged in similar efforts. Labour intensity is another concern. According to the GIST Impact report, natural farming requires more labour than conventional farming. The report notes that conventional farming required 277 labour hours per year, while natural farming required 336 hours which s about 21% more. Studies conducted by the State Project Implementation Unit in Himachal Pradesh indicate labour requirements are roughly 20% higher in the state as well. Joginder Pal explained the difference: “If I cultivate cabbage under natural farming, I prepare inputs, treat seeds, mulch, remove weeds manually and monitor for disease constantly. Everything is done manually.” He said labour shortages make this difficult and farmers rely largely on migrant workers. However, he added that over time, the need for tillage reduces and crop diseases decline. “For large-scale farmers, adopting this system is difficult because of the labour-intensive nature of farming. But since most farmers in India have small landholdings, adoption becomes relatively easier,” he said. Dr JC Rana, project lead for the Alliance of Biodiversity and CIAT, said natural farming has the potential to transform agricultural ecosystems in the Himalayan region. However, he noted that unless the system becomes more labour-friendly, scaling it up could remain challenging. He added that coordinated efforts by the government, private sector and civil society are needed to address climate risks. Market access remains uneven. A 2023 study by the Centre for Science and Environment found that many farmers were dissatisfied because they were unable to secure significantly higher prices for natural produce. In several cases, produce was sold at rates comparable to chemically grown crops, and benefits came primarily from reduced cultivation costs rather than price premiums. The study also noted concerns around branding, storage and market linkages. Farmers reported that local traders often offered prices similar to conventional produce, limiting financial gains despite chemical-free cultivation. Nekram Sharma, a farmer from Mandi district who received the Padma Shri in 2023 for reviving natural farming and the traditional nine-grain cropping system, said farming should not be evaluated solely on short-term monetary returns. “In our pursuit of cash, we have damaged our ecosystem. If we want to protect agriculture and health, we have to rethink how we farm,” he said. He added that government training programmes are necessary, but agricultural officials and scientists need to engage more closely with farmers to address practical difficulties. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s Sixth Assessment Report notes that global warming is increasing pressure on agriculture. India is identified as one of the more vulnerable countries in Asia. Post-AR5 assessments suggest that by 2030, production of major crops such as rice, wheat and pulses could decline by around 2.3%. In a state like Himachal Pradesh, where geography already constrains agriculture, farmers say that this adaptation is not optional.

MP में हर साल 150 से ज्यादा दिन मौसम खराब:सीएसई रिपोर्ट में दावा-2025 में 537 मौतें हुईं; यह राजस्थान और यूपी से भी ज्यादा

मध्य प्रदेश में साल 2025 के दौरान एक्सट्रीम वेदर वाले दिनों की संख्या भले ही कम रही, लेकिन मौसम से जुड़ी घटनाओं में मौतों का आंकड़ा 500 के पार पहुंच गया। यह जानकारी सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरमेंट (CSE) की वर्ष 2026 की

Obesity by algorithm: How delivery apps are rewriting childhood

A survey by the Centre for Science and Environment found that 76% of children had access to fast food outlets in their neighbourhoods, and 12% consumed it more than twice a week. Household expenditure data show a steady rise in processed foods and beverages in urban India, even as cereal consumption declines. With over 750 million smartphone users, delivery services bypass both the kitchen and the school gate. The algorithm becomes an invisible decision-maker, shifting taste and habit without ever appearing in the health conversation. India's obesity crisis is no longer hidden in statistics -- it is visible in every classroom, every delivery app notification, and every child’s plate. Childhood in India’s cities is being reshaped not only by screens and social media, but by what arrives at the doorstep wrapped in plastic and cardboard. The daily meal, once a shared ritual anchored in care, is increasingly replaced by algorithm-curated convenience. For children, food now arrives through notifications, discounts, and auto-suggested menus long before hunger even announces itself. What looks like choice is in fact code-driven appetite, and what looks like abundance is often malnutrition in disguise. In the same classroom bench, one child may struggle with chronic fatigue caused by iron deficiency while another exhibits early signs of obesity and metabolic stress. Recent metropolitan school studies indicate that nearly one in three students is already overweight or obese. A 2023 meta-analysis estimated pooled overweight and obesity prevalence among urban school children at 19-23%, with higher rates in private schools. By 2030, India is projected to have more than 27 million children and adolescents living with obesity, accounting for roughly 11% of the global burden. At the same time, National Family Health Survey-5 data reveal that among girls aged 15-19, anaemia prevalence exceeds 59%, while among adolescent boys stands it stands at nearly 31%. This coexistence reflects the double burden of malnutrition -- a generation both overfed and undernourished, driven not by scarcity but by calorie-dense, nutrient-poor diets. How the algorithm shapes appetite: Food delivery platforms have become powerful actors in the urban food system. Their algorithms are not neutral -- they amplify foods that maximise profit, often those high in sugar, salt and unhealthy fats. Through visuals, time-bound deals and personalised nudges, children are repeatedly steered toward the same narrow spectrum of ultra-processed food. A survey by the Centre for Science and Environment found that 76% of children had access to fast food outlets in their neighbourhoods, and 12% consumed it more than twice a week. Household expenditure data show a steady rise in processed foods and beverages in urban India, even as cereal consumption declines. With over 750 million smartphone users, delivery services bypass both the kitchen and the school gate. The algorithm becomes an invisible decision-maker, shifting taste and habit without ever appearing in the health conversation. Overlaying this landscape is the rise of health washing. Foods marketed as “baked,” “multigrain,” or “protein-rich” often remain nutritionally poor, but these labels soften perception. Delivery platforms now curate alleged healthy menus that serve more as reassurance than reform. Parents attempting to make better decisions find themselves navigating a marketplace engineered to blur the distinction between nutrition and promotion. India generates over 3.5 million tonnes of plastic waste annually, much of it from food packaging. Delivery meals commonly involve multiple layers of non-recyclable waste -- plastic trays, foam insulation, aluminium foil, sachets and disposable cutlery. Between 2016-17 and 2020-21, reported plastic waste generation increased by more than 40%, with metropolitan cities contributing disproportionately. Each meal delivered adds to landfill pressure, clogged drains and carbon emissions. What begins as dietary convenience multiplies into environmental stress, worsening urban pollution, groundwater contamination and ecosystem degradation. Children’s dietary shifts thus feed both a health crisis and an ecological one.

Heat Pocket Effect: बढ़ती गर्मी से दिल पर खतरा, IMD ने जारी किया अलर्ट

Centre for Science and Environment की 2026 की रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक कई शहरों में रात का तापमान कम ही नहीं हो रहा। बेंगलुरु और हैदराबाद जैसे शहरों में भी जमीन का तापमान 7 से 15 डिग्री तक बढ़ चुका है। मतलब आपका दिल रात में भी आराम नहीं कर पा रहा। Heat Pocket Effect: भारत में गर्मी ने इस बार जल्दी दस्तक दे दी है। 5 मार्च 2026 को ही मौसम मई जैसा महसूस हो रहा है। India Meteorological Department ने पहले ही चेतावनी दे दी है कि इस साल मई तक सामान्य से ज्यादा गर्मी पड़ेगी। लेकिन असली खतरा सिर्फ तेज धूप नहीं है, बल्कि हमारे शहरों का कंक्रीट भी है। क्या है हीट पॉकेट का खतरा? आपने महसूस किया होगा कि आपका मोहल्ला घुटन भरा लगता है, या बाजार तक पैदल जाते ही दिल तेज धड़कने लगता है। यह सिर्फ आपका वहम नहीं है। इसे हीट पॉकेट कहते हैं। यह Urban Heat Island जैसा असर है, जहां इमारतें, सीमेंट और डामर दिनभर की गर्मी सोख लेते हैं और रात में धीरे-धीरे छोड़ते रहते हैं। Centre for Science and Environment की 2026 की रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक कई शहरों में रात का तापमान कम ही नहीं हो रहा। बेंगलुरु और हैदराबाद जैसे शहरों में भी जमीन का तापमान 7 से 15 डिग्री तक बढ़ चुका है। मतलब आपका दिल रात में भी आराम नहीं कर पा रहा।

दिल्ली में पैदल यात्रियों और साइकिल ड्राइवरों की अनदेखी, सीएसई ने पेश किाए चौंकाने वाले आंकड़े

राष्ट्रीय राजधानी के परिवहन नियोजन को लेकर सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरमेंट (सीएसई) ने चौंकाने वाले आंकड़े पेश किए हैं। ''स्टेट ऑफ इंडियाज एनवायरमेंट'' 2026 रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, दिल्ली में बुनियादी ढांचा मोटर वाहनों के हिसाब से विकसित किया जा रहा है, जबकि असलियत में शहर की एक बहुत छोटी आबादी ही चौपहिया वाहनों का इस्तेमाल करती है। सड़कों पर असमानता : छह प्रतिशत कारें, 90 प्रतिशत कब्जा सीएसई की महानिदेशक सुनीता नारायण ने बताया कि दिल्ली में महज 6.4 प्रतिशत लोग कारों का उपयोग करते हैं। इसके विपरीत, 38.9 प्रतिशत लोग आज भी नान-मोटराइज्ड व्हीकल (साइकिल या पैदल) का सहारा लेते हैं। विडंबना यह है कि सड़कों का 90 प्रतिशत हिस्सा कारें घेरती हैं, जबकि साइकिल सवारों और पैदल चलने वालों के लिए सुरक्षित फुटपाथ या लेन का अभाव है। उन्होंने सवाल उठाया कि जब बड़ी आबादी पैदल या साइकिल से चलती है, तो शहर की पूरी प्लानिंग केवल फ्लाईओवर एवं सड़कों को चौड़ा करने तक ही सीमित क्यों है?

Rapid warming a cause of concern

A report that has been published in the State of India’s Environment (SOE) 2026 warns that India is warming fast and questions whether this will it lead to a climate apocalypse. The annual SOE report — the flagship publication of the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) and Down To Earth — was released last week. The report adds that the Indian landmass was warmer on average by nearly 0.9°C during the previous decade (2015 to 2024) compared to the early 20th century (1901 to 1930). Warming has been uneven, with parts of north India warming as fast as 0.2°C per decade in the past three decades. While warming over the Indian region is muted compared to the present global warming level of about 1.3°C, temperature extremes in India have been on the rise. Most parts of India, except for the Indo-Gangetic plains, have witnessed an increase in “warm days” — defined as days with maximum temperature exceeding the 90th percentile of daily maximum temperatures during the 1995-2014 periods, by up to 5 to 10 days per decade. This is particularly prominent over northeast, Thar-Rajasthan and peninsular India. Concurrently, the frequency of “warm nights” – defined as days with minimum temperature exceeding the 90th percentile of daily minimum temperatures during the 1995-2014 periods — is also on the rise especially over parts of Rajasthan and Gujarat. Consequently, the hottest day of the year in recent years is 1.5-2°C warmer compared to the 1950s over large regions of Western India and the northeast region, the report adds. This means that regions that were experiencing maximum temperatures between higher 30s to lower 40s°C are now experiencing maximum temperatures exceeding 40°C during summertime. This has been accompanied by increased intensity, frequency and duration of heatwaves. The northwest region is experiencing a significant increase in warm days as well as warm nights rendering this region particularly vulnerable to heat stress, especially for outdoor workers. There have been significant changes in monsoon rainfall patterns in India, albeit with wide differences across the country. Large parts of northwest India have experienced an increase in rainfall by 60-120 mm every decade since the 1950s along with an increase in extreme precipitation events, while the Indo-Gangetic region and the northeast exhibit a sharp decrease in rainfall. The report points out that Central India is experiencing an increase in extreme precipitation events (defined as daily precipitation exceeding 150 mm), with prominent increases in coastal Gujarat. There is also an increase in the intensity and frequency of high precipitation events during the northeast monsoon, which mainly affects the peninsular region of the country. Looking to the future, the Indian summer monsoon rainfall is expected to increase by 6-8% by 2050 compared to the recent past (1995-2014) under the moderate emissions scenario. However, Earth System Models still struggle with simulating the intensities of monsoon teleconnections resulting in a large spread in monsoon projections across the models. As a DTE news release states, the 2026 SOE draws attention to another breaching: that of ‘planetary boundaries’. There are nine planetary boundaries identified by researchers: climate change, biosphere integrity, land system change, freshwater change, modification of biogeochemical flows, introduction of novel entities, ocean acidification, atmospheric aerosol loading and stratospheric ozone depletion. Of these nine, humans have “blown past the safe zone” in six (as per 2024 data). The six breached boundaries are climate change, biosphere integrity, land system change, freshwater change, modification of biogeochemical flows and introduction of novel entities. A seventh boundary has now joined the list: that of ocean acidification. The SOE report quotes the latest Planetary Health Check study, which says that ocean acidification, driven by fossil fuel combustion, has increased: surface ocean acidity has gone up by 30-40% since the advent of the industrial era. Rising acidity threatens corals, molluscs and plankton that build calcium carbonate shells or skeletons. In terms of biosphere integrity, extinction rate of species ranges above 100 extinctions per million species years – way above the safe threshold of 10. While the pace of deforestation has slowed, global forest cover has fallen to 59%, well below the 75% safe minimum. Freshwater reserves are in a dire state. Plastics, inadequately tested chemicals and synthetic materials remain a growing threat.

Cities need new model to become resource-efficient, inclusive, and liveable

Cry for my Delhi. This is my city: My family records many generations who have lived here. It is also where I have spent most of my professional career advocating clean air, water, and everything else that we need for basic well-being. We have garbage everywhere; potholes alongside no traffic discipline, with congestion, illegal buildings, and parking woes, which add to the chaos of road management. Our water supply is struggling to keep up with demand; the Yamuna is a forsaken river, and has become a receptacle of sewage instead; and of course, the now infamous unbreathable air. I could go on, but all residents of Delhi know what we are living through. So, we need to ask if the complete, visible, and much-discussed breakdown of urban services that we are witnessing today can be reversed, or if the blight has gone too far. I ask this not to crib about collapsed infrastructure but to ensure that we learn from this experience and do not create another Delhi in India. In other words, we ensure that middle-India cities do not become mega messes as they grow — even implode. This is important. We know that urbanisation will drive the white-collar economy. Today, with the pressures of immigration in the Western world, there is a huge opportunity for young, skilled workers to flourish in India. But they need more than money — they need quality of life for themselves and their children. It is not just about malls, restaurants, and nightlife, but about the basics: Clean water, clean air, education, and housing attract and retain talent. It is about liveable cities. To make this work, we must understand what not to do. The population data for cities is outdated, and planning still depends on the 2011 Census. Yet, we can see the implosion as cities expand into their peripheries. Over two decades ago, at the turn of the millennium, Gurugram sprang up on Delhi’s outskirts. Today, urban extension spreads laterally for miles and grows every day. Smaller towns are becoming big but without planning or services. This is the challenge. What should be done? First: Cities must plan for mobility, not just roads. This is the key as moving people is linked to affordable housing and livelihoods. As cities grow and land prices rise, many cannot afford to buy homes. This then means that the poor — critical to the city’s services sector — look for living in what are euphemistically called “unauthorised” areas, or slums. The tragedy is that in many cases, these lands are the key for the city’s environment, like green areas or catchments of waterbodies. The commute from the periphery, where housing may be cheaper, is either unavailable or just out of reach. The middle class also moves outwards, relying on private transport, which then adds to congestion. The city loses in every way. As cities grow, the most important component of planning, its “spine”, should be transportation — to connect the periphery and enable movement within the city. People should be able to walk, cycle, take buses or the Metro, and, only if necessary, use a car. A modern city should not resemble a gridlocked Delhi or Bengaluru. Then, there is a need for other basic services as well, from education to health care to clean water. These will drive the liveability quotient. But nothing is as important as the enforcement of the master plan. Delhi’s master plan is outdated and, worse, it is practised more in the breach. Most cities in India, and certainly the ones that are growing, do not even have the semblance of a land-use plan, which is then available publicly so that people know what is permitted and what is not. Transparency is the first step to deterrence. The chaos, deliberately born out of this confusion, is visible in Delhi, where illegal encroachments take over roads and public investment in infrastructure is lost. The new-gen city needs management, not populism, which leads to anarchy. This is where the rubber meets the road. We need affordable models of urbanisation, but these will not emerge from permitting everything that is illegal in the name of protecting livelihoods. This will only guarantee chaos and poor services. The bottom line is to focus on the nature of urban governance. We have completely discordant city-governance systems, where representatives are elected and then disabled. They then play with everything that is lucrative, adding to disorder. It is ironic that New Delhi, where the power elite lives, has decided that democracy does not work for it — an authority of officials runs the city. This is fast becoming a model for other newly growing cities. What, then, is best? This is the question that will determine our economic future — nothing less. The nature of urbanisation must be resource-efficient, inclusive, and capable of ensuring livelihood security and all that makes life worth living — from clean water and clean air to playgrounds and schools. Let’s discard the Delhi-style city dreams of the past. Let’s embrace the future. The author is at the Centre for Science and Environment. sunita@cseindia.org, X: @sunitanar

Up close with tigers: Why wild cat attacks on humans are rising

The tiger, India’s national animal, may be a conservation success story in terms of numbers, but a detailed assessment of facts suggests the big cat is adapting in troubling ways to ecological stress, one of them being rising attacks on humans with whom they increasingly share their shrinking habitats. The State of India’s Environment (SOE) Report 2026, prepared by the Delhi-based not-for-profit Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), has concluded that some stark behavioural changes are underway among tiger populations. Drawing on field observations, studies and official data, the report points to increasing human-tiger encounters, resulting from hunting grounds shifting from deep forests to fringes and shared areas, and a growing reliance on livestock in some landscapes.

Delhi Monitors But Much Of India Breaths Without Real-Time Data

Despite advancements in regional monitoring, coverage gaps mean more than 1.2 billion people across small towns, peri-urban belts and rural districts lack access to continuous air quality information, experts said. The 2026 State of India’s Environment report highlights that only about 15 per cent of India’s roughly 1.4 billion people live within 10 km of a real-time air quality monitor. This leaves about 85 per cent outside measurable range, with little to no data on fine particulate matter (PM2.5), nitrogen oxides or ozone levels in many densely inhabited regions. This imbalance is particularly stark between megacities and secondary or emerging urban areas. Capital cities such as Delhi and Chandigarh have dense monitoring networks, often tied to active policymaking and emergency response systems. In contrast, rapidly growing population centres in eastern and central India — including districts in Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal — remain poorly represented in the national monitoring grid. Studies show that more than 64 per cent of India’s 742 districts lacked any continuous monitoring station at all, and many medium-sized towns are entirely excluded from real-time data feeds. Urban planners and environmental scientists say these gaps matter because air quality is both spatially and temporally variable. Areas with limited official coverage may experience severe pollution episodes linked to vehicle emissions, industrial activity, construction dust and seasonal crop residue burning — but without monitors, local authorities do not have the data required to issue early warnings or implement targeted mitigation. In Delhi, data quality issues illustrate the complexity of monitoring infrastructure even where coverage appears robust. Analysis of the capital’s network shows that a significant share of its air quality monitors cover less than two-thirds of the city’s area, with some stations placed in greener spaces that may under-report actual pollution levels in adjacent urban zones. The impacts of these monitoring gaps extend beyond data shortfalls. Real-time air quality information drives daily public health advisories, school closure decisions, and activation of graded response action plans during hazardous conditions. Without granular data, smaller cities and peri-urban belts may miss critical warnings, exposing vulnerable populations — particularly children and elderly residents with respiratory conditions — to harmful pollutants without notice. National efforts such as the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) have expanded both manual and continuous air quality monitoring stations across India, aiming to improve spatial coverage and inform state and municipal clean air action plans. As of recent official counts, over 1,200 real-time and manual monitoring units operate in roughly 460 towns, with plans to strengthen and expand the grid further. However, experts argue that expansion must be deliberate and equitable — extending beyond major cities to include mid-tier urban centres, transport corridors and industrial belts where pollution sources are concentrated. Integrating satellite data, low-cost sensors and community-driven networks can help close the gap, but such systems require calibration, standardisation and regulatory support to ensure reliable policy use. Filling the monitoring blind spots is not merely a technical challenge; it is a governance priority. Better air quality data can enable responsive urban planning, safeguard public health and empower local governments to design evidence-based interventions that reduce pollution exposure across India’s diverse urban and rural settlements.

Delhi Monitors, Bihar Breathes Blind: India's Air Pollution Monitoring Network Leaves 1.2 Billion People Uncovered

Every year, certain parts of India experience air pollution that many experts call a public health emergency. In winter, while Delhi NCR chokes and requires 24x7 operation of air purifiers indoors, the weather elsewhere, such as in Hyderabad, stays under breathable norms. Due to India's vast and diverse geography, the emissions and exposures vary dramatically across the country. However, the air pollution monitoring network has failed to keep pace with the scale and complexity of the challenge, claims the 2026 State of India’s Environment report. Sharanjeet Kaur, deputy programme manager at CSE’s (Centre for Science and Environment) Urban Lab and one of the writers of the report, noted that CSE’s analysis showed only 15 per cent of India’s population—about 200 million people—live within 10 km of a continuous monitor, while the remaining 85 per cent, more than 1.2 billion people, breathe outside any measurable range. India relies on two primary systems to monitor air quality. The National Air Quality Monitoring Programme, launched in 1984–85, uses manual stations that record data twice a week, providing long-term averages for a limited set of pollutants. In contrast, the newer Continuous Air Quality Monitoring Stations deliver real-time, hourly readings across multiple pollutants, offering a far more detailed picture of air quality trends. India currently operates 562 real-time monitors across 294 cities and 966 manual stations in 419 cities and towns. Yet, as Sharanjeet Kaur points out, these seemingly impressive figures mask a critical imbalance: monitoring remains heavily concentrated in a handful of large urban centres. Entire districts, industrial belts, and rapidly expanding peri-urban areas still lie beyond the reach of the monitoring grid. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director of research and advocacy at CSE and head of its sustainable urbanisation programmes, observed that the gap in monitoring was not merely about missing information but reflected a deeper structural inequity in India’s environmental governance. She explained that cities equipped with multiple monitors were able to demonstrate progress, secure clean air funding, and frame action plans, whereas hundreds of smaller towns—many facing comparable or even higher levels of particulate pollution—lacked any real-time data altogether.