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WINTER AIR POLLUTION TRENDS: EAST INDIA

pollution this winter – says CSE’s latest analysis West Bengal, Bihar and Odisha experience most polluted winter season since 2019-20 Even though the long term trend in winter air quality improved marginally over the last three years, it worsened compared to the previous year’s winter in most cities Patna in Bihar had the highest increase in winter pollution this winter among the major cities Pollution levels worst in smaller towns of Bihar Peak winter pollution dangerously high in all eastern states Beginnings of a multi-pollutant crisis noted in the region with high nitrogen dioxide levels in early winter More action needed to control pollution from vehicles, industry, open burning, landfill fires, use of solid fuels in households, construction dust and other area sources For the complete state-wise analysis: https://www.cseindia.org/APC-Winter-air-pollution-EAST-INDIA-NOTE-April4.pdf New Delhi, April 4, 2023: Cities in India’s eastern states are increasingly falling into the pincer grip of toxic particulate pollution during winter season – and the problem is spreading quickly to the smaller cities and towns of the region: says a latest assessment by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) released here today. The assessment also notes that though the bigger cities in the region – like Patna and Kolkata — that are part of the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP), have witnessed a marginal improvement in the winter average of their PM2.5 levels compared to the previous two winters, their levels are still high. The smaller towns of Bihar — Begusarai, Bettiah and Siwan in particular — have recorded the worst winter air in the region, with their seasonal average exceeding 200 microgram per cubic metre (µg/m³). Nitrogen dioxide (NO2) pollution is also high in the cities and towns of the region, with Arrah in Bihar recording a staggering 113 µg/m³ monthly average for November, notes CSE. “This analysis is a stark reminder of the rapid spread of pollution. More cities and smaller towns are scaling the pollution height and dotting the pollution map. This once again vindicates the need for a strong state-wide and regional management of air pollution. This is needed to control local pollution sources including vehicles, industry, open burning and construction dust, as well as the impact of upwind pollution sources on downwind cities and towns,” says Anumita Roychowhdury, executive director, research and advocacy, CSE. “Additionally, data gap is also a challenge in the region. Even though the real time monitors have increased in the region including in Jharkhand, some of these could not be used due to data gaps and quality issues. Some of these are new and therefore long term data is not available. The data, thus, is indicative of the current status and seasonal variation in particulate pollution in medium and smaller cities,” says Avikal Somvanshi, senior programme manager, Urban Lab, CSE. With the winter season coming to an end, the Urban Lab at CSE has analysed air quality trends during the winter months (October 2022 to February 2023) in cities of the eastern states of West Bengal, Bihar and Odisha. This is an assessment of seasonal trends in PM2.5 concentration for the period October 1, 2022 to February 28, 2023 for 2019, 2020, 2021, 2022 and 2023. Winter inversion and cool and calm conditions trap local pollution that is already high. This is part of the third edition of the Urban Lab’s Air Quality Tracker Initiative since 2020-21. This analysis covers 50 continuous ambient air quality monitoring stations (CAAQMS) spread across 32 cities in the three states: West Bengal: seven stations in Kolkata, three in Howrah, and one each in Asansol, Siliguri, Durgapur and Haldia. Real time monitors in Durgapur and Haldia became operational only by the end of 2020. Bihar: Six stations in Patna, three each in Gaya and Muzaffarpur, two in Bhagalpur, and one each in Hajipur, Bettiah, Bihar Sharif, Darbhanga, Motihari, Araria, Arrah, Chhapra, Katihar, Kishanganj, Manguraha, Munger, Purnia, Rajgir, Saharsa, Sasaram, Siwan, Aurangabad, Begusarai and Samastipur Odisha: One real time station each in Talcher and Brajrajnagar. Many new stations have been added in November 2022 — one station each in Baripada, Bileipada, Keonjhar, Nayagarh, Rairangpur, Rourkela, Suakati and Tensa. Only a limited long term trend analysis has been possible for the cities that have added stations and monitors relatively recently (like some of the cities in Odisha). Jharkhand has no working monitoring stations, and hence, offers no PM2.5 data for the last two years – which is why its cities have not been included in this analysis. This analysis is based on the real time data available from the current working air quality monitoring stations in east India. Somvanshi says a huge volume of data points have been cleaned and data gaps addressed based on the United States Environmental Protection Agency (USEPA) method for this analysis. Key findings of the CSE analysis Eastern states have experienced the most polluted winter season since 2019-20: The average PM2.5 level across nine cities of east India with functional CAAQMS stations since 2019 stood at 97 µg/m³ this winter. The PM2.5 level was 6 per cent higher compared to the average of previous three winters. The daily peak of the season was recorded on January 1, 2023 and the daily regional average stood at 173 µg/m³. The peak was 24 per cent higher compared to the peak of 2021-22 winter and 8 per cent higher compared to the mean peak of previous three winters. Most cities have experienced worsening of winter PM2.5 levels: West Bengal’s winter average PM2.5 this year is 14 per cent higher than that in the previous winter. Bihar registered a 26 per cent rise, and Odisha a 44 per cent higher winter average compared to the previous winter. On a long term basis, Bihar registered an 18 per cent increase and Odisha a 4 per cent increase from the mean level of previous three winters. However, the seasonal air quality in West Bengal this winter is 4 per cent better than the mean of previous three winters. In absolute concentration terms, Bihar with an average PM2.5 level of 134 µg/m³ was the most polluted state in the east, followed by West Bengal with average PM2.5 level of 84 µg/m³; Odisha was third with a seasonal average of 63 µg/m³. Peak pollution is dangerously high in all eastern states: In absolute concentration terms, Bihar’s daily peak PM2.5 level of 287 µg/m³ was the highest among the three states. West Bengal’s peak was 152 µg/m³ and Odisha’s, 112 µg/m³. In the long term, the seasonal peak in West Bengal this winter has been 1 per cent better than the mean of previous three winter peaks. Bihar registered a 26 per cent increase and Odisha a 14 per cent increase in their peaks compared to the mean of previous three winter peaks. Smaller cities of Bihar are most polluted in the region: Begusarai was the most polluted city in the east with an average PM2.5 level of 275 µg/m³. It was followed by Siwan with 203 µg/m³, Bettiah (202 µg/m³), Katihar (188 µg/m³), and Saharsa (180 µg/m³). All the top 20 most polluted cities of the east are located in Bihar. In West Bengal, Asansol, with a winter average of 102 µg/m³ was the most polluted city; it is followed by Howrah (92 µg/m³) at the second spot. Talcher (75 µg/m³) was the most polluted in Odisha – however, adds Somvanshi, “since only two cities in the state have real time monitors with adequate data for assessment, it is not possible to capture the larger landscape.” Haldia in West Bengal was the least polluted city among the three states with a PM2.5 average of 46 µg/m³, followed by Siliguri in West Bengal and Manguraha in Bihar with winter averages of 60 µg/m³ and 66 µg/m³, respectively. Patna registered the highest increase in winter pollution this winter among the major cities in the region: Patna in Bihar and Talcher in Odisha were the worst performers and registered an increase of 39 per cent and 41 per cent from the previous year, respectively. These were followed by Asansol in West Bengal and Gaya in Bihar, which recorded an increase of 38 per cent and 37 per cent, respectively. Howrah (0 per cent), Kolkata (3 per cent) and Muzaffarpur (8 per cent) registered nil to marginal increases in pollution levels this season compared to the previous winter. Haldia and Durgapur are the only two cities that have shown improvement in air quality this season compared to the corresponding period in the previous year. Durgapur registered the maximum improvement — 30 per cent lower PM2.5 levels compared to the previous year; Haldia clocked a 19 per cent dip. Increasing levels of NO2 in November: There was a significant increase in NO2 concentrations during November compared to the months of October and September. NO2 comes entirely from combustion sources and significantly, from vehicles. Patna registered the greatest increase — 2.9 times — with the maximum build-up of NO2 between September and November 2022. Katihar and Rajgir each registered a 2.6 times increase in NO2. Motihari, Kolkata and Howrah registered a 2.3 times hike. In absolute concentration terms, Arrah in Bihar registered the highest NO2 average of 113 µg/m³ (see Graph in the detailed report). It is followed by Bhagalpur with 98 µg/m³ and Siwan with 89 µg/m³. Among West Bengal cities, Asansol with a monthly average of 40 µg/m³ was the most polluted. Diwali pollution was the highest in the small towns of Bihar among the eastern states: The Diwali of this winter was less polluted compared to the previous year’s Diwali for all the major cities in the region. However, the smaller cities of Bihar witnessed the maximum increase in pollution levels on Diwali night. In fact, pollution level on Diwali night (8 pm to 8 am) shot up by 0.2-2.3 times the average level recorded during the seven nights preceding Diwali. Nine out of 32 stations recorded an increase in pollution on the day of Diwali. Motihari in Bihar saw the greatest jump of 2.3-times higher PM2.5 level — 152 µg/m³ — on Diwali night. It was followed by Siwan and Bettiah each with 1.8-times higher PM2.5 concentrations. Bihar cities dominate the top 15 list of cities with the most polluted Diwali nights. Among West Bengal cities, Asansol recorded a Diwali night PM2.5 level of 42 µg/m³. Haldia and Manguraha each with 12 µg/m³ had the least polluted Diwali night in the region, followed by Durgapur with 13 µg/m³. Step up the action Says Roychowdhury: “High winter pollution is an indicator of a deeper and rapid spread of air pollution in the eastern region. As the winter turns hostile due to inversion and cold and calm conditions, pollution gets trapped and spirals. This requires an aggressive strategy to control pollution not only in the bigger cities, but also across the region to mitigate pollution from vehicles and transportation, industries, open burning of waste, landfill fires, construction, household use of solid fuels, and other area sources. It is necessary to reduce pollution in a targeted manner to meet the clean air standards.”

रिकॉर्ड स्तर पर पहुंचा क्लोरोफ्लोरोकार्बन, ओजोन को कर सकता है कमजोर

धरती को सूर्य से बचाने वाली ओजोन परत को कमजोर करने वाली क्लोरोफ्लोरोकार्बन पर दुनिया भर में प्रतिबंध लगा दिया गया था, लेकिन वैज्ञानिकों ने खुलासा किया कि कुछ मानव निर्मित क्लोरोफ्लोरोकार्बन रिकॉर्ड स्तर तक पहुंच गई है। जलवायु में बदलाव करने वाला यह उत्सर्जन लगातार बढ़ रहा है। अध्ययन के अनुसार, मॉन्ट्रियल प्रोटोकॉल के तहत प्रतिबंधित होने के बावजूद, पांच क्लोरोफ्लोरोकार्बन (सीएफसी) 2010 से 2020 तक वातावरण में तेजी से बढ़ गए, जो 2020 में रिकॉर्ड-उच्च स्तर तक पहुंच गए। डाउन टू अर्थ Search रिकॉर्ड स्तर पर पहुंचा क्लोरोफ्लोरोकार्बन, ओजोन को कर सकता है कमजोर सीएफसी शक्तिशाली ग्रीनहाउस गैसें हैं जो कार्बन डाइऑक्साइड की तुलना में 10 हजार गुना अधिक तेजी से गर्मी को फंसाते हैं, यही ग्लोबल वार्मिंग का सबसे बड़ा कारण है जो जलवायु में बदलाव के लिए जिम्मेवार है By Dayanidhi On: Tuesday 04 April 2023 अगली खबर ❯ ओजोन को कमजोर करने वाली सीएफसी पर प्रतिबंध के बावजूद रिकॉर्ड स्तर: अध्ययनफोटो साभार : विकिमीडिया कॉमन्स, सुयश द्विवेदी फोटो साभार : विकिमीडिया कॉमन्स, सुयश द्विवेदी धरती को सूर्य से बचाने वाली ओजोन परत को कमजोर करने वाली क्लोरोफ्लोरोकार्बन पर दुनिया भर में प्रतिबंध लगा दिया गया था, लेकिन वैज्ञानिकों ने खुलासा किया कि कुछ मानव निर्मित क्लोरोफ्लोरोकार्बन रिकॉर्ड स्तर तक पहुंच गई है। जलवायु में बदलाव करने वाला यह उत्सर्जन लगातार बढ़ रहा है। अध्ययन के अनुसार, मॉन्ट्रियल प्रोटोकॉल के तहत प्रतिबंधित होने के बावजूद, पांच क्लोरोफ्लोरोकार्बन (सीएफसी) 2010 से 2020 तक वातावरण में तेजी से बढ़ गए, जो 2020 में रिकॉर्ड-उच्च स्तर तक पहुंच गए। Why I quit the corporate world to start teaching mud house construction अध्ययन में कहा गया है कि यह वृद्धि शायद हाइड्रोफ्लोरोकार्बन (एचएफओ) सहित सीएफसी को बदलने के लिए बने रसायनों के उत्पादन के दौरान रिसाव के कारण हुआ था। हालांकि मौजूदा स्तरों पर वे ओजोन परत की बहाली के लिए खतरा नहीं हैं, वे वातावरण को गर्म करने वाले अन्य उत्सर्जन में शामिल होकर एक अलग खतरे को बढ़ा सकते हैं। सह-अध्ययनकर्ता इसहाक विमोंट ने कहा, यदि आप इन अगली पीढ़ी के यौगिकों के उत्पादन के दौरान ग्रीनहाउस गैसों और ओजोन को कमजोर करने वाले पदार्थों का उत्पादन कर रहे हैं, तो उनका जलवायु और ओजोन परत पर अप्रत्यक्ष प्रभाव पड़ता है। विमोंट, अमेरिका के नेशनल ओशनिक एंड एटमॉस्फेरिक एडमिनिस्ट्रेशन में ग्लोबल मॉनिटरिंग लेबोरेटरी में शोधकर्ता है। ग्लोबल कार्बन प्रोजेक्ट के आंकड़ों के मुताबिक, सीएफसी शक्तिशाली ग्रीनहाउस गैसें हैं जो कार्बन डाइऑक्साइड की तुलना में 10 हजार गुना अधिक तेजी से गर्मी को फंसाते हैं, यही ग्लोबल वार्मिंग का सबसे बड़ा कारण है जो जलवायु में बदलाव के लिए जिम्मेवार है। 1970 से 1980 के दशक में, सीएफसी का ठंडा करने के लिए और एयरोसोल स्प्रे में उपयोग किया जाता था। लेकिन इसके उपयोग के कारण अंटार्कटिका के ऊपर ओजोन परत में छेद का पता चला, जिसके बाद सीएफसी को प्रतिबंधित करने के लिए 1987 में वैश्विक समझौता किया गया। इस समझौते को मॉन्ट्रियल प्रोटोकॉल के नाम से जाना जाता है, इसके लागू होने के बाद, दुनिया भर में सीएफसी की मात्रा में लगातार गिरावट देखी गई। ओजोन का कमजोर पड़ना एक शुरुआती चेतावनी अध्ययन ने 2010 में दुनिया भर से इसको खत्म करने या वैश्विक फेज-आउट के बिंदु से शुरुआत करते हुए या कुछ वर्तमान में उपयोग की जाने वाले पांच सीएफसी का विश्लेषण किया। ब्रिस्टल यूनिवर्सिटी और ग्लोबल मॉनिटरिंग लेबोरेटरी के सह-अध्ययनकर्ता ल्यूक वेस्टर्न ने कहा कि उन उत्सर्जनों का अब तक ओजोन परत पर मामूली प्रभाव पड़ा है और थोड़ा अधिक प्रभाव जलवायु पर पड़ा है। वे स्विट्जरलैंड के 2020 में सीओ2 उत्सर्जन के बराबर हैं, यह अमेरिका के कुल ग्रीनहाउस गैस उत्सर्जन का लगभग एक प्रतिशत के बराबर है। अध्ययन के मुताबिक प्रत्यक्ष माप शुरू होने के बाद से 2020 में सीएफसी की सभी पांचों गैसें अपनी उच्चतम स्तर पर थीं। लेकिन अगर इसी तरह तेजी जारी रहती है, तो उनका प्रभाव बढ़ जाएगा। शोधकर्ताओं ने अपने निष्कर्षों को एक नए तरीके की शुरुआती चेतावनी कहा जिसमें सीएफसी ओजोन परत को खतरे में डाल रहे हैं। उत्सर्जन के उन प्रक्रियाओं के कारण होने की आशंका है जो वर्तमान में प्रतिबंध और अप्रतिबंधित उपयोगों के अधीन नहीं हैं। मॉन्ट्रियल प्रोटोकॉल द्वारा प्रतिबंधित, उनको बदलने के लिए विकसित औद्योगिक एरोसोल की श्रेणी को अगले तीन दशकों में 1987 की संधि के हालिया संशोधन के तहत चरणबद्ध तरीके से समाप्त किया जाना है। सीएफसी के अज्ञात स्रोत प्रोटोकॉल ओजोन को कमजोर करने वाले पदार्थों के निकलने पर अंकुश लगाता है जो वातावरण में फैल सकते हैं, लेकिन कच्चे माल या उप-उत्पादों के रूप में अन्य रसायनों के उत्पादन में उनके उपयोग पर प्रतिबंध नहीं लगाते हैं। यह पहली बार नहीं था कि अघोषित उत्पादन का सीएफसी स्तरों पर प्रभाव पड़ा। 2018 में वैज्ञानिकों ने पाया कि सीएफसी की गति पिछले पांच वर्षों की तुलना में आधी हो गई थी। शोधकर्ताओं ने कहा कि उस मामले में साक्ष्य पूर्वी चीन में कारखानों की ओर इशारा करते हैं। एक बार जब उस क्षेत्र में सीएफसी का उत्पादन बंद हो गया, तो यह वापस पटरी पर आ गया। अध्ययन में कहा गया है कि सीएफसी उत्सर्जन में हालिया वृद्धि के सटीक स्रोत को जानने के लिए और शोध की आवश्यकता है। राष्ट्रव्यापी आंकड़ों की कमी के चलते यह निर्धारित करना मुश्किल हैं कि गैसें कहां से आ रही हैं और विश्लेषण किए गए कुछ सीएफसी के उपयोग के बारे में जानकारी नहीं है। वेस्टर्न ने कहा लेकिन ग्रीनहाउस गैस उत्सर्जन को कम करने के मामले में इन उत्सर्जन को खत्म करना एक आसान जीत है। यह अध्ययन नेचर जियोसाइंस नामक पत्रिका में प्रकाशित हुआ है।

Smaller Towns In Bihar, Bengal And Odisha Record Higher Pollution This Winter: CSE Analysis

The CSE's analysis revealed that cities in West Bengal, Bihar, and Odisha are increasingly falling victim to toxic particulate pollution during winter. Newsclick SUBSCRIBE AND SUPPORT Search DropDownMenu Smaller Towns in Eastern India Record Higher Pollution in Winter: Report Mohd. Imran Khan | 04 Apr 2023 Environment Politics India The CSE's analysis revealed that cities in West Bengal, Bihar, and Odisha are increasingly falling victim to toxic particulate pollution during winter. Representational Image. Image Courtesy: Pexels Representational Image. Image Courtesy: PTI Patna: Smaller towns in eastern Indian states experienced higher levels of pollution during the winter season of 2022-23, according to the latest air quality analysis by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a non-profit organisation based in New Delhi. The CSE's analysis, released on Tuesday, revealed that cities in West Bengal, Bihar, and Odisha are increasingly falling victim to toxic particulate pollution during winter, with the problem spreading rapidly to smaller cities and towns in the region. The assessment also pointed out that though the bigger cities in the region – like Patna and Kolkata -- that are part of the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) have witnessed a marginal improvement in the winter average of their PM2.5 levels compared to the previous two winters, their levels are still high. The smaller towns of Bihar -- Begusarai, Bettiah and Siwan in particular -- have recorded the worst winter air in the region, with their seasonal average exceeding 200 micrograms per cubic metre (µg/m³). Nitrogen dioxide (NO2) pollution is also high in the cities and towns of the region, with Arrah in Bihar recording a staggering 113 µg/m³ monthly average for November, the report said. “This analysis is a stark reminder of the rapid spread of pollution. More cities and smaller towns are scaling the pollution height and dotting the pollution map. This once again vindicates the need for strong state-wide and regional management of air pollution. This is needed to control local pollution sources, including vehicles, industry, open burning and construction dust, as well as the impact of upwind pollution sources on downwind cities and towns,” said Anumita Roychowhdury, executive director of Research and Advocacy, CSE, in a press release. This analysis covers 50 continuous ambient air quality monitoring stations (CAAQMS) spread across 32 cities in the three eastern states. The CSE’s study highlighted that the eastern states experienced the most polluted winter season since 2019-20. The average PM2.5 level across nine cities of east India with functional CAAQMS stations stood at 97 µg/m³ this winter. The PM2.5 level was 6% higher compared to the average of the previous three winters. The daily peak of the season was recorded on January 1, 2023, and the daily regional average stood at 173 µg/m³. The peak was 24% higher compared to the 2021-22 winter peak and 8% higher compared to the mean peak of the previous three winters. Most cities have experienced worsening of winter PM2.5 levels: West Bengal’s winter average PM2.5 this year is 14% higher than the previous winter. Bihar registered a 26% and Odisha a 44% increase in the winter average compared to the previous one, the report said. On a long-term basis, Bihar registered an 18% and Odisha a 4% rise from the mean level of the previous three winters. However, the seasonal air quality in West Bengal this winter is 4% better than the mean of the last three winters. In absolute concentration terms, Bihar, with an average PM2.5 level of 134 µg/m³, was the most polluted state in the east. It is followed by West Bengal with an average PM2.5 level of 84 µg/m³; Odisha came third with 63 µg/m³. According to CSE’s report, peak pollution is dangerously high in all eastern states: In absolute concentration terms, Bihar’s daily peak PM2.5 level of 287 µg/m³ was the highest among the three states. West Bengal’s peak was 152 µg/m³ and Odisha’s 112 µg/m³. In the long term, the seasonal peak in West Bengal this winter has been 1% better than the mean of the previous three winter peaks. Bihar registered a 26% increase, and Odisha a 14% increase in their peaks compared to the mean of the previous three winter peaks. Smaller cities of Bihar are most polluted in the region. Begusarai was the most polluted city in the east, with an average PM2.5 level of 275 µg/m³. It was followed by Siwan with 203 µg/m³, Bettiah (202 µg/m³), Katihar (188 µg/m³), and Saharsa (180 µg/m³). Notably, the top 20 most polluted cities of the east are in Bihar. In West Bengal, Asansol, with a winter average of 102 µg/m³ was the most polluted city; it is followed by Howrah (92 µg/m³) at the second spot. Talcher (75 µg/m³) was the most polluted in Odisha. However, Somvanshi added, “Since only two cities in the state have real-time monitors with adequate data for assessment, it is not possible to capture the larger landscape.” Haldia in West Bengal was the least polluted city among the three states with a PM2.5 average of 46 µg/m³, followed by Siliguri in West Bengal and Manguraha in Bihar with winter averages of 60 µg/m³ and 66 µg/m³, respectively. Among major cities in the east, Patna registered the highest increase in winter pollution this time. Patna in Bihar and Talcher in Odisha were the worst performers and registered an increase of 39% and 41% from the previous year, respectively. These were followed by Asansol in West Bengal and Gaya in Bihar, which recorded an increase of 38% and 37%, respectively. Haldia and Durgapur in West Bengal are the only two cities that have shown improvement in air quality this season compared to the corresponding period in the previous year. Durgapur registered the maximum improvement -- 30% lower PM2.5 levels compared to the previous year; Haldia clocked a 19 per cent dip. There was a significant increase in NO2 concentrations during November compared to October and September. NO2 comes entirely from combustion sources and, majorly from vehicles. Patna registered the most significant increase -- 2.9 times -- with the maximum build-up of NO2 between September and November 2022. Katihar and Rajgir each registered a 2.6 times increase in NO2. Motihari, Kolkata and Howrah registered a 2.3 times hike. In absolute concentration terms, Arrah in Bihar registered the highest NO2 average of 113 µg/m³ (see Graph in the detailed report). It is followed by Bhagalpur with 98 µg/m³ and Siwan with 89 µg/m³.

All the top 20 most polluted cities of east India located in Bihar

NEW DELHI: Cities in India’s eastern states — Bihar, West Bengal and Odisha — are increasingly falling into the pincer grip of toxic particulate pollution during winter season, and the problem is spreading quickly to the smaller cities and towns of the region, said the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) in its latest assessment released on Tuesday. The CSE noted that even though the long-term trend in winter air quality improved marginally, it worsened last winter (2022-23) with the eastern states experiencing the most polluted season since 2019-20. In absolute concentration terms, Bihar with an average PM2.5 level of 134 micrograms per cubic meter (µg/m3) was the most polluted state in the east, followed by West Bengal with average PM2.5 level of 84 µg/m3. Odisha was third with a seasonal average of 63 µg/m3.

संकट में विन्ड एनर्जी सेक्टर, क्या बोली का तरीका बदलने से सुधरेंगे हालात?

ग्लोबल विंड एनर्जी कॉउंसिल द्वारा जारी 2023 की ग्लोबल विंड रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है कि पवन ऊर्जा उद्योग इस साल रिकॉर्ड ऊर्जा क्षमता स्थापना की उम्मीद कर रहा है, लेकिन आपूर्ति श्रृंखला (सप्लाई चेन) में आनेवाली चुनौतियों से निपटने के लिए नीति-निर्माताओं को तत्काल कदम उठाने होंगे। रिपोर्ट के अनुसार पवन ऊर्जा के मामले में साल 2022 निराशाजनक रहा। हालांकि पिछले साल विंड पावर में विश्व-स्तर पर 78 गीगावाट (1 गीगावॉट = 1,000 मेगावॉट) की बढ़त हुई और कुल स्थापित वैश्विक क्षमता बढ़कर 906 गीगावाट हो गई। ताजा अनुमान है कि 2027 तक 680 गीगावाट नई क्षमता स्थापित की जाएगी, यानि हर साल करीब 136 गीगावाट। यदि ऐसा हुआ तो 2023 पहला वर्ष होगा जब विश्व-स्तर पर 100 गीगावाट से अधिक की नई क्षमता स्थापित होगी। विशेषज्ञ कहते हैं पवन ऊर्जा में 2030 के जलवायु संबंधी लक्ष्यों को हासिल करने में काफी मददगार हो सकते हैं और 2050 तक नेट जीरो तक पहुंचने की राह भी आसान होगी। हाल ही में संयुक्त राष्ट्र महासचिव एंटोनियो गुट्रिश ने अमीर देशों से 2040 और विकासशील देशों से 2050 तक नेट जीरो पर पहुंचने का प्रयास करने का आग्रह किया था। उन्होंने कहा था कि ग्लोबल वार्मिंग को 1.5 डिग्री सेल्सियस पर सीमित करने के लिए यह आवश्यक है। भारत की स्थिति, तय लक्ष्यों से पीछे भारत पवन ऊर्जा क्षमता के मामले में चीन, अमेरिका और जर्मनी के बाद दुनिया में चौथे नंबर पर है। नेशनल पावर पोर्टल पर उपलब्ध आंकड़ों के मुताबिक भारत की कुल पवन ऊर्जा क्षमता अभी 42,015 मेगावॉट यानी 42 गीगावॉट है। भारत ने 2022 में कुल तटवर्ती पवन ऊर्जा क्षमता में 1847 मेगावॉट की बढ़ोतरी की। साफ ऊर्जा मंत्रालय के मुताबिक भारत का लक्ष्य 2030 तक कुल 30,000 मेगावॉट के अपतटीय पवन ऊर्जा संयंत्र लगाने का है। भारत ने 2022 तक 175 गीगावाट नवीकरणीय ऊर्जा क्षमता स्थापित करने का जो लक्ष्य रखा था, उसमें सौर ऊर्जा (100 गीगावाट) के बाद सबसे बड़ा हिस्सा पवन ऊर्जा से प्राप्त होना नियोजित था — 60 गीगावाट। लेकिन जहां सौर ऊर्जा का लक्ष्य करीब 62 प्रतिशत हासिल हो पाया और पवन ऊर्जा के मामले में 2022 के अंत तक 60 की अपेक्षा लगभग 41 गीगावाट के संयंत्र ही स्थापित हो पाए। भारत पिछले कई सालों से लगातार पवन ऊर्जा लक्ष्यों को हासिल करने में नाकाम रहा है। 2019-20 में 3,000 मेगावाट की जगह 2,117 मेगावाट, जबकि 2020-21 में 3,000 मेगावाट के लक्ष्य का करीब 50 प्रतिशत — 1,503 मेगावाट — ही प्राप्त हो सका। विन्ड एनर्जी क्षेत्र के जानकार इसके लिए सरकार की नीतियों को दोष देते हैं। इंडियन विन्ड टर्बाइन मैन्युफेक्चरर्स एसोसिएशन के सेक्रेटरी जनरल डी वी गिरि ने कार्बनकॉपी हिन्दी को बताया कि भारत दुनिया में सबसे सस्ती पवनचक्कियां बनाता है और सत्तर प्रतिशत से अधिक निर्माण देश के भीतर होता है। इसके बावजूद पिछले 6 साल से विन्ड एनर्जी सेक्टर की हालात ठीक नहीं है। गिरि कहते हैं, “हमारे पास हर साल 15 गीगावॉट की पवनचक्कियां लगाने की क्षमता है। फिर भी 2017 के बाद से हम प्रतिवर्ष केवल 1.5 गीगावॉट क्षमता ही हर साल बढ़ा रहे हैं। यानी हर साल हम अपनी क्षमता का 10 प्रतिशत ही इजाफा कर पा रहे हैं। यह बिल्कुल भी स्वीकार्य नहीं है।” अक्टूबर 2015 में सरकार ने ‘राष्ट्रीय अपतटीय पवन ऊर्जा नीति‘ (नेशनल ऑफशोर विन्ड एनर्जी पॉलिसी) अधिसूचित की थी, जिसके अंतर्गत गुजरात और तमिलनाडु में आठ-आठ ज़ोन संभावित अपतटीय क्षेत्रों के रूप में चिन्हित किए गए थे। इन क्षेत्रों के भीतर 70 गीगावाट ऊर्जा क्षमता स्थापित होने का अनुमान था। लेकिन अगस्त 2022 की संसद की स्थाई समिति की रिपोर्ट बताती है कि पॉलिसी नोटिफाई के सात साल बाद भी देश में एक भी अपतटीय पवन ऊर्जा प्रोजेक्ट स्थापित नहीं हो पाया है। खरीद मूल्य का संकट, बिडिंग के तरीके पर सवाल दिल्ली स्थित सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड इंवारेंमेंट (सीएसई) में रिन्यूएबल एनर्जी के डिप्टी प्रोग्राम मैनेजर बिनित दास कहते हैं, “भारत में एक बड़ी चुनौती पवन ऊर्जा की कीमत है। वर्तमान में रिवर्स बिडिंग प्रणाली के कारण डिस्कॉम बिजली कंपनियों से काफी कम कीमत पर विन्ड पावर खरीद रहे हैं। इससे डेवलपर हतोत्साहित हो रहे हैं और वह विन्ड एनर्जी से दूर जा रहे हैं और निवेशक इसके बजाय सोलर प्रोजेक्ट्स में पैसा लगाना चाहते हैं।” दास ने कार्बनकॉपी से कहा कि पिछले तीन सालों में हमने पवन ऊर्जा की नई संयोजन क्षमता (कैपेसिटी एडिशन) का ग्राफ गिरते देखा है। असल में भारत ने 2030 तक कुल 500 गीगावॉट साफ ऊर्जा क्षमता का लक्ष्य रखा है जिसमें 140 गीगावॉट पवन ऊर्जा होगी यानी अगले साढ़े सात सालों में भारत को 98 गीगावॉट विन्ड एनर्जी के संयंत्र लगाने हैं। इसके लिए हर साल औसतन 13 गीगावॉट से अधिक क्षमता संयोजन (पावर एडिशन) करना होगा। लेकिन अगर पवन ऊर्जा क्षमता बढ़ने की मौजूदा रफ्तार देखें तो वह 2 गीगावॉट से अधिक नहीं रही है। इस हिसाब से 2030 के लिए तय लक्ष्य हासिल करने में 50 साल लग जाएंगे। गिरि कहते हैं, “अगर आप मुझसे पूछें कि समस्या कहां है तो मैं कहूंगा कि 2017 से पहले राज्यों के द्वारा बिजली खरीदी जाती थी। राज्यों के अपने आरपीओ होते थे। हर राज्य की बिडिंग और टैरिफ होते थे। 2017 में सरकार ने ई-रिवर्स बिडिंग लागू किया और एक ही एजेंसी सोलर एनर्जी कॉर्पोरेशन को कमान थमा थी। उन्होंने खरीद के बाकी रास्ते बन्द कर दिए।” सरकार ने करीब 6 साल पहले प्रतिस्पर्धा को बढ़ाने के लिए ई-रिवर्स बिडिंग शुरू की थी। इसमें पहले सबसे कम बोली लगाने वाले के खिलाफ बाकी कंपनियों से काउंटर बिडिंग के प्रस्ताव मांगे जा सकते हैं। इंडस्ट्री का कहना है कि रिवर्स बिडिंग के कारण खरीद मूल्य इतना गिर गया कि उनके लिए काम करना व्यवहारिक नहीं रह गया। निवेशकों का कहना है कि छोटे प्लेयर इसमें बड़े खिलाड़ियों के आगे नहीं टिक पाते। रिवर्स बिडिंग से क्लोज़ बिडिंग की ओर विन्ड सेक्टर को संकट से निकालने के लिए नवीनीकरणीय ऊर्जा मंत्रालय (एमएनआरई) ने विन्ड पावर के लिए घोषित रिवर्स ऑक्शन रद्द किए हैं और 2030 तक हर साल 8 गीगावॉट की नीलामी एक चरण में बन्द लिफाफे में बोली के आधार पर करेगी। हालांकि सरकार में बोली के तरीके को बदलने को लेकर काफी खींचतान हुई है और पावर मिनिस्ट्री ने एमएनआरई के प्रस्ताव का विरोध किया लेकिन साफ ऊर्जा मंत्रालय को लगता है कि वर्तमान तरीरे से फिलहाल विन्ड पावर क्षमता नहीं बढ़ेगी। हालांकि इस फैसले से पहले एमएनआरई मंत्री आर के सिंह ने साफ कहा कि रिवर्स बिडिंग से (डिस्कॉम को) कम कीमत पर बिजली तो मिलेगी लेकिन मैं चाहता हूं कि कंपनियां संयंत्र भी लगाएं। इसका कोई मतलब नहीं है कि बिडिंग तो हो लेकिन संयंत्र न लगें। क्लोज़ एनविलेप बिडिंग में कंपनियां दो अलग अलग लिफाफों में टेक्निकल और कमर्शियल बोलियां लगाती हैं। इसमें टेक्निकल बिड में सफल होने वाली कंपनियों के बीच देखा जाता है कि किसकी कमर्शियल बोली सबसे कम कीमत की है लेकिन उसके बाद किसी तरह की नीलामी नहीं होती। दास कहते हैं, “अलग-अलग राज्यों में संसाधनों की उपलब्धता के हिसाब से बिजली खरीद की कीमत की न्यूनतम दर तय होनी चाहिए। अगर कीमत निर्धारण से पहले हालात का सही पूर्व मूल्यांकन हो और खरीद की एक न्यूनतम सीमा तय हो तो इससे डेवलपर का हौसला बढ़ेगा।”

Smaller towns in eastern states record higher pollution this winter: analysis

April 4, 2023: Cities in India’s eastern states are increasingly falling into the pincer grip of toxic particulate pollution during winter season – and the problem is spreading quickly to the smaller cities and towns of the region: says a latest assessment by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) released here today. The assessment also notes that though the bigger cities in the region – like Patna and Kolkata — that are part of the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP), have witnessed a marginal improvement in the winter average of their PM2.5 levels compared to the previous two winters, their levels are still high. The smaller towns of Bihar — Begusarai, Bettiah and Siwan in particular — have recorded the worst winter air in the region, with their seasonal average exceeding 200 microgram per cubic metre (µg/m³). Nitrogen dioxide (NO2) pollution is also high in the cities and towns of the region, with Arrah in Bihar recording a staggering 113 µg/m³ monthly average for November, notes CSE. “This analysis is a stark reminder of the rapid spread of pollution. More cities and smaller towns are scaling the pollution height and dotting the pollution map. This once again vindicates the need for a strong state-wide and regional management of air pollution. This is needed to control local pollution sources including vehicles, industry, open burning and construction dust, as well as the impact of upwind pollution sources on downwind cities and towns,” says Anumita Roychowhdury, executive director, research and advocacy, CSE. “Additionally, data gap is also a challenge in the region. Even though the real time monitors have increased in the region including in Jharkhand, some of these could not be used due to data gaps and quality issues. Some of these are new and therefore long term data is not available. The data, thus, is indicative of the current status and seasonal variation in particulate pollution in medium and smaller cities,” says Avikal Somvanshi, senior programme manager, Urban Lab, CSE. With the winter season coming to an end, the Urban Lab at CSE has analysed air quality trends during the winter months (October 2022 to February 2023) in cities of the eastern states of West Bengal, Bihar and Odisha. This is an assessment of seasonal trends in PM2.5 concentration for the period October 1, 2022 to February 28, 2023 for 2019, 2020, 2021, 2022 and 2023. Winter inversion and cool and calm conditions trap local pollution that is already high. This is part of the third edition of the Urban Lab’s Air Quality Tracker Initiative since 2020-21. This analysis covers 50 continuous ambient air quality monitoring stations (CAAQMS) spread across 32 cities in the three states: West Bengal: seven stations in Kolkata, three in Howrah, and one each in Asansol, Siliguri, Durgapur and Haldia. Real time monitors in Durgapur and Haldia became operational only by the end of 2020. Bihar: Six stations in Patna, three each in Gaya and Muzaffarpur, two in Bhagalpur, and one each in Hajipur, Bettiah, Bihar Sharif, Darbhanga, Motihari, Araria, Arrah, Chhapra, Katihar, Kishanganj, Manguraha, Munger, Purnia, Rajgir, Saharsa, Sasaram, Siwan, Aurangabad, Begusarai and Samastipur Odisha: One real time station each in Talcher and Brajrajnagar. Many new stations have been added in November 2022 — one station each in Baripada, Bileipada, Keonjhar, Nayagarh, Rairangpur, Rourkela, Suakati and Tensa. Only a limited long term trend analysis has been possible for the cities that have added stations and monitors relatively recently (like some of the cities in Odisha). Jharkhand has no working monitoring stations, and hence, offers no PM2.5 data for the last two years – which is why its cities have not been included in this analysis. This analysis is based on the real time data available from the current working air quality monitoring stations in east India. Somvanshi says a huge volume of data points have been cleaned and data gaps addressed based on the United States Environmental Protection Agency (USEPA) method for this analysis. Key findings of the CSE analysis Eastern states have experienced the most polluted winter season since 2019-20: The average PM2.5 level across nine cities of east India with functional CAAQMS stations since 2019 stood at 97 µg/m³ this winter. The PM2.5 level was 6 per cent higher compared to the average of previous three winters. The daily peak of the season was recorded on January 1, 2023 and the daily regional average stood at 173 µg/m³. The peak was 24 per cent higher compared to the peak of 2021-22 winter and 8 per cent higher compared to the mean peak of previous three winters. Most cities have experienced worsening of winter PM2.5 levels: West Bengal’s winter average PM2.5 this year is 14 per cent higher than that in the previous winter. Bihar registered a 26 per cent rise, and Odisha a 44 per cent higher winter average compared to the previous winter. On a long term basis, Bihar registered an 18 per cent increase and Odisha a 4 per cent increase from the mean level of previous three winters. However, the seasonal air quality in West Bengal this winter is 4 per cent better than the mean of previous three winters. In absolute concentration terms, Bihar with an average PM2.5 level of 134 µg/m³ was the most polluted state in the east, followed by West Bengal with average PM2.5 level of 84 µg/m³; Odisha was third with a seasonal average of 63 µg/m³. Peak pollution is dangerously high in all eastern states: In absolute concentration terms, Bihar’s daily peak PM2.5 level of 287 µg/m³ was the highest among the three states. West Bengal’s peak was 152 µg/m³ and Odisha’s, 112 µg/m³. In the long term, the seasonal peak in West Bengal this winter has been 1 per cent better than the mean of previous three winter peaks. Bihar registered a 26 per cent increase and Odisha a 14 per cent increase in their peaks compared to the mean of previous three winter peaks. Smaller cities of Bihar are most polluted in the region: Begusarai was the most polluted city in the east with an average PM2.5 level of 275 µg/m³. It was followed by Siwan with 203 µg/m³, Bettiah (202 µg/m³), Katihar (188 µg/m³), and Saharsa (180 µg/m³). All the top 20 most polluted cities of the east are located in Bihar. In West Bengal, Asansol, with a winter average of 102 µg/m³ was the most polluted city; it is followed by Howrah (92 µg/m³) at the second spot. Talcher (75 µg/m³) was the most polluted in Odisha – however, adds Somvanshi, “since only two cities in the state have real time monitors with adequate data for assessment, it is not possible to capture the larger landscape.” Haldia in West Bengal was the least polluted city among the three states with a PM2.5 average of 46 µg/m³, followed by Siliguri in West Bengal and Manguraha in Bihar with winter averages of 60 µg/m³ and 66 µg/m³, respectively. Patna registered the highest increase in winter pollution this winter among the major cities in the region: Patna in Bihar and Talcher in Odisha were the worst performers and registered an increase of 39 per cent and 41 per cent from the previous year, respectively. These were followed by Asansol in West Bengal and Gaya in Bihar, which recorded an increase of 38 per cent and 37 per cent, respectively. Howrah (0 per cent), Kolkata (3 per cent) and Muzaffarpur (8 per cent) registered nil to marginal increases in pollution levels this season compared to the previous winter. Haldia and Durgapur are the only two cities that have shown improvement in air quality this season compared to the corresponding period in the previous year. Durgapur registered the maximum improvement — 30 per cent lower PM2.5 levels compared to the previous year; Haldia clocked a 19 per cent dip. Increasing levels of NO2 in November: There was a significant increase in NO2 concentrations during November compared to the months of October and September. NO2 comes entirely from combustion sources and significantly, from vehicles. Patna registered the greatest increase — 2.9 times — with the maximum build-up of NO2 between September and November 2022. Katihar and Rajgir each registered a 2.6 times increase in NO2. Motihari, Kolkata and Howrah registered a 2.3 times hike. In absolute concentration terms, Arrah in Bihar registered the highest NO2 average of 113 µg/m³ (see Graph in the detailed report). It is followed by Bhagalpur with 98 µg/m³ and Siwan with 89 µg/m³. Among West Bengal cities, Asansol with a monthly average of 40 µg/m³ was the most polluted. Diwali pollution was the highest in the small towns of Bihar among the eastern states: The Diwali of this winter was less polluted compared to the previous year’s Diwali for all the major cities in the region. However, the smaller cities of Bihar witnessed the maximum increase in pollution levels on Diwali night. In fact, pollution level on Diwali night (8 pm to 8 am) shot up by 0.2-2.3 times the average level recorded during the seven nights preceding Diwali. Nine out of 32 stations recorded an increase in pollution on the day of Diwali. Motihari in Bihar saw the greatest jump of 2.3-times higher PM2.5 level — 152 µg/m³ — on Diwali night. It was followed by Siwan and Bettiah each with 1.8-times higher PM2.5 concentrations. Bihar cities dominate the top 15 list of cities with the most polluted Diwali nights. Among West Bengal cities, Asansol recorded a Diwali night PM2.5 level of 42 µg/m³. Haldia and Manguraha each with 12 µg/m³ had the least polluted Diwali night in the region, followed by Durgapur with 13 µg/m³. Step up the action Says Roychowdhury: “High winter pollution is an indicator of a deeper and rapid spread of air pollution in the eastern region. As the winter turns hostile due to inversion and cold and calm conditions, pollution gets trapped and spirals. This requires an aggressive strategy to control pollution not only in the bigger cities, but also across the region to mitigate pollution from vehicles and transportation, industries, open burning of waste, landfill fires, construction, household use of solid fuels, and other area sources. It is necessary to reduce pollution in a targeted manner to meet the clean air standards.”

Delhi fails to make hay while sun shines

While targeting 6,000 MW from solar power by 2025, of which 750 would be from rooftop installations, Delhi, however, managed to add only 20MW of additional power in the past year through rooftop and ground solar generation. To meet the 2025 target, increased from 2,000MW recently, the capital will have to harness more than 230MW every month.Since only 9% of the power being consumed by the city currently comes from the sun, Delhi’s journey to sustainable clean energy may be a story of untapped potential, with undue dependence on thermal power. In 2016, Delhi government’s solar policy proposed to install a capacity of 2,000MW from solar generation by 2025. Only a fraction of this has been achieved two years from the deadline. And despite failing to meet its ambitious target, the policy revised the target to 6,000MW by 2025. TimesView At a time when global warming due to the worsening state of the environment is among the most pressing issues of the world, the need to harness solar energy cannot be overemphasized. Solar energy is clean, and indirectly helps in improving the environment. It is, therefore, a matter of concern that Delhi is falling behind its solar energy target. Authorities must ensure that the process is brought to speed. “The Delhi Solar Policy aims to meet 25% of the capital's annual electricity demand through solar energy by 2025, which currently stands at 9%. To achieve this, the policy has set a target of installing solar infrastructure with a capacity of 6,000MW by 2025, which will include 750 MW of rooftop solar,” said finance minister Kailash Gehlot in his budget speech recently. “The policy also aims to generate around 12,000 green jobs in Delhi. The draft policy was shared with the public for their suggestions and comments. Based on their inputs, Delhi government will notify the new policy by April 2023.” According to experts, the state government needs to find alternatives for power generation. “At the current pace Delhi will reach nowhere,” declared Binit Das, deputy programme manager (renewables), Centre for Science and Environment. “The authorities must address several issues, including realising full potential for solar generation. There is absolutely no space on the rooftops of apartments, occupied as they are by water tanks and AC units.” Das pointed out that while the provision of free power units means rooftop solar generation in residential houses does not receive the kind of encouragement it does in other states. “Under the circumstances, the new target seems impractical. We don’t see any major tender being awarded or steps being taken, apart from the draft policy,” noted Das. “The government must do a potential analysis on how much power can be generated from rooftops alone and then call for bids.” Because of the limited space in the city, the state government must think of a solar power plant elsewhere, perhaps in an arrangement with other state governments, and compensate the national grid for the units it consumes in Delhi-NCR. “Delhi Metro is already doing it through its plant in Madhya Pradesh,” Das pointed out. “There are some transmission charges. This wouldn’t be direct power generation, but virtual generation.” The 2016 policy had a provision for mandatory installation for solar panels on all government buildings with rooftops of 500 square metres or above. For other buildings, under the building byelaws, solar panel installation was made mandatory for a plot area measuring 105 sq metres or above. The draft Solar Policy of Delhi 2022 aims at achieving 750MW of rooftop solar power generation by 2025. Given the rooftop capacity of 202MW at present, the state will require accelerated implementation of demand aggregation, such as community solar power to meet this target. Such models will allow all kinds of rooftop owners to participate by pooling investment and sharing the benefits.

Delhi has no action plan to soften heatwave blow, yet

The mercury is set to soar this month, but the city currently has no heat action plan for minimising the impact of heatwaves that severely impact Delhiites, especially vulnerable community members.However, a Delhi government official said concerned departments have been asked to submit their plans by April 10. “A draft heat action plan has been prepared. Based on inputs received from departments, a plan will be finalised this month.” The Delhi state action plan on climate change for the current decade is also yet to be implemented. The capital was under the grip of 17 heatwaves last summer, but some locations saw more than 20 heatwave days. delhi heatwave Since the temperature is expected to rise from this month, experts emphasised that a heat action plan should be in place. Aditya Valiathan Pillai, associate fellow at Centre for Policy Research (CPR), said, “Delhi should issue a heat action plan as the city has a large heat-exposed population and dense urban environments that trap heat, particularly in unplanned neighbourhoods, every summer. This summer is predicted to be bad, and it won’t be the last.” He added, “The economic and health consequences of a heatwave that lasts a week or so with hot nights that prevent the body from recovering and a marginal increase in humidity could be devastating. Outdoor workers, including construction workers, traffic police, vendors and delivery agents, are among the vulnerable constantly exposed to heat and have the least flexibility to cope.” Pillai co-authored a CPR report, titled ‘How is India adapting to heatwaves?’ The report stated that heat action plans regularly include a heatwave warning system, including sharing alerts with vulnerable populations; means of coordination between government departments; an awareness, training and behaviour change component to reduce heat exposure; a list of short-term actions, focused on healthcare or changing work hours; and longer-term solutions, such as investing in infrastructure like cool roofs and water harvesting bodies, changes in agricultural practice or adjusting urban planning, including green corridors. Avikal Somvanshi, senior programme manager, urban lab, Centre for Science and Environment, said, “Unlike Ahmedabad and other cities, Delhi has no defined policy for dealing with heatwaves. Heatwaves have become even more problematic in cities due to urban heat islands. When the ambient temperature is 46-50 degrees Celsius, the surface temperature is about 64-65 degrees Celsius, which is highly dangerous for human health.” “When temperature crosses a certain limit, there should be a policy on providing cool and shaded spaces to workers and changing the outdoor working timings,” he added. Meanwhile, IMD plans to issue a heat-hazard analysis for the country, including Delhi, this summer. The department currently issues forecasts based on the maximum temperature and its departure from normal. The heat-hazard analysis will be calculated based on five meteorological factors -- relative humidity, minimum and maximum temperatures, wind speed and duration of heatwave spell.

Nearly 50% of Total Sanctioned Posts Vacant in State Pollution Control Boards

Despite pollution becoming a dire concern, nearly 50% of the total sanctioned posts are lying vacant in various state pollution control boards, the government informed Lok Sabha on Monday. According to the data, out of the total 11,103 posts, as many as 5,454 remain vacant. Tasked with implementation of environmental laws across the country, the state pollution control Boards (SPCBs) have a very important role in enforcement of provisions of Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974, Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1981 and the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986. “Availability of adequate manpower in these institutions is very important for effective discharge of their functions and duties. The responsibility to fill up vacancies in SPCBs/PCCs lies with the concerned State Govt./UT Administration,” Minister of State in the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) Ashwini Kumar Choubey told Parliament. While Bihar has only been able to fill 58 of the total 264 provisioned posts, Jharkhand has filled up only 34 posts out of the total 271 in the state. The vacancy is as high as 64% in Madhya Pradesh, and over 40% in big states like Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and West Bengal. Burdened with the highest level of air pollution among all cities, Delhi alone has 192 posts vacant out of total 344 sanctioned posts in the Pollution Control Committee (PCC). Among the northern states, Punjab and Haryana, that struggle to cope with the annual challenge of stubble burning, have as many as 298 and 384 posts vacant, respectively. “It is a dismal picture, especially in some of these states where a lot of work has to be done. The monitoring of water quality at multiple points, as well tracking industrial effluents primarily lies with the state boards. There is a lot of data that needs to be collected and updated,” a former pollution control board official told News18. While the states often cite fund crunch as a problem, the manpower shortage has impeded action on the ground, say experts. Tasked with the implementation of various environmental/pollution control laws, the boards are required to monitor and take steps to abate the rising pollution levels. The responsibility of prevention of pollution of water sources by industrial effluents primarily lies with the states. A recent analysis from the Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) showed how smaller towns smaller and upcoming cities are becoming pollution hotspots and require urgent and deliberate action. The minister also informed Parliament that the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) has at least 193 posts vacant against the sanctioned posts of 577. “CPCB has published advertisement for filling of various vacant posts through direct recruitment in Employment News dated December 24-30, 2022,” he added. Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh emerge as the only states with zero vacancy, followed by Sikkim, Tripura, Mizoram and Goa with just a few posts vacant in otherwise smaller departments, as per the data shared by the government.

Smaller towns in eastern states record higher pollution this winter – says CSE’s latest analysis

Cities in India’s eastern states are increasingly falling into the pincer grip of toxic particulate pollution during winter season – and the problem is spreading quickly to the smaller cities and towns of the region: says a latest assessment by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) released here today. The assessment also notes that though the bigger cities in the region – like Patna and Kolkata — that are part of the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP), have witnessed a marginal improvement in the winter average of their PM2.5 levels compared to the previous two winters, their levels are still high. The smaller towns of Bihar — Begusarai, Bettiah and Siwan in particular — have recorded the worst winter air in the region, with their seasonal average exceeding 200 microgram per cubic metre (µg/m³). Nitrogen dioxide (NO2) pollution is also high in the cities and towns of the region, with Arrah in Bihar recording a staggering 113 µg/m³ monthly average for November, notes CSE. “This analysis is a stark reminder of the rapid spread of pollution. More cities and smaller towns are scaling the pollution height and dotting the pollution map. This once again vindicates the need for a strong state-wide and regional management of air pollution. This is needed to control local pollution sources including vehicles, industry, open burning and construction dust, as well as the impact of upwind pollution sources on downwind cities and towns,” says Anumita Roychowhdury, executive director, research and advocacy, CSE. “Additionally, data gap is also a challenge in the region. Even though the real time monitors have increased in the region including in Jharkhand, some of these could not be used due to data gaps and quality issues. Some of these are new and therefore long term data is not available. The data, thus, is indicative of the current status and seasonal variation in particulate pollution in medium and smaller cities,” says Avikal Somvanshi, senior programme manager, Urban Lab, CSE. With the winter season coming to an end, the Urban Lab at CSE has analysed air quality trends during the winter months (October 2022 to February 2023) in cities of the eastern states of West Bengal, Bihar and Odisha. This is an assessment of seasonal trends in PM2.5 concentration for the period October 1, 2022 to February 28, 2023 for 2019, 2020, 2021, 2022 and 2023. Winter inversion and cool and calm conditions trap local pollution that is already high. This is part of the third edition of the Urban Lab’s Air Quality Tracker Initiative since 2020-21. This analysis covers 50 continuous ambient air quality monitoring stations (CAAQMS) spread across 32 cities in the three states: West Bengal: seven stations in Kolkata, three in Howrah, and one each in Asansol, Siliguri, Durgapur and Haldia. Real time monitors in Durgapur and Haldia became operational only by the end of 2020. Bihar: Six stations in Patna, three each in Gaya and Muzaffarpur, two in Bhagalpur, and one each in Hajipur, Bettiah, Bihar Sharif, Darbhanga, Motihari, Araria, Arrah, Chhapra, Katihar, Kishanganj, Manguraha, Munger, Purnia, Rajgir, Saharsa, Sasaram, Siwan, Aurangabad, Begusarai and Samastipur Odisha: One real time station each in Talcher and Brajrajnagar. Many new stations have been added in November 2022 — one station each in Baripada, Bileipada, Keonjhar, Nayagarh, Rairangpur, Rourkela, Suakati and Tensa. Only a limited long term trend analysis has been possible for the cities that have added stations and monitors relatively recently (like some of the cities in Odisha). Jharkhand has no working monitoring stations, and hence, offers no PM2.5 data for the last two years – which is why its cities have not been included in this analysis. This analysis is based on the real time data available from the current working air quality monitoring stations in east India. Somvanshi says a huge volume of data points have been cleaned and data gaps addressed based on the United States Environmental Protection Agency (USEPA) method for this analysis. Key findings of the CSE analysis Eastern states have experienced the most polluted winter season since 2019-20: The average PM2.5 level across nine cities of east India with functional CAAQMS stations since 2019 stood at 97 µg/m³ this winter. The PM2.5 level was 6 per cent higher compared to the average of previous three winters. The daily peak of the season was recorded on January 1, 2023 and the daily regional average stood at 173 µg/m³. The peak was 24 per cent higher compared to the peak of 2021-22 winter and 8 per cent higher compared to the mean peak of previous three winters. Most cities have experienced worsening of winter PM2.5 levels: West Bengal’s winter average PM2.5 this year is 14 per cent higher than that in the previous winter. Bihar registered a 26 per cent rise, and Odisha a 44 per cent higher winter average compared to the previous winter. On a long term basis, Bihar registered an 18 per cent increase and Odisha a 4 per cent increase from the mean level of previous three winters. However, the seasonal air quality in West Bengal this winter is 4 per cent better than the mean of previous three winters. In absolute concentration terms, Bihar with an average PM2.5 level of 134 µg/m³ was the most polluted state in the east, followed by West Bengal with average PM2.5 level of 84 µg/m³; Odisha was third with a seasonal average of 63 µg/m³. Peak pollution is dangerously high in all eastern states: In absolute concentration terms, Bihar’s daily peak PM2.5 level of 287 µg/m³ was the highest among the three states. West Bengal’s peak was 152 µg/m³ and Odisha’s, 112 µg/m³. In the long term, the seasonal peak in West Bengal this winter has been 1 per cent better than the mean of previous three winter peaks. Bihar registered a 26 per cent increase and Odisha a 14 per cent increase in their peaks compared to the mean of previous three winter peaks. Smaller cities of Bihar are most polluted in the region: Begusarai was the most polluted city in the east with an average PM2.5 level of 275 µg/m³. It was followed by Siwan with 203 µg/m³, Bettiah (202 µg/m³), Katihar (188 µg/m³), and Saharsa (180 µg/m³). All the top 20 most polluted cities of the east are located in Bihar. In West Bengal, Asansol, with a winter average of 102 µg/m³ was the most polluted city; it is followed by Howrah (92 µg/m³) at the second spot. Talcher (75 µg/m³) was the most polluted in Odisha – however, adds Somvanshi, “since only two cities in the state have real time monitors with adequate data for assessment, it is not possible to capture the larger landscape.” Haldia in West Bengal was the least polluted city among the three states with a PM2.5 average of 46 µg/m³, followed by Siliguri in West Bengal and Manguraha in Bihar with winter averages of 60 µg/m³ and 66 µg/m³, respectively. Patna registered the highest increase in winter pollution this winter among the major cities in the region: Patna in Bihar and Talcher in Odisha were the worst performers and registered an increase of 39 per cent and 41 per cent from the previous year, respectively. These were followed by Asansol in West Bengal and Gaya in Bihar, which recorded an increase of 38 per cent and 37 per cent, respectively. Howrah (0 per cent), Kolkata (3 per cent) and Muzaffarpur (8 per cent) registered nil to marginal increases in pollution levels this season compared to the previous winter. Haldia and Durgapur are the only two cities that have shown improvement in air quality this season compared to the corresponding period in the previous year. Durgapur registered the maximum improvement — 30 per cent lower PM2.5 levels compared to the previous year; Haldia clocked a 19 per cent dip. Increasing levels of NO2 in November: There was a significant increase in NO2 concentrations during November compared to the months of October and September. NO2 comes entirely from combustion sources and significantly, from vehicles. Patna registered the greatest increase — 2.9 times — with the maximum build-up of NO2 between September and November 2022. Katihar and Rajgir each registered a 2.6 times increase in NO2. Motihari, Kolkata and Howrah registered a 2.3 times hike. In absolute concentration terms, Arrah in Bihar registered the highest NO2 average of 113 µg/m³ (see Graph in the detailed report). It is followed by Bhagalpur with 98 µg/m³ and Siwan with 89 µg/m³. Among West Bengal cities, Asansol with a monthly average of 40 µg/m³ was the most polluted. Diwali pollution was the highest in the small towns of Bihar among the eastern states: The Diwali of this winter was less polluted compared to the previous year’s Diwali for all the major cities in the region. However, the smaller cities of Bihar witnessed the maximum increase in pollution levels on Diwali night. In fact, pollution level on Diwali night (8 pm to 8 am) shot up by 0.2-2.3 times the average level recorded during the seven nights preceding Diwali. Nine out of 32 stations recorded an increase in pollution on the day of Diwali. Motihari in Bihar saw the greatest jump of 2.3-times higher PM2.5 level — 152 µg/m³ — on Diwali night. It was followed by Siwan and Bettiah each with 1.8-times higher PM2.5 concentrations. Bihar cities dominate the top 15 list of cities with the most polluted Diwali nights. Among West Bengal cities, Asansol recorded a Diwali night PM2.5 level of 42 µg/m³. Haldia and Manguraha each with 12 µg/m³ had the least polluted Diwali night in the region, followed by Durgapur with 13 µg/m³. Step up the action Says Roychowdhury: “High winter pollution is an indicator of a deeper and rapid spread of air pollution in the eastern region. As the winter turns hostile due to inversion and cold and calm conditions, pollution gets trapped and spirals. This requires an aggressive strategy to control pollution not only in the bigger cities, but also across the region to mitigate pollution from vehicles and transportation, industries, open burning of waste, landfill fires, construction, household use of solid fuels, and other area sources. It is necessary to reduce pollution in a targeted manner to meet the clean air standards.”

Smaller Towns In Bihar, Bengal And Odisha Record Higher Pollution This Winter: CSE Analysis

Download our app and unlock all benefits! GET APP ANALYSIS Smaller Towns In Bihar, Bengal And Odisha Record Higher Pollution This Winter: CSE Analysis by Arun Kumar Das - Apr 4, 2023, 04:49 PM A view of the sea The smaller towns of Bihar have recorded the worst winter air in the region. (Representative image). Snapshot This analysis covers 50 continuous ambient air quality monitoring stations (CAAQMS) spread across 32 cities in the three states. The PM 2.5 level was 6 per cent higher compared to the average of previous three winters. Cities in India’s eastern states are increasingly falling into the pincer grip of toxic particulate pollution during winter season. This problem is spreading quickly to the smaller cities and towns of the region, says a latest assessment by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). The assessment, released on Tuesday (4 April), also notes that though the bigger cities in the region — like Patna and Kolkata — that are part of the National Clean Air Programme, have witnessed a marginal improvement in the winter average of their PM 2.5 levels compared to the previous two winters, their levels are still high. The smaller towns of Bihar — Begusarai, Bettiah and Siwan in particular —have recorded the worst winter air in the region, with their seasonal average exceeding 200 microgram per cubic metre (µg/m³).

Delhi has no action plan to soften heatwave blow, yet

NEW DELHI: The mercury is set to soar this month, but the city currently has no heat action plan for minimising the impact of heatwaves that severely impact Delhiites, especially vulnerable community members.However, a Delhi government official said concerned departments have been asked to submit their plans by April 10. “A draft heat action plan has been prepared. Based on inputs received from departments, a plan will be finalised this month.” The Delhi state action plan on climate change for the current decade is also yet to be implemented. The capital was under the grip of 17 heatwaves last summer, but some locations saw more than 20 heatwave days. delhi heatwave Since the temperature is expected to rise from this month, experts emphasised that a heat action plan should be in place. Aditya Valiathan Pillai, associate fellow at Centre for Policy Research (CPR), said, “Delhi should issue a heat action plan as the city has a large heat-exposed population and dense urban environments that trap heat, particularly in unplanned neighbourhoods, every summer. This summer is predicted to be bad, and it won’t be the last.” He added, “The economic and health consequences of a heatwave that lasts a week or so with hot nights that prevent the body from recovering and a marginal increase in humidity could be devastating. Outdoor workers, including construction workers, traffic police, vendors and delivery agents, are among the vulnerable constantly exposed to heat and have the least flexibility to cope.” Pillai co-authored a CPR report, titled ‘How is India adapting to heatwaves?’ The report stated that heat action plans regularly include a heatwave warning system, including sharing alerts with vulnerable populations; means of coordination between government departments; an awareness, training and behaviour change component to reduce heat exposure; a list of short-term actions, focused on healthcare or changing work hours; and longer-term solutions, such as investing in infrastructure like cool roofs and water harvesting bodies, changes in agricultural practice or adjusting urban planning, including green corridors. Avikal Somvanshi, senior programme manager, urban lab, Centre for Science and Environment, said, “Unlike Ahmedabad and other cities, Delhi has no defined policy for dealing with heatwaves. Heatwaves have become even more problematic in cities due to urban heat islands. When the ambient temperature is 46-50 degrees Celsius, the surface temperature is about 64-65 degrees Celsius, which is highly dangerous for human health.” “When temperature crosses a certain limit, there should be a policy on providing cool and shaded spaces to workers and changing the outdoor working timings,” he added. Meanwhile, IMD plans to issue a heat-hazard analysis for the country, including Delhi, this summer. The department currently issues forecasts based on the maximum temperature and its departure from normal. The heat-hazard analysis will be calculated based on five meteorological factors -- relative humidity, minimum and maximum temperatures, wind speed and duration of heatwave spell.

कीटनाशक प्रदूषण के जोखिम की ज़द में विश्व के 64% कृषि क्षेत्र

जिन क्षेत्रों को ज़्यादा ख़तरा है, उनमें 34% क्षेत्र उच्च जैव विविधता वाले क्षेत्रों से जुड़े हुए हैं। इसके अलावा, उच्च जोखिम वाले क्षेत्रों का 19% निम्न और निम्न मध्यम आय वाले देशों में हैं। जबकि पांच प्रतिशत उन क्षेत्रों से सम्बन्धित हैं जहाँ पानी की ज़्यादा कमी है। कीटनाशक न सिर्फ़ स्वास्थ्य से जुड़ी समस्यायें पैदा करते हैं बल्कि ये पर्यावरण के लिए भी ख़तरा हैं। नेचर जियोसाइंस में प्रकाशित एक अध्ययन का मानना है कि खेतीबाड़ी में कीटनाशकों के इस्तेमाल के चलते प्रदूषण का ख़तरा बढ़ गया है। इस अध्ययन में कहा गया है कि दुनिया की तक़रीबन 64% कृषि क्षेत्र कीटनाशक प्रदूषण के चलते ख़तरे में हैं और उस भूमि का 31% क्षेत्र ज़्यादा जोखिम की ज़द में है। ऑस्ट्रेलिया के सिडनी विश्वविद्यालय के वैज्ञानिकों के एक समूह द्वारा आयोजित इस अध्ययन में 168 देशों को शामिल किया गया था। ख़ास तौर पर एशिया में इस प्रदूषण के उच्च जोखिम वाले सबसे ज़्यादा कृषि क्षेत्र है। चीन, जापान, मलेशिया, फ़िलीपींस जैसे एशियाई देश, जिनमें से कुछ देश खाद्य कटोरे माने जाते हैं और एक बड़ी आबादी का पेट भरते हैं, वे कीटनाशक प्रदूषण के उच्च जोखिम वाले देशों में शामिल हैं। द नेचर के इस अध्ययन में यह भी कहा गया है कि उच्च जोखिम वाले क्षेत्रों में 34% उच्च जैव विविधता से जुड़े हुए क्षेत्र हैं। इसके अलावा, उच्च जोखिम वाले क्षेत्रों का 19% निम्न और निम्न मध्यम आय वाले देशों में है, जबकि पांच प्रतिशत उन क्षेत्रों से सम्बन्धित हैं, जहाँ पानी की ज़्यादा कमी है। इस अध्ययन में 168 देशों को शामिल किया गया है और कीटनाशक प्रदूषण के जोखिम का सामना कर रहे देशों को चिह्नित करते हुए एक वैश्विक मानचित्र तैयार किया गया है। फ़ोटो: साभार: डाउन टू अर्थ इस अध्ययन के अग्रणी लेखक और सिडनी विश्वविद्यालय में एक रिसर्च एसोसिएट फ़ियोना तांग को उद्धृत करते हुए कहा गया है, “हमारे अध्ययन से पता चला है कि दुनिया की 64% कृषि योग्य भूमि पर कीटनाशक प्रदूषण का ख़तरा है। यह इसलिए अहम है क्योंकि इस व्यापक वैज्ञानिक अध्ययन में पाया गया है कि कीटनाशक प्रदूषण का मानव स्वास्थ्य और पर्यावरण पर प्रतिकूल प्रभाव पड़ सकता है।” कृषि क्षेत्रों में इस्तेमाल किये जाने वाले कीटनाशक सतह और भू-जल दोनों में मिल जाते हैं जिससे जल निकाय प्रदूषित हो जाते हैं। इसका लगातार होता इस्तेमाल जल निकायों से मिलने वाले पानी की उपयोगिता को कम कर देता है। इस अध्ययन में इस बात की चेतावनी दी गयी है कि कीटनाशकों के बेहद इस्तेमाल से पारिस्थितिक तंत्र असंतुलित हो सकता है और वे जल स्रोत तबाह हो सकते हैं जिन पर मनुष्यों और अन्य जानवरों का अस्तित्व निर्भर है। “स्कूल ऑफ़ सिविल इंजीनियरिंग और सिडनी इंस्टीट्यूट ऑफ़ एग्रीकल्चर में एक एसोसिएट प्रोफ़ेसर और इस अध्ययन के लेखकों में से एक फेडेरिको मैगी का कहना है, “हालांकि, ओशिनिया के कृषि क्षेत्र कीटनाशक प्रदूषण के सबसे कम जोखिम वाले क्षेत्र हैं, जबकि ऑस्ट्रेलिया का मर्रे-डार्लिंग बेसिन इस लिहाज़ से एक उच्च जोखिम वाला क्षेत्र माना जाता है। दोनों क्षेत्र पानी की कमी की समस्याओं से जूझ रहे हैं और दोनों ही उच्च जैव विविधता वाले क्षेत्र हैं।” वैश्विक आबादी में वृद्धि और इसकी वजह से होने वाली वैश्विक खाद्य मांग में होने वाली बढ़ोत्तरी के चलते वैश्विक स्तर पर कीटनाशक के इस्तेमाल के बढ़ने की संभावना है। यह ग्लोबल वार्मिंग और मानव निर्मित जलवायु परिवर्तन से भी जुड़ा हुआ है। ग्लोबल वार्मिंग में हो रही बढ़ोत्तरी के साथ कीटों की संख्या में बढ़ोत्तरी होने जा रही है और इससे कृषि क्षेत्रों पर इन कीटों के हमले भी बढ़ने जा रहे हैं। कीटों के इस बढ़ते हमले से निपटने के लिए ज़्यादा से ज़्यादा कीटनाशकों के इस्तेमाल किये जाने की संभावना है। इस अध्ययन के लेखकों ने एक ज़्यादा स्थायी कृषि मॉडल को लेकर एक ऐसी वैश्विक रणनीति का आह्वान किया है, जो कि कीटनाशक के इस्तेमाल को रोक पाये और उन्होंने खाद्य अपव्यय पर लगाम लगाने की ज़रूरत पर भी ज़ोर दिया है।

Campa, Coke, Pepsi, politics—cola wars and Indian capitalism. Now Ambani to fuel new battle

This is the story of India’s cola wars. It’s always been a potent mix of politics, nationalism, predatory market practices and good old conspiracy theories. PastForward is a deep research offering from ThePrint on issues from India’s modern history that continue to guide the present and determine the future. As William Faulkner famously said, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.” Indians are now hungrier and curiouser to know what brought us to key issues of the day. Here is the link to the previous editions of PastForward on Indian history, Green Revolution, 1962 India-China war, J&K accession, caste census and Pokhran nuclear tests. The cola wars are nasty everywhere, but in India, “it’s genuine Mario Puzo,” declared Ramesh Vangal, the man who brought back Pepsi to India, in 1992. Except this time, the war wasn’t with its biggest rival Coca-Cola. It was actually with an array of formidable homegrown soft drinks like Campa Cola, Thums Up, Double Seven, Limca — and despite active lobbying favouring Indian brands, conspiracy theories, and anxieties over health concerns, Pepsi made its mark in India. Now, the cola wars are going to get more aggressive with India’s biggest business baron Mukesh Ambani’s entry. In early March 2023, Reliance relaunched Campa Cola that it acquired late last year. After three decades of dangal between two American cola brands, India is set to see a new round of old cola wars – desi vs videshi. There was a time when American colas were looked at with suspicion. Slogans like “We want computer chips, not potato chips!” rang through Parliament. Vangal, Pepsi Food Ltd.’s managing director, said Pepsi’s first application to reenter India in 1985 was rejected in two months. George Fernandez, who famously threw Coke out of the country in 1977, issued an ultimatum to Pepsi in 1985: the same fate awaits you as Coca-Cola, he said. “I made the point that 90 per cent of India’s villages did not have safe drinking water whereas Coke had reached every village…Do we really need Coke? Do we really need Pepsi?” he remarked to the New York Times. But the fizz didn’t go flat. Pepsi entered the Indian market triumphantly, buoyed by the Punjab public sector unit Punjab Agro and guided by the central government. Then-Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi even created a new ministry for food processing to help it happen. Even Atal Bihar Vajpayee — who was against the nationalisation of coal, steel, foodgrains — was on board, calling for the “Indianisation” of Coke, writes Rahul Ramagundam in The Life and Times of George Fernandes. The BJP leader and former PM said he had been drinking coke for more than two decades, and his bones hadn’t weakened yet. This is the story of India’s cola wars. It’s always been a potent mix of politics, nationalism, predatory market policies and good old conspiracy theories. It started in the 1950s, and didn’t end with Pepsi and Coke re-entering the market in the 90s. The wars were fought on the battlefield of advertising, telecast on a ‘liberalised’ India’s television sets. Why this cola-very di? As with everything, the cola war story also begins in a newly independent India, waking up to endless possibilities. The government was tasked with setting up a system from scratch, and the abiding symbols that came to be associated with this project were carefully chosen. In that India, international — and especially Western — products such as Coke and Pepsi, which were seen as American symbols, were viewed with some suspicion. Indian manufacturers like Parle stepped in to solve this perception issue when they entered the market in early 1950s. However, India’s relationship with soft drinks went decades before with Roger’s laying the claim to fame for the oldest existing brand, having been established in 1837. The likes of Pallonji’s in 1865, Ardeshir’s in 1884, Duke’s in 1889 and other regional brands had already formed significant parts of pre-independence India’s nascent soft drinks landscape until the American-made Pepsi and Coca-Cola came into the picture. Coca-Cola first entered the Indian market in 1950 — two years later, to counter them, Parle introduced the popular Goldspot in 1952. In 1962, a fledgling Pepsi left the Indian market, unable to keep up with Coke and Parle. he Indian government was fiercely protective of local industries and businesses — so it wasn’t Parle that was dragged to Parliament. It was Coke in the ‘interest of India and Indians’. It’s another thing that in four decades time, the politics around Coke would lose its fizz a bit and it will be Indian icons—from Aishwarya Rai to Aamir Khan—endorsing the American food and beverage giant for people who lived on sharbat. Coca-Cola was part of a miniscule fraction of the national economy, so why such noise in the corridors of power? The Coke saga When Coca-Cola export representative Frank Harrold came to Bombay in the 1950s, he had an “overwhelming desire” to lock himself away in the Taj Mahal Hotel and “shut away all the misery” he saw in the city. He describes what he saw: “A seething, boiling mass of humanity striving to survive from one day to the next.” The next day itself — with no sense of irony — he describes the grand “perfectly gorgeous” Coca-Cola plant in the middle of five acres of grounds. At a party with Hindi film celebrities of the time, Harrold was awed by the glamour and how close the industry felt to the brand Coca-Cola, noting that actors felt “a part of the family”. Away from the glamour in five-star dining halls was the background noise — the politics of putting Indians under a frenzy of a ‘foreign drink’. From a single plant in 1958, Coca- Cola grew into a 22-bottler behemoth in 16 years. A section of Indian politicians, the Left particularly, began seeing red — apart from the bottles — everywhere. For these leaders, Coca-Cola was the ultimate symbol of Americanism — and its influential lobby in India posed a threat. On 9 February 1974, Coca-Cola threw a lunch party at Delhi’s Oberoi Intercontinental for politicians and members of the press, who were each gifted a transistor after the sumptuous meal. Its bottlers were the elite families — President VV Giri’s son-in-law ran a unit in Madurai. The CPI launched tirades against the Congress government and Swatantra Party in Parliament. West Bengal MP Jyotirmoy Basu mentioned in Parliament that he had written letters to the Union Health Minister inquiring about the phosphoric acid and caffeine content in Coke. The letter passed several hands — to no response. “I do not know if anyone in the health ministry is a friend of Coca-Cola. But I can tell you definitely that somebody is eating a pie of Coca-Cola,” said Basu in March 1974, accusing the Indira Gandhi government of suppressing a 1967 report by Hyderabad-based Nutrition Research Laboratories (now National Institute of Nutrition) that listed its side effects in children. And Basu had a smoking gun to work with. In 1968, India was facing a sugar shortage. The agriculture ministry, headed by Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, gave a handsome quota to Coca-Cola even though the company argued it didn’t need any sugar for its concentrates. The government granted ad hoc licences worth Rs 16 lakh, said Basu in Parliament, adding that Coca Cola India was making a profit (after tax) of 1600 per cent, while in the US, the figure was a mere 23 per cent. The government had also amended the Food Products Order in 1968 under Section 3 of the Essential Commodities Act 1955 — which mandated a drink to have at least 10 per cent fruit juice — to suit Coca-Cola and cover synthetic drinks. Instead of synthetic, Coke bottles now proudly sported the FPO label. In Jamshedpur, the proprietor of a Coca-Cola plant made such a huge profit — of Rs 60,000 — that he died of a heart attack. All the argumentation, as Congress MP B.V. Naik said, made Parliament the best “advertising agency” for Coca-Cola, who must’ve been “laughing in their sleeves”. Coke’s fall from grace And then Indira Gandhi imposed two things that changed Indian industry: the Emergency, and the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act. And the fear of all things foreign became deeper in the Indian psyche. The Emergency paved the way for the newly elected Morarji Desai government that seized the chance to reinstate what it meant to be “Indian”. His government was fiercely protective of Indian industries in 1977, it began to use FERA to actively limit foreign ownership in Indian subsidiaries. And then George Fernandes sent “shudders down the spine of India’s industrial establishment.” He went after the two biggest symbols of American capitalism: Coca-Cola, and IBM. Citing Sanjay Gandhi who had said, “Let the public sector die a natural death,” Fernandes said: The people who held this view themselves died a natural death in so far as the public life of this country is concerned. As the Lok Sabha debated priorities, Fernandes’ myrmidons submitted a secret document to Basu that contained information on the Coca-Cola Company’s operations in India. “I have no second thoughts,” Fernandes declared on the question of Coke leaving the country. “Our policy toward multinationals is uniform. “They must abide by the law of the land if they want to be in business here.” The announcement was cheered in the Lok Sabha. Fernandes demanded Coca-Cola to divulge the formula of its concentrate — he knew that the company would prefer to fold, force bottlers to shut down, and dismiss workers. He also said that government chemists have perfected a formula similar to Coke — Double Seven — which could reabsorb the workers dismissed by them. And that’s exactly what happened in 1977. Coca-Cola was forced to leave India, and Indian companies like Parle and Pure Drinks (a government initiative from 1950) rushed to fill the gap. Double Seven was the Indian government’s peace offering to the Indian cola consumer. Manufactured by Modern Food Industries, run by the government, the soft drink was launched at Delhi’s Pragati Maidan. But throwing Coca-Cola out was already “bad publicity”. It made the international community suspicious of the Janata Party: Fernandes, the industries minister, began visiting the world capitals inviting investments. Former West Bengal Governor and industrialist Viren Shah wrote to Fernandes, “As you are keen to invite foreign capital to India, it may be desirable to brief our missions, particularly in the US and Canada about the facts and policy on Coca-Cola. I understand there are two ex-Coca Cola persons in the Centre’s cabinet.” Whether the government thought people needed cola or not, India became fertile ground for cola companies: the weather, the high population, the blossoming television and film industry were all attractive draws. By the 90s, the average Indian drank three soft drinks a year — while the average American drank 385, the average Pakistan 14, and the average Bangladeshi 7. Parle and Pure Drinks were fighting it out for market share in the 1980s. And now that Coke was gone, it gave Pepsi a chance to put its foot in the door—in the second coming. out: Pepsi held a press meet and displayed a basket full of spurious products manufactured under unhygienic conditions. Their point, he said, was that of basic consumerism: if people don’t like Pepsi’s products, they won’t buy it. But at least give them the choice to consume it. They also did things like organise local events, including a huge cricket match at the Veer Bhagat Singh Stadium in Mumbai: between retired cricket players, both Indian and international. “And we demonstrated that this is the kind of stuff Pepsi can do. We set up the Pepsi Cup, and then Sachin Tendulkar later came on board too,” said Desai. “We wanted to show that Pepsi can create a market, and that it generates employment.” “Ultimately, what is lobbying compared to giant billboards and cricket matches?” he asked. The FERA, deployed liberally by Fernandes, had limited foreign equity to 40 per cent. Pepsi knew they would need allies to freely operate in India. And they turned to the state for help. Pepsi first knocked on the doors of Calcutta-based Duncan Agro Industries Corporation to seek government approval to do business in India. However, the deal fell through and the government withheld approval. Pepsi tried again, and this is where Punjab Agro, led by senior bureaucrat Gokul Pattnaik, came in. The alliance with Voltas and Punjab Agro was set up in 1988, and the tie-up massively boosted the economy and employment in Punjab, but also changed the kinds of food available to the Indian public. The deal was that along with its soft drinks, Pepsi, 7Up and Mirinda, PepsiCo should also set up food processing plants, franchise bottling operations, and snack-food factories using local ingredients. These snacks — Lays and Cheetos with Indian seasoning — then began to line grocery stores. In hindsight, tying up with a PSU turned out to be what many today call a master stroke. It blunted a lot of criticism. PepsiCo began talking to the Indian media about tomato farmers of Punjab, contract-farming and even how this could be the second phase of Green Revolution. Farmers’ organisations like Shetkari Sangathan and Bharatiya Kisan Union were in support of PepsiCo — after all, the company needed 600 tonnes of tomatoes a day to manufacture ketchup and other products. After a decade of just procuring chillies and tomatoes, PepsiCo began to procure potatoes from Punjab’s farmers too. While this unfolded, the local lobby continued to fight back against Pepsi. Pepsi adopted the tag line “Pepsi is good for India:” an all-encompassing slogan that promised “world class technology, marketing, products, and sponsorship,” according to Desai. And then the 80s ended with a stage set for Manmohan Singh’s 1991 Budget speech, which would liberalise India. In 1990, Pepsi officially entered the Indian market. But not before one last big bang. Pepsi had planned to call its flagship drink Pepsi Era. But the local lobby resisted it under a law that forbids foreign names for Indian products, and the VP Singh-led government mandated Pepsi to change its name in the summer of 1990. But the labelled bottles were ready, and so they had to be smashed and destroyed. The renaming of the drink and designing a new logo in record time was a nightmarish experience for the marketing team. But that was necessary to signal to Indian consumers that Pepsi felt Indian. The new flagship product was called Lehar Pepsi, adding the Hindi word for the wave in the logo. It cost more than $1 million at the time to manufacture new bottles with the new name. And after it hit the shelves on 23 May 1990, India was officially riding the Pepsi wave. The advertising battlefield The very first Lehar Pepsi advertisement was a significant event in the summer of 1990. The ad, which aired on Doordarshan, featured singer Remo Fernandes, actor Juhi Chawla, and the tagline “Are you ready for the magic?”. It ended with the words: “The choice of a new generation”. The “cola wars” were fought on multiple fronts, not limited to production and distribution but also in promotion and marketing, especially when Coca-Cola’s 1977 exit saw a slew of Indian firms vying for lucrative deals with the prominent ad agencies, celebrities and directors of the day. Among these were Parle, who had signed with Rekha to endorse the Gold Spot fizzy orange drink in the early 1970s and Jayant Kripalani to promote its lemon-lime soda brand Limca. Parle’s Chauhan gave Pepsi a good fight in the campaign wars – before he capitulated and sold the brands to Coca-Cola in 1993. Also featured in the 80s were Pure Drinks, who had signed up with the agency Chaitra and prolific advertising filmmaker Kailash Surendranath in the early 1980s to create an iconic Campa Cola ad that launched the career of Salman Khan in 1982, who had previously never done any modelling or acting work. Surendranath recalls the project as particularly noteworthy, due to the underwater filming that required expensive equipment to be used, with the Andamans as the shoot location, which was inspired by the 1980 Hollywood film The Blue Lagoon, starring Brooke Shields. What also stands out from the Campa ad and the aforementioned Limca and Goldspot ads, is the dominance of the English language in presentation and Western popular culture as the source of creative inspiration in this era, a far cry from the more Indianised Pepsi and Coca-Cola ads of the 1990s. The focus was on great visuals and voiceovers with proper diction, making the style of the ads quite Western, according to Surendranath. The 1980s also featured other now defunct Indian brands vying for relevance alongside Pure Drinks’ Campa and Parle’s Thums Up, with McDowell’s bringing in Thril and Sprint, apart from Double Seven. While these brands made sizeable impacts, their bids for soft drinks’ supremacy were relatively short lived with their lasting legacies steeped in nostalgia. Meanwhile, the leadup to economic liberalisation in 1991 saw the cola wars being re-ignited with American flavour due to the return of Pepsi, under the leadership of Ramesh Vangal, nearly 30 years since its initial departure from the Indian market. “In that era, media (advertising) was so simple in India that to create a roadblock, all that was needed was to take out an ad in the newspaper which said ‘The choice of a new generation, 8PM before Chitrahaar‘ and that was enough,” recalls Anuja Chauhan, who in 1993 had begun her career at J Walter Thompson (JWT), the ad agency working with Pepsi The reach of the Lehar Pepsi ad was immense but the route to get there was far from plain sailing, according to Rohit Chawla, a photographer and a veteran of the advertising industry who worked closely with PepsiCo’s then India head Ramesh Vangal in the leadup to the launch. Being an American firm entering a soon-to-be liberalised market 15 years after an American rival’s unceremonious departure, Pepsi had to walk on eggshells all the time. “Most of our efforts were basically avoiding any bad press. There was a lot of scrutiny we faced due to being an American firm, a lot of song and dance with the AGRO food industry. I remember going to Patiala and shooting films on the benefits Pepsi would bring to the food industry.” Chawla told ThePrint. As a result, the nature of “advertising”, that Pepsi commissioned JWT to produce ahead of the launch, also involved the type of corporate announcements that are now the norm in the age of CSR, says Mukul Bakshi, who was a copywriter for JWT in his early twenties at the time. Riding the “magic” wave, Pepsi had capitalised on first mover advantage in the first half of the 1990s but once the far bigger budgeted Coca Cola came into the picture and outbid Pepsi as the official sponsors for the 1996 Cricket World Cup held in the subcontinent, the company and JWT needed to rethink its strategy. The solution for Pepsi and JWT as a result was to reposition themselves both internally and externally as the underdog in India, just as it historically had been around the world, carrying through that siege mentality in every aspect of their marketing. In Bakshi’s words, the two firms together turned a negative situation into positives. After some brainstorming, this underdog’s face turned out to be “Nothing offical about it”, the ad campaign that not only poked fun at Pepsi’s failure to secure sponsorship for the World Cup but also cashed in on the firm’s pre-existing relationships with iconic cricketers of the day like Sachin Tendulkar or Mohammad Azharuddin to walk a fine line and re-create the feel of being an official tournament product within the legal confines of that era. “It was a cheeky campaign that won a lot of people over. People were very amused and charmed by the irreverence. It was considered very irreverent and everyone sympathises with the underdog. Such a public nosebleed was delivered and perhaps it stung pretty hard and earned Pepsi a lot of goodwill,” Chauhan said. And it didn’t end with the television advertising or the tagline. As Bakshi remembers, the “guerrilla marketing tactics” put in place to ensure Pepsi fights Coca-Cola within the stadium as well, not just in print or television. Bakshi’s team came up with the idea of giving spectators free flyers for sixers and fours, all emblazoned with Pepsi logos. So whenever a boundary or a six was hit, the cameras picked up a sea of Pepsi logos. Both the 1990 and 1996 Pepsi ad campaigns were broadcast in a similar anglicised Westernised mould that characterised the decade before it. But according to Rohit Chawla, it was the Coca-Cola’s Aamir Khan-starrer ad campaign that really changed the game towards more ‘desi’ content and gave Coke a “winning edge”, leading Pepsi to come out with “Yeh Dil Maange More“. The sneak attack ads continued for long in India, just like it did around the world. Coca-Cola took out newspaper ads likening a Pepsi to a Gulab Jamun, a dig at how sweet it tasted. Overall, however, Chawla considers the entirety of the cola wars at the time as an invention by both the media and ad agencies that simply attempted to “create hype around cool Western brands”. The scales tipped further in Coca-Cola’s favour on the advertising front by the mid-2000s, according to Santosh Desai, who worked very briefly at PepsiCo before spending a decade at McCann, the ad agency that worked on Coca-Cola from the late ’90s. “Coca-Cola had made a very weak entry and by the time we got the business, it was perking up but remained a distant number 2 to Pepsi both in terms of volume and brand recall,” Desai told ThePrint. Explaining the ‘Thanda Matlab Coca-Cola’ campaign that the multinational did with Amir Khan, Desai said that their “most memorable work was with Coca-Cola’s attempt to penetrate smaller towns with smaller price points. We did a campaign featuring Aamir Khan in different avatars, a cultural archetype of a small-town hero with different regional portrayals.” But the saturation had begun setting in years before that. In a twist to the tale of foreign vs homegrown cola wars, Parle had sold to Coke in 1997. And by the time Coke’s ‘Thanda’ campaign blew up, Pepsi’s ad quality and relevance had begun to go “considerably downhill”. “Pepsi became more driven centrally, a classic multi-national, from empowered to textbook with campaigns having no resonance in the country. They started following the youth rather than leading the youth,” said Santosh Desai. But very soon afterwards both Pepsi and Coca Cola lost their centrality to the marketing discourse with their work becoming increasingly “peripheral”, losing air time to newer homegrown brands, according to Desai. There were numerous factors for the decline, such as the two brands being considered synonymous with junk food, as well as natural evolution of which products are seen as engaging young people the most. “Back in the day, it was detergents, then it became colas, then TVs and phones, now it’s startups. What engages youth and what excites them starts moving. A cola isn’t that different from a cup of tea now,” Desai said. Addressing health & environmental concerns Like the pre-liberalisation era, the second edition of “cola wars” also involved Indian politics, NGOs and public discourse. It wasn’t just a simple Pepsi vs. Coke battle. In August 2003, the Sunita Narain-led Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) released a report saying that Pepsi and Coca-Cola in India contained unacceptable amounts of pesticide residue, such as DDT. Even in Kerala’s Plachimada, Coca-Cola was in trouble over groundwater pollution. And so the cola wars again gained political colour. Health minister Sushma Swaraj said in Parliament that the pesticides were indeed found, but not to the levels that Narain’s report claimed. Opposition demanded a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) on the issue. The soft drink giants had announced swift criticisms of the claims made by the CSE report with internal data, to which CSE had termed at the time as seeking to “convolute, confuse and take the Indian public for a ride”. Ads were often their most effective comeback against public anger. Coca-Cola had released a PSA-style ad with Aamir Khan, in which he walks viewers through the production processes and calls on them to visit Coca-Cola factories to observe these processes in person. On the other hand, Pepsi featured a Shah Rukh Khan ad that mocked the controversy by saying there is indeed something inside the soft drink — it’s great taste and that is why it’s not ‘safe’. India’s cola landscape The Pepsi campaign was revolutionary for public-private partnerships, the PR industry, and traditional business practices. And hundreds of products followed their blueprint. “There was a perception that everything from the West tasted better. A tryst with liberalisation passed through a bottle of a sugary drink with an international name…but the psyche of the country has changed,” said Chawla. “[Reliance’s relaunch of Campa Cola] is a good decision, a smart move at the right time. Indians have done well for themselves lately so indigenisation is more popular now. Reliance has deep pockets and can take on the challenge of a giant like Coca-Cola,” Chawla said, naming Paper Boat as an example of a newer successful indigenous drinks brand. “It was a baptism by fire,” said Desai. “And my goodness, it was a really fabulous experience. There was lots of fun and lots of learning, and we made so many allies for life.” He first agreed to go to battle in September 1987, when he ran into Ramesh Vangal at the Taj Palace in New Delhi. He told Vangal he was in India to launch his first professional PR consulting firm. Vangal looked at him and said, “Okay. Pepsi will be your first client.” A little over two years later, Desai and Vangal were back at the Taj Palace. They’d called for a press conference with over two hundred journalists to make one announcement: Pepsi was officially re-entering India. (Edited by Anurag Chaubey)

Getting out of fossils

Unless finances are proportionate to the need, the transition to clean energy is a tough proposition, especially in countries where energy affordability is critical Why differentiate between coal and natural gas when both are fossil fuels? I had asked this in my last column because it is a question of climate justice and, most importantly, the feasibility of moving at speed and scale to reduce fossil-fuel emissions responsible for heating up the planet. The fact is, roughly 70 per cent of the world’s population have not contributed to the stock of emissions in the atmosphere but are today highly dependent on coal for energy. Richer countries have made the transition from coal to natural gas, which is somewhat cleaner — it emits roughly half the carbon dioxide emitted by coal, in addition to methane. But given their enormous appetite for energy, these countries’ past and current emissions are high — totally disproportionate to their share of the global carbon budget. Now, the burden of transition to clean energy has been shifted to countries that are least responsible for the stock of emissions and least capable of making the switch. This is not only unjust but also unrealistic. It makes the fight against climate change even more intractable and difficult. of the clean energy transition; instead of being the stick on coal, it must become the carrot for the new infrastructure to be clean and climate-smart. This means focusing on making the cost of finances to the emerging world, which is two-six times higher than that of the developed OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries, much lower and more accessible. Second, the global energy transition pathway has to be for all fossil fuels — coal and natural gas. This would not only show that richer countries have exhausted their quota for using natural gas, but also make gas available at affordable costs to emerging countries that face the twin problems of local and global emissions. Let’s be clear, the science of climate change is also the politics of inclusion and responsibility. This is where we must get it right.