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बैन के बाद भी आतिशबाजी कैसे? SC ने दिल्ली पुलिस और सरकार से पूछे सवाल, मांगा एक हफ्ते में जवाब

दिल्ली के पल्यूशन में जबरदस्त बढ़ोतरी पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने दिल्ली पुलिस कमिश्नर और दिल्ली सरकार से कहा है कि पटाखों पर बैन लागू करने के लिए उन्होंने क्या कदम उठाए हैं इस बारे में कोर्ट को बताया जाए। हलफनामा दायर कर यह भी बताएं कि पटाखों पर बैन पर अमल पूरी तरह से अगले साल हो इसको लेकर क्या प्रस्ताव है। सुप्रीम कोर्ट के जस्टिस एएस ओका की अगुवाई वाली बेंच ने अखबार में छपी खबरों का हवाला दिया और कहा कि पटाखों पर बैन के लिए अदालत का जो आदेश था उसका उल्लंघन हुआ है। कोर्ट ने कहा कि पटाखों पर बैन का उल्लंघन करने वालों पर क्या कार्रवाई की गई, यह भी बताया जाए। पटाखों के बैन पर नहीं हुआ अमल सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने कहा है कि इसमें संदेह नहीं है कि बैन पर पूरी तरह से अमल नहीं हो पाया। सीएसई की जो रिपोर्ट है उससे साफ है कि पटाखों पर बैन के आदेश पर अमल नहीं हो पाया है। इस कारण राजधानी दिल्ली में दिवाली पर इस साल में पल्यूशन बहुत ज्यादा बढ़ गया है। 2022 और 2023 की तुलना में यह काफी ज्यादा है। दिवाली के दिनों में पराली जलाने की घटना में भी काफी बढ़ोतरी हुई है। जस्टिस ओका की अगुवाई वाली बेंच दिल्ली और एनसीआर में एयर पल्यूशन को लेकर एमसी मेहता की ओर से दाखिल याचिका पर सुनवाई कर रही है। दिल्ली में पटाखे, वीकल, पराली जलाने जैसे कारणों से पल्यूशन हो रहा है।

दिल्ली में पटाखों पर प्रतिबंध के आदेश को ना सुनने पर Supreme Court की फटकार

राजधानी (Delhi) में रहे वायु प्रदूषण (Air Pollution) को लेकर सुप्रीम कोर्ट (Supreme Court) ने सोमवार को दिल्ली सरकार को फटकार लगाते हुए पूछा है कि पटाखों पर प्रतिबंध का आदेश लागू क्यों नहीं हुआ? जस्टिस अभय एस ओका (ccc) और जस्टिस ऑगस्टीन जॉर्ज मसीह (Justice Augustine George Masih) की बेंच ने प्रदूषण के मामले पर सुनवाई के दौरान कहा कि अखबारों की खबरों को देखकर लगता है कि दिल्ली में पटाखों पर प्रतिबंध लागू ही नहीं किया गया। प्रतिबंध था तो पटाखे कैसे चलाए गए? बेंच ने पटाखों पर प्रतिबंध लगाने के आदेश और पटाखे जलाने वालों पर कार्रवाई के बारे में हलफनामे में जानकारी देने को कहा। साथ ही दिल्ली सरकार और पुलिस कमिश्नर से उन उपायों की जानकारी मांगी ताकि अगले साल प्रदूषण के ऐसे हालात नहीं बनें। ऐसे उपायाें में जनता को जागरूक करने का अभियान, पटाखों पर स्थायी प्रतिबंध जैसे कदम भी शामिल हो सकते हैं। कोर्ट ने पराली जलाने की घटनाओं पर भी नाराजगी जताते हुए हरियाणा (Haryana) और पंजाब (Punjab) की सरकारों से अक्टूबर के आखिरी दस दिनों के दौरान पराली जलाने की घटनाओं की संख्या बताते हुए 14 नवंबर तक हलफनामा दाखिल करने को कहा है। पंजाब हरियाणा से मांगा जवाब सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट की एक रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, अदालत ने पंजाब और हरियाणा की सरकारों से भी जवाब मांगा है कि दिवाली के दौरान खेतों में आग लगने की घटनाएं कैसे बढ़ीं। सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने निर्देश दिया कि सभी जवाब एक सप्ताह के भीतर दाखिल किए जाएं, और मामले की सुनवाई 14 नवंबर को निर्धारित की।

Haryana : अक्टूबर के आखिरी 10 दिनों में खेतों में आग लगने की घटनाओं में हुई

सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने सोमवार को पंजाब और हरियाणा सरकारों से अक्टूबर के आखिरी 10 दिनों में खेतों में आग लगने की घटनाओं में हुई वृद्धि के बारे में स्पष्टीकरण मांगा। शीर्ष अदालत ने राजधानी में पटाखों पर प्रतिबंध का उल्लंघन करने वालों के परिसरों को सील करने जैसी सख्त कार्रवाई का भी सुझाव दिया। दिल्ली-एनसीआर में वायु प्रदूषण के मुद्दे पर सुनवाई के दौरान जस्टिस अभय एस ओका और ऑगस्टीन जॉर्ज मसीह की पीठ ने सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट की एक रिपोर्ट का हवाला देते हुए बताया कि 2024 की दिवाली 2022 और 2023 की तुलना में अधिक गर्म होगी। दिल्ली में पटाखों पर प्रतिबंध लगाने के अपने आदेश के उल्लंघन पर कड़ी आपत्ति जताते हुए शीर्ष अदालत ने दिल्ली सरकार और दिल्ली पुलिस आयुक्त से एक सप्ताह के भीतर हलफनामा दाखिल कर यह बताने को कहा कि दिवाली के दौरान पटाखे फोड़ने पर प्रतिबंध का उल्लंघन क्यों किया गया। हम चाहते हैं कि दिल्ली सरकार तुरंत जवाब दे कि ऐसा क्यों हुआ। हम साथ ही दिल्ली पुलिस आयुक्त को नोटिस जारी करेंगे कि अनुपालन क्यों नहीं किया गया। हमें इस पर तुरंत सुनवाई करनी है। वास्तविक समस्या यह है कि यह सब वायु (प्रदूषण की रोकथाम और नियंत्रण) अधिनियम, 1981 के अंतर्गत है, जिसमें इस वर्ष संशोधन के बाद केवल दंड का प्रावधान है," पीठ ने कहा।दिल्ली सरकार से दिल्ली में पटाखों पर स्थायी प्रतिबंध लागू करने पर विचार करने के लिए कहते हुए, इसने मामले की अगली सुनवाई 14 नवंबर को तय की। हलफनामे में यह सुनिश्चित करने के लिए उठाए जाने वाले कदमों का विवरण दिया जाना चाहिए कि अगले साल की दिवाली के दौरान पटाखों से संबंधित प्रदूषण फिर से न हो।

प्रदूषण अभी घोंट रहा दम, अगले 5 साल में कैसा होगा हाल? माथा हिला देगा एक्‍सपर्ट का जवाब

सुप्रसिद्ध साहित्‍यकार कमलेश्‍वर जी की ये पंक्तियां आज भारत में प्रदूषण के हालात पर एकदम सटीक बैठ रही हैं. प्रदूषण की मार से पूरे दिल्‍ली-एनसीआर ही नहीं बल्कि कई राज्‍यों में हाहाकार मचा हुआ है. एयर क्‍वालिटी के सीवियर या गंभीर श्रेणी में पहुंच जाने से लोगों का दम घुट रहा है.सांस लेने के लिए साफ हवा न मिलने की वजह से लोगों को भारी परेशानी हो रही है. इतना ही नहीं आंख, कान, गला, स्किन सहित शरीर के सभी महत्‍वपूर्ण अंगों पर प्रदूषण का खराब असर भी देखने को मिल रहा है. विशेषज्ञों की मानें तो प्रदूषण की वजह से अभी सांस लेना मुश्किल हो रहा है, अगर यही हाल रहा तो अगले 5 साल में हालात काफी गंभीर हो सकते हैं. सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट के वायु प्रदूषण विशेषज्ञ विवेक चट्टोपाध्‍याय बताते हैं कि 2006 के बाद से दिल्‍ली-एनसीआर में प्रदूषण लगातार बढ़ रहा है. जबकि इस साल अक्‍टूबर से लेकर इस महीने का सेंट्रल पॉल्‍यूशन कंट्रोल बोर्ड का एयर कवालिटी इंडेक्‍स देखें तो दिल्‍ली-एनसीआर की हवा लगातार बहुत खराब या खराब स्थिति में बनी हुई है. वहीं बिहार, यूपी, पंजाब, हरियाणा, एमपी सहित कई ऐसे राज्‍य हैं, जहां प्रदूषण स्‍तर लगातार बढ़ता जा रहा है.

पटाखों पर ‘स्थायी प्रतिबंध’ को लेकर जल्द फैसला ले दिल्ली सरकार: सुप्रीम कोर्ट

दिल्ली सरकार से पटाखों की बिक्री और इस्तेमाल पर ‘स्थायी प्रतिबंध’ लगाने को लेकर स्पष्ट ‘फैसला’ लेने को कहा है. सुप्रीम कोर्ट की यह टिप्पणी दीपावली के तीन दिन बाद आई है, जब दिल्ली में प्रदूषण अपने ‘सर्वकालिक उच्चतम स्तर’ पर पहुंच गया था. जस्टिस अभय एस. ओका की अध्यक्षता वाली पीठ ने संकेत दिया है कि दिल्ली सरकार के जवाब के बाद अदालत पटाखों पर प्रतिबंध को दीपावली के अलावा अन्य अवसरों तक बढ़ाने पर भी विचार करेगी. अदालत ने हलफनामा दाखिल करने के लिए एक सप्ताह का समय दिया और मामले की अगली सुनवाई 14 नवंबर को तय की. अदालत ने सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरमेंट की रिपोर्ट का हवाला देते हुए कहा है, ‘इसमें कोई शक़ नहीं कि दीपावली के दौरान पटाखों पर लगे प्रतिबंध का पालन बमुश्किल ही हुआ. प्रतिबंध के पालन न होने का ही नतीजा है कि दिल्ली का प्रदूषण स्तर अब तक के सबसे उच्चतम पर है, 2022 और 2023 की दीपावली के दिनों से भी अधिक.’ जस्टिस ओका ने मौखिक रूप से यह भी कहा कि ‘वायु प्रदूषण अधिनियम’ में 1 अप्रैल, 2024 से लागू संशोधन की वजह से भी पटाखों पर लगे प्रतिबंध का उल्लंघन हो रहा है. भारत सरकार ने उल्लंघन करने वालों के लिए दंड का प्रावधान हटाकर जुर्माने तक सीमित कर दिया है. उन्होंने जोड़ा कहा कि हालांकि, अदालत यह देखेगी कि प्रतिबंध किस तरह से लागू किया जा सकता है और क्या पटाखे बेचने वालों के परिसरों को सील किया जा सकता है. अदालत ने दिल्ली सरकार और पुलिस आयुक्त को यह आदेश दिया है कि वह हलफ़नामा दाख़िल कर बताए कि अदालत द्वारा लगाए गए प्रतिबंधों का पूरी तरह पालन क्यों नहीं हुआ. इसके साथ ही राजधानी के पुलिस आयुक्त को यह भी बताना होगा कि दिल्ली में पटाखों पर पूर्ण प्रतिबंध लगाने के लिए क्या क़दम उठाए गए थे. जस्टिस ओका ने कहा, ‘यह बताने की ज़रूरत नहीं है कि प्रतिबंध आदेश के लागू न होने की स्थिति में स्थिति कितनी भयानक हो सकती है. दिल्ली सरकार तुरंत जवाब दे कि पटाखों की बिक्री और उनके इस्तेमाल को रोकना किसका कर्तव्य था. मामले की न्यायमित्र (एमिकस क्यूरी) और वरिष्ठ वकील अपराजिता सिंह ने इसी सुनवाई के दौरान अदालत का ध्यान पंजाब और हरियाणा में पराली जलाने की घटनाओं की ओर भी दिलाया. उन्होंने कहा, ‘दीपावली के एक दिन पहले यानी 30 अक्टूबर को लगभग 160 जगहों पर पराली जलाने की घटना दर्ज़ हुई है. दीपावली के दिन यानी 31 अक्टूबर को यह संख्या बढ़कर 605 हो गई.’ सुप्रीम कोर्ट में इस सुनवाई के दौरान उस रिपोर्ट का भी ज़िक्र हो चुका है जब 2015 में प्रदूषण का ओजोन परत पर पड़ते प्रभाव के विश्लेषण के दौरान मॉनिटर ने अपना काम करना बंद कर दिया था. सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरमेंट कई बार इस पर खुलकर अपनी राय भी ज़ाहिर कर चुका है कि कम अज़ कम राजधानी में बढ़ते प्रदूषण के स्तर को रोकने के लिए न सिर्फ़ दिल्ली में बल्कि आसपास के राज्यों को भी पटाखों के इस्तेमाल और पराली जलाने की घटनाओं से सख्ती से निपटने की ज़रूरत है. हालांकि, सुप्रीम कोर्ट के स्पष्ट दिशानिर्देशों के बावजूद, पंजाब और हरियाणा में अब तक पूरी तरह से पटाखों पर प्रतिबंध नहीं लग सका है.

Will COP29 deliver a fair climate finance deal?

All eyes are on the global climate change negotiations starting in Baku, Azerbaijan, next week as it will lay the foundation for more ambitious climate pledges from countries, especially developing, based on the climate finance commitments to walk the path to save the planet from global warming. The United Nations Conference of Parties (COP29) starting Nov 11-22 in Baku is seen as a finance COP because global leaders are supposed to agree on what is called the ‘New Collective Quantified Goal’ (NCQG) on climate finance. The NCQG is set to replace the commitments made by developed countries in 2009 to support climate action in developing countries, by providing them $100 billion per year by 2020 – a target that has been met only once in 2022. “COP29 has the potential to become the most important climate conference since Paris – given how crucial financial support is for developing countries to reach their climate goals,” said Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) director general Sunita Narain. India has suggested that the quantitative target should be no less than $1 trillion, from developed countries’ public sources. Differences have already emerged among the developing and developed countries on the contours of the NCQG. Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) says the most contentious issues that remain are how much money developed nations will provide, and who should provide climate finance. “The United States and other major economies want to expand the contributor base, but developing nations argue that this is outside the NCQG’s mandate. Other areas of conflict include the question of who should receive monies — all developing countries or just the most vulnerable — and what type, with developing countries seeking to avoid debt financing,” said the CRF in its latest expert analysis. Climate finance The focus on climate finance could affect the level of ambition reflected in nationally determined contributions (NDC) commitments due early next year, particularly for developing countries. Those nations are hesitant to commit to more ambitious targets without first securing clear financial support through the NCQG. The first Global Stocktake (GST) acknowledged the cost of implementing current nationally determined contributions (NDCs) at $5.8-5.9 trillion in the pre-2030 period. As parties submit new and more ambitious NDCs in the first quarter of 2025, the need to mobilize greater financial flows towards climate action will increase.

New Delhi air quality reached 'severe' and hazardous levels after Diwali

A thick layer of toxic smog cloaked India's capital on Friday as smoke from firecrackers used to celebrate Diwali, the Hindu festival of lights, pushed air pollution to hazardous levels. In many areas, levels of deadly particulate matter reached seven times the World Health Organization's safety limit. Home to more than 33 million people, New Delhi is regularly ranked one of the most polluted cities in the world – on Friday, it topped the charts. How bad did the air quality get? New Delhi's 24-hour average air quality index plunged into the "severe" category on Friday, according to SAFAR, India's main environmental monitoring agency. According to a report released by the Centre for Science and Environment on Saturday, the concentration level of particulate matter 2.5 was up 13 per cent this year compared to Diwali in 2022 and 2023. On the night of the festival, this was up 24 per cent compared to 2022, and the average concentration during the day was higher than 92 per cent last year. New Delhi's air quality is likely to remain in the "upper end" of the "very poor" category for the remainder of the week, the Earth Sciences Ministry said.

Need enforcement of Delhi's firecracker ban

The air was less noxious than usual in the national capital the morning after Diwali. However, that had little to do with the administration or the citizens. It was because weather conditions proved fortuitous, and strong winds, unusual for this time, dispersed a large portion of the emitted pollutants. It is important to note that despite the unusual weather conditions, PM 2.5 pollution at midnight in Delhi after Diwali was 13% higher than last year, as per data analysed by the Centre for Science and Environment

Urban Polluted Mess — More Visible Than Ever On Diwali

Delhi’s air quality worsens every Diwali but this year it has reached the ‘very severe’ category a day prior to the festival of lights. The government conveniently blames these high pollution levels on stubble burning by farmers of Punjab and Haryana but in a report released on Wednesday, the Centre for Science and Environment has come up with hard data to show that the contribution of farm fires to the rising PM2.5 levels in the capital region has been 16 per cent.

Q&A: Can ‘carbon border adjustment mechanisms’ help tackle climate change?

By taxing carbon-intensive imports, the EU says it will help its domestic companies take ambitious climate action while still remaining competitive with firms in nations where environmental laws are less strict. There is evidence that the CBAM is also driving other governments to launch tougher carbon-pricing policies of their own, to avoid paying border taxes to the EU. It has also helped to shift climate and trade up the international climate agenda, potentially contributing to a broader increase in ambition. However, at a time of growing protectionism and economic rivalry between major powers, the new levy has proved controversial. Many developing countries have branded CBAMs as “unfair” policies that will leave them worse off financially, saying they will make it harder for them to decarbonise their economies. Analysis also suggests that the EU’s CBAM, in isolation, will have a limited impact on global emissions. In this Q&A, Carbon Brief explains how the CBAM works and the impact on climate policies it is already having in the EU and around the world, as nations such as the UK and the US consider implementing CBAMs and related policies of their own. What is a carbon border adjustment mechanism? A carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) is a tax applied to certain imported goods, based on the amount of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions released during their production. It targets industries that are typically emissions-intensive and relatively easy to trade internationally, such as steel, aluminium and cement. CBAMs work on the basis that climate laws and standards in some nations – usually those in the global north – are tighter than those found elsewhere. This means that the producer of a particular emissions-intensive product might have to pay a domestic carbon price, for example, whereas an overseas competitor might not. Under a CBAM, a nation that applies a carbon price to its domestic steel industry would apply an equivalent charge at the border, to steel imported from overseas. This is meant to “level the playing field” between producers in different countries. Those that make goods at a lower cost, but without a domestic carbon price of their own, would have to pay an equivalent fee when exporting to the country imposing a CBAM. This would allow domestic industries in the importing country to compete, while still curbing their own emissions. CBAMs have been proposed as a response to fears of “carbon leakage”. If nations lose carbon-intensive businesses because they close down or choose to do business elsewhere, this could harm the economies of nations trying to implement carbon pricing. At the same time, it could increase global emissions, if domestic manufacturing is simply replaced by more carbon-intensive imports. This issue has risen to prominence in recent years, as the EU has become the first actor to introduce a CBAM. CBAMs have been discussed ever since the early days of international climate action in the 1990s. There was recognition at that time of the risks of carbon leakage, as developed countries were being tasked with cutting their emissions under the Kyoto Protocol. In particular, the EU launching its emissions trading system (ETS) in 2005 prompted what one study describes as “heated discussion” of the role that border taxes could play in preventing high-emitting industries moving away from EU member states to other countries. (Despite these concerns, there has to date been essentially no evidence of carbon leakage. However, researchers have noted that this could be because high-emitting industries are yet to face strict carbon pricing: those in the EU generally receive free emissions allowances.) The EU frames its CBAM as not only a means of placing a “fair price” on emissions bound up in imported goods, but also a way to “encourage cleaner industrial production” in the nations it imports goods from. However, critics say variously that it is more to do with economic protectionism, or that it will harm trade, or that it will exacerbate existing inequalities between nations. Why was the CBAM introduced in the EU? The EU CBAM was brought in as part of the European Green Deal, the EU’s strategy to reach net-zero emissions by 2050. A CBAM has been under consideration in the EU for years. The European Commission informally proposed a border adjustment in 2007, following the launch of the ETS. In the years that followed, France suggested such a scheme on two more separate occasions. In her 2019 manifesto to become European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen raised the issue again, saying she would “introduce a carbon border tax to avoid carbon leakage” to “ensure our companies can compete on a level playing field”. In recent years, there has been much concern around how the EU can avert “deindustrialisation” and maintain its competitive edge against other major powers, such as the US and China. The CBAM is one of the measures launched under Von der Leyen’s leadership in an effort to tackle these threats, whether perceived or real. The idea came to fruition in 2021, when it was presented by the commission as part of its “Fit for 55” package to drive the EU’s transition to net-zero. Following negotiations with EU member state governments and members of the European Parliament, the CBAM became law in May 2023. One reason the CBAM was finally adopted in the EU was because of a perceived need to avoid carbon leakage, while also ramping up overall emissions reductions. Emissions from heavy industry in the EU have not fallen considerably since 1990, despite being covered by the EU ETS for two decades. This is partly because these sectors, many of which are considered “exposed” to international trade – and, therefore, carbon leakage – are handed free allowances in the EU ETS. These allowances enable businesses to continue emitting greenhouse gases at no extra cost – or even to profit from selling free allowances, if their own production falls. Companies in these sectors are, therefore, able to compete with foreign imports from countries that do not have carbon-pricing systems. However, the free allowances also mean those companies have less of a financial incentive to decarbonise. The CBAM is explicitly described as a replacement for the free allowances given to companies making steel, cement and other trade-exposed goods. It will be phased in as those allowances are phased out, a process that will be complete in 2034. The CBAM has been framed as an “enabling policy” that boosts the political acceptability of higher carbon prices within the EU and, in doing so, drives industrial decarbonisation. However, it has also been described as a policy to encourage global emissions cuts. After Von der Leyen took over as commission president, a communication concerning the European Green Deal said the CBAM would be introduced “should differences in levels of ambition worldwide persist, as the EU increases its climate ambition”. Finally, another reason for the measure is that the European Commission estimates it will raise €1.5bn in revenue in 2028 – and this will increase as the mechanism expands. Of this total, 75 per cent will go to the EU budget and the rest to member states. How will the EU’s CBAM work? The EU CBAM is being rolled out gradually. Between October 2023 and the end of 2025, any company that imports goods covered by the CBAM into the EU will have to declare them in quarterly reports. The products covered by the CBAM include those deemed “at most significant risk of carbon leakage” by the EU, initially including cement, iron, steel, aluminium, fertilisers and hydrogen, as well as electricity transmitted from other countries. This list is expected to expand, following further assessments by the EU, to cover sectors such as ceramics and paper. Reporting will cover all of the emissions generated when those products are made. This includes “direct” emissions, such as the carbon dioxide (CO2) released during cement production, and “indirect” emissions, such as those from the fossil-fuel generated electricity used to power cement factories. The full compliance phase of the CBAM will begin from the start of 2026. From this point, companies bringing CBAM-covered goods into the EU will have to purchase enough CBAM certificates to cover their associated emissions. The cost of these certificates will be the same as the EU ETS market price. If companies can demonstrate that they have paid a carbon price for goods in their country of origin, they will be able to deduct a corresponding amount from their certificate purchases to avoid taxing the products twice. Initially, exporters in relevant sectors will only have to buy certificates equivalent to 2.5 per cent of the emissions associated with producing their goods. This obligation will rise to 100 per cent by 2034, in line with the removal of free allowances for EU industries. The EU says that, when “fully phased in”, the CBAM will apply to more than half of the emissions covered by the ETS overall. How is the mechanism expected to cut emissions? The CBAM will add a carbon cost to EU imports that could encourage emissions cuts both domestically and internationally. The mechanism is supposed to drive industrial decarbonisation by facilitating the removal of free EU ETS allowances for industries such as steel and cement. Maintaining domestic industries in the EU is also intended to avoid an increase in global emissions due to carbon leakage. Yet various calculations of the overall impact of the EU CBAM on global emissions have produced fairly modest results. An initial 2021 assessment by the European Commission estimated that its proposed CBAM design would reduce emissions from affected EU industries by 1 per cent by 2030. It calculated that global emissions from these industries would be cut by 0.4 per cent over the same timescale. More recent analysis, conducted by the Asian Development Bank (ADB), considers the impact of the CBAM at a carbon price of €100 per tonne of CO2 – a level that was reached for the first time last year before falling again. It concludes that the CBAM would reduce global emissions by less than 0.2 per cent, relative to the ETS on its own. This would be accompanied by a 0.4 per cent drop in global exports to the EU. Ian Mitchell, a senior policy fellow and co-director of the Europe programme at the Center for Global Development (CGD), tells Carbon Brief: “It’s not so surprising that CBAM has a modest impact on global emissions. As a unilateral measure, most of the trade in carbon it affects will be diverted to other jurisdictions without similar charges.” However, he adds that CBAM is still “extremely important and valuable”, because it establishes the principle of carbon pricing and a “level playing field” globally. Another key way that the CBAM could drive emissions cuts is by encouraging other nations to implement their own climate measures, including carbon pricing. A recent report by the NGO Resources for the Future says the hope is that CBAMs will “lead to a virtuous cycle, where more and more countries adopt carbon pricing”. It explains that CBAMs can allow governments to overcome domestic political constraints to carbon pricing: “The external pressure of a CBAM can provide both impetus and a scapegoat, akin to pushing an open door, as policymakers can point out that exporting firms would have to pay these fees when they export regardless of domestic policy action.” The EU CBAM has already sparked a wave of responses from other countries. These have ranged from threats of retaliatory measures to plans for domestic CBAMs of their own Yet there is some debate about how much the EU’s policy is spurring on climate action. Analysis by CGD at the end of 2023 concluded that the “vast majority of lower-income countries are a long way from implementing any carbon price”. At that time, no low-income countries were considering carbon pricing and only 11 per cent of lower-middle income countries had one “scheduled or under consideration”, the group concluded. Others assessments have been more optimistic. One early report from think tank Clingendael linked new climate policies from nations including Turkey and Russia to the looming threat of CBAM. A more recent report for the International Emissions Trading Association (IETA), which speaks for companies involved in global carbon markets, tracks responses from countries trading with the EU. Julia Michalak, EU policy head at IETA, tells Carbon Brief that, ultimately, the CBAM is “not in itself a global mitigation policy tool”. However, she points to evidence of impacts, including Turkey, India and Brazil advancing work on their own ETSs, as well as China moving to expand its ETS to include cement, steel and aluminium – mirroring the EU CBAM. Critical experts from global-south institutions have argued that sharing emissions-cutting technologies and scaling up climate finance would be more effective measures to decarbonise industries in developing countries. (The EU CBAM text includes language about supporting “efforts towards the decarbonisation and transformation of…manufacturing industries” in developing countries.) There has been discussion around using CBAM revenues to support industrial decarbonisation in other countries, although there has so far been no formal agreement to do this. A report by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) argues that CBAM revenues could be a new form of climate finance for developing countries. The think tank suggests that this could function in a similar way to the EU’s modernisation fund, which is financed with ETS revenue and supports clean energy in low-income EU states. What are the reactions from developing countries? Some of the most vocal opponents of the EU’s CBAM are among those expected to be most exposed to its impacts. The map below is colour-coded according to nations’ relative exposure, according to the World Bank, based on the carbon intensity of their industries and how much they rely on exporting CBAM-covered products to the EU. Nations shaded green could gain export competitiveness to the EU, while those shaded red could lose competitiveness. Map showing the World Bank’s aggregate relative CBAM exposure index, with green indicating an increase in relative competitiveness in trade with the EU and red indicating a decrease. The score considers CBAM-covered products (iron and steel, fertiliser, cement, electricity and aluminium) and is based on trade-weighted relative CO2 intensity compared to the EU average; exports to the EU and a carbon price of US$100 per tonne of CO2. Source: World Bank. Many of the most exposed nations have vocally opposed what they describe as “unilateral” trade measures, both at UN climate negotiations and at the World Trade Organization (WTO), where they have questioned their compatibility with international trade rules. Some of them have argued that the costs of compliance will leave less money for dealing with poverty and meeting their Paris Agreement targets. Observers have cited the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities”, arguing that the EU is penalising developing countries despite its historic – and current – high levels of emissions, relative to much of the global south. Avantika Goswami, climate change programme lead at CSE, tells Carbon Brief: “You are imposing these external standards onto developing countries whilst not specifically earmarking funding that would enable this decarbonisation effort.” China is one of the developing countries affected by the CBAM that has criticised the EU’s new policy. China’s steel and aluminium sector would see the biggest impacts, according to an analysis from the Center for Eco-Finance Studies at Renmin University. It estimated a 4-6 per cent (US$200m-400m) increase in export costs for the steel industry, for example. (The analysis does not appear to account for potential price rises in EU steel markets, which could allow producers to recoup higher costs at the expense of consumers within the bloc.) Li Chenggang, China’s ambassador to WTO, said at a meeting last June: “We fully understand the EU’s environmental goals and appreciate its efforts…However, it is regrettable that the [CBAM] measures…fail to follow the basic principles of the UNFCCC and the Paris Agreement [the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities”], as well as WTO rules. In fact, this measure may cause discrimination and market access restrictions on imported products, especially those from developing members.” A report by the China office of consultancy PwC says about US$35bn of trade between China and the EU could eventually be affected by the CBAM. African countries have raised similar concerns. According to Akinwumi Adesina, president of African Development Bank, the continent could lose up to US$25bn per year as a “direct result of CBAM”. However, the US$25bn figure cited by Adesina comes from a modelling scenario that does not correspond to the EU’s actual approach, says Tennant Reed, director of climate change and energy at the Australian Industry Group, in a post on LinkedIn. In his post, Reed points to a series of issues with the underlying modelling in this and other studies of the impact of the EU’s CBAM on developing countries’ economies. He tells Carbon Brief: “CBAM analysis can easily go awry if it: considers higher supply costs for covered products but not higher selling prices; assumes manufacturers and nations have static emissions intensities; or fails to represent the actual structure of policy. A genuinely non-discriminatory border adjustment should not disadvantage developing country exporters at all. Instead it can create a firmer commercial basis for clean industrial investment everywhere and a chance for developing countries that price carbon to effectively raise tax revenue from Europe.” In July 2024, India’s economic affairs secretary Ajay Seth commented that the EU’s CBAM was “unfair and detrimental to domestic market costs”. There have even been reports of India planning “retaliatory” trade measures and the Indian government has indicated its concerns will feed into discussions around India’s prospective free-trade agreement with the EU. In addition, Simon Göss, managing director of the Berlin-based consulting firm carboneer, tells Carbon Brief that, for smaller companies, “hir[ing] [data] experts and set[ting] up monitoring systems…might make the end product more expensive”. He adds: “In the short-term – until the end of 2024 – monitoring and reporting real emissions for producers of CBAM-goods in non-EU countries represents a huge challenge for smaller companies in technologically less advanced countries.” Despite their criticisms, some developing country analyses have pointed to positive steps that their industries can take in response to the EU’s CBAM. Beijing-based thinktank iGDP, for example, says, “looking at the long-term trend, China’s steel industry striv[ing] to reduce emissions is more economical than to pay the CBAM adjustment fee”. Similarly, Renmin University says in a CBAM analysis that China’s steel industry should accelerate its shift to lower emissions and the country’s own carbon market “should be improved”. Are other countries introducing their own mechanisms? Other nations are expected to implement CBAMs and related measures of their own in response to the EU’s new policy. Progress on this has been fairly slow, but there are signs that some nations in the global north are considering this approach in order to protect trade with the EU and support their own industrial decarbonisation. Perhaps the most advanced CBAM outside of the EU is the UK’s effort. The UK government announced at the end of 2023 that it would implement the mechanism by 2027. Unlike the EU’s CBAM, the UK’s version, in its initial stage, will include ceramics and glass. It will also not include the electricity the UK imports from its European neighbours via interconnectors. Some observers have called for greater harmonisation with the EU, suggesting that this would reduce the economic risk to the UK. The Canadian government also announced plans to establish its own CBAM in the 2021 budget and launched a consultation to this effect. Australia has also been considering a CBAM, with the government launching a review in 2023 to assess its potential to prevent carbon leakage – especially targeting steel and cement. As for the US, there has been much debate around how it could implement a CBAM, despite lacking a domestic carbon-pricing system. (Carbon pricing has long proved controversial in the US. In fact an early form of CBAM was blocked in 2010 by Senate Republicans in the infamous Waxman-Markey bill, along with a national carbon pricing scheme.) US leaders were initially hostile to the EU’s CBAM, even though the nation does not export large amounts of CBAM-covered products to the bloc. However, in the context of industrial rivalry with China, US lawmakers have proposed various CBAM-like policies in recent years, with a view to avoiding carbon leakage and ensuring global competitiveness. These include the Clean Competition Act, backed by Democrats, and the Foreign Pollution Fee Act, backed by Republicans, both of which involve adding a carbon-intensity fee to imports. Analysis by NGO Resources for the Future describes these proposals as a “significant sign of bipartisan interest in climate and trade policy”. Moreover, it says these actions can be attributed to the EU’s leadership in this area: “Just as it is hard to imagine the EU coming up with as extensive a green industrial policy as it has without the [Inflation Reduction Act], it is equally hard to imagine the US devising specific climate and trade proposals without the impetus of CBAM.” Ellie Belton, a senior policy advisor on trade and climate at the thinktank E3G, tells Carbon Brief that, while the EU CBAM “may well have kickstarted a new wave of climate ambition globally”, there is a need for “better diplomacy” to avoid disrupting multilateral progress: “There is also an emerging risk of divergent CBAM schemes creating a patchwork of disjointed regulations worldwide, which would disproportionately impact developing countries and exacerbate the inequity in climate outcomes.” Reflecting concerns about the impact such a “patchwork” could have on businesses, the International Chamber of Commerce has released a set of “global principles” to guide countries in introducing their own CBAMs. Among other things, they include compliance with WTO rules and the principles of the Paris Agreement, as well as exemptions for least-developed countries and small island states.

'Air Pollution At All-Time High During Diwali, Explain Steps Taken To Enforce Firecracker Ban': Supreme Court To Delhi Govt & Police

The Supreme Court today directed the Delhi Government and the Police Commissioner of Delhi to file affidavits stating steps taken to implement the ban on firecrackers in Delhi as well as proposed steps to ensure compliance with the ban next year. “There cannot be any dispute that the ban was hardly implemented. Moreover, the effect of non-implementation of the ban is very apparent from the report of CSE which shows that the pollution level in Delhi in this Diwali of 2024 was at an all time high. It was much higher than Diwali of 2022 and 2023. Moreover, the report indicates that even farm fires were on rise during Diwali days”, the Court observed.

'Strict Action Needed': SC Pulls Up Delhi Govt, Police For Not Implementing Firecracker Ban

Delhi Air Pollution: Expressing concern over Delhi's high pollution levels during Diwali , the Supreme Court on Monday sought explanations from the Delhi government and the city’s police commissioner regarding actions taken to enforce the firecracker ban. A bench comprising Justices Abhay S. Oka and Augustine George Masih referred to newspaper reports that revealed widespread non-compliance with the court's firecracker restrictions. Delhi Government and Police Ordered to Submit Detailed Reports The apex court therefore demanded a detailed report from the Delhi government and Delhi police on steps undertaken to implement the ban and the specific actions taken against those who violated the orders. Story continues below advertisement "We want all the orders to be placed on record banning the sale, manufacture and bursting of firecrackers in Delhi. We are also issuing notice to the Delhi police commissioner on the action police has taken against the violators and the steps it is taking to implement the orders of the court," the bench said. Story continues below advertisement One-Week Deadline for Responses; Focus on Weather and Pollution The bench directed that responses from both the Delhi government and the police commissioner be filed within a week. Citing a report from the Centre for Science and Environment, the court also highlighted that Diwali 2024 experienced warmer temperatures than the previous two years, suggesting that weather changes may have worsened air quality.

SC raps Delhi govt over pollution; says firecracker ban hardly implemented

The Supreme Court on Monday (November 4) expressed its dissatisfaction with the Delhi government's management of the firecracker ban during Diwali, indicating that the restrictions were "hardly implemented" across the national capital. Noting that pollution levels reached unprecedented heights this Diwali, the court has demanded explanations from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government and the Delhi police regarding the failure to enforce the ban. The apex court highlighted that shops openly selling banned fireworks are in clear violation of its order. The bench remarked, “The effect of non-implementation is evident,” referencing a report from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), which indicated that pollution levels during this Diwali exceeded those of previous years. Furthermore, the report revealed a notable rise in farm fires during this period, which worsened the air quality crisis in Delhi. The court has directed the Delhi government and police to present specific measures to prevent a recurrence of this situation in the future. It also recommended sealing shops that violate the ban as a means of establishing a firm precedent. “We will examine this issue thoroughly,” stated the court. Additionally, the court has urged the Delhi government to contemplate a year-round ban on firecrackers to address ongoing air quality challenges in the city. Government measures In response to the hazardous air quality, Delhi authorities had attempted to enforce a comprehensive ban on firecrackers. The Delhi Police and the Revenue Department mobilised a total of 377 teams to prevent the sale and use of fireworks. These efforts resulted in the registration of 79 cases and the confiscation of 19,005 kg of firecrackers. The ban, which prohibits all types of firecrackers until January 1, 2025, was enacted by the Delhi Pollution Control Committee earlier this month after a significant decline in air quality following Dussehra. Significantly, the System of Air Quality and Weather Forecasting and Research (SAFAR) has cautioned that emissions from firecrackers and agricultural burning may further compromise air quality. The gravity of the situation has led authorities to activate Stage II of the Graded Response Action Plan (GRAP) as of October 22, 2024.

‘Why Firecrackers Ban Violated’? SC Seeks Immediate Answers From Delhi Govt, Police

The Supreme Court on Monday came down heavily on the Delhi government and police, seeking answers as to why the ban on firecrackers during Diwali was not followed, amid severe air pollution persisting in the national capital. Noting that reports in newspapers stated that the ban on firecrackers was openly flouted, the top court said: “This is responsible for sudden deterioration in air quality. What is the purpose of our order?” referring to the court’s order to ban use of firecrackers in Delhi-NCR. “Pollution is higher than 2022, 2023… Apparently, people were bringing crackers from other states,” the court added. The Supreme Court bench issued a notice to Delhi Police Commissioner and the Aam Aadmi Party government asking what steps they took to implement the firecracker ban order. “We will issue notice to Delhi police commissioner, will ask if SC order was implemented. We need immediate answers… this should not happen next year,” the court said. The court observed that a chaotic situation is created by crackers if not controlled. “Some strict action, such as sealing of premises, is needed against those violating firecrackers ban in Delhi. We need to do something so that court orders on firecrackers ban are not violated during Diwali next year.” The top court also sought responses from Punjab and Haryana to explain how farm fires during Diwali increased, as per a report by Centre for Science and Environment.

Delhi air pollution: 'Non-implementation of firecracker ban during Diwali apparent', says SC; directs AAP govt, police to file response

The Supreme Court on Monday came down heavily on the Delhi government and the police for poor implementation of the firecracker ban in the national capital during Diwali and sought their responses. The apex court also directed the Haryana and Punjab governments to file responses on stubble burning during the last 10 days of October. Hearing pleas on Delhi’s air pollution, Justices Abhay S. Oka and Augustine George Masih said the non-implementation of the firecracker ban in the national capital was apparent and the pollution levels in Delhi this year were higher than in 2022 and 2023. Citing a report submitted by the Centre for Science and Environment, the bench observed firecracker ban was hardly implemented. “Counsel for Delhi government states that there was a ban on the use of firecrackers in Delhi. There cannot be a dispute that the ban was hardly implemented. Moreover, the effect of non-implementation of the ban is very apparent from the report which shows that the pollution level in Delhi was at an all-time high. It was much higher than that of 2022 and 2023,” Live Law reported quoting the bench. The apex court noted that instances of instances of stubble burning were also high during Diwali in Punjab and Haryana. “Report indicates that even farm fires were on the rise during Diwali,” it said. “Haryana and Punjab to file affidavits indicating the details about number of instances of stubble burning during the last 10 days of October,” it added. The bench directed the Aam Aadmi Party government in Delhi and the Delhi police commissioner to file affidavits responses regarding all steps taken regarding banning the sale, manufacture and bursting of firecrackers in Delhi. The Court also sought details of action taken by police against violators. The Court asked the Delhi government and police to file an affidavit on steps it plans to take next year for effective implementation of the firecracker ban. The bench also asked the Delhi government to consider imposing a perpetual ban on firecrackers in Delhi instead of just during Diwali.