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Waste-wise cities: వేస్ట్ మేనేజ్‌మెంట్‌లో దేశంలోని 28 నగరాలు బెస్ట్.. జాబితాలో ఏపీలోని మూడు నగరాలు..

భారత్‌లోని నగరాల్లో మున్సిపల్ సాలిడ్ వేస్ట్ మేనేజ్‌మెంట్ (municipal solid waste management) ఉత్తమ విధానాలు, ఘన వ్యర్థాలను ఎలా నిర్వహిస్తున్నాయనే దానిపై నీతి ఆయోగ్ (NITI Aayog), సెంటర్ ఫర్ సైన్స్ అండ్ ఎన్విరాన్‌మెంట్ (CSE) సంయుక్తంగా సమగ్ర రిపోర్ట్‌ను రూపొందించాయి. ఈ రిపోర్ట్‌ను నీతి ఆయోగ్ వైఎస్ చైర్ పర్సన్ రాజకీయ కుమార్, సీఈవో అమితాబ్ కాంత్, ప్రత్యేక కార్యదర్శి కె రాజేశ్వరరావు, సీఎస్‌ఈ డైరెక్టర్ జనరల్ సునీతా నరైన్ (Sunita Narain) డిసెంబర్ 6వ తేదీన విడుదల చేశారు. భారతదేశ ఘన వ్యర్థ పదార్థాల నిర్వహణ రంగం గత కొన్ని సంవత్సరాలలో అసమానమైన వృద్ధిని సాధించిందని నివేదికలో పేర్కొన్నారు. భారత్‌ను మరింతగా శుభ్రత వైపుగా నడిపించేందుకు స్వచ్ఛ భారత్ మిషన్ రెండోవ దశ ప్రారంభించబడిందన్నారు. “వేస్ట్-వైజ్ సిటీస్: బెస్ట్ ప్రాక్టీసెస్ ఇన్ మున్సిపల్ సాలిడ్ వేస్ట్ మేనేజ్‌మెంట్” పేరుతో రూపొందించబడిన నివేదిక.. భారత దేశంలోని 15 రాష్ట్రాల్లోని 28 నగరాలు ఉత్తమ పద్ధతులను అనుసరిస్తున్నట్టుగా గుర్తించింది. నీతి ఆయోగ్, CSE సంయుక్తంగా దేశవ్యాప్తంగా అధ్యయనం చేసి ఈ నివేదికను రూపొందించాయి. ఇందుకోసం జూలై 2021 నుంచి ఐదు నెలల పాటు విస్తృతంగా క్షేత్ర స్థాయిలో పలు అంశాలను పరిశీలించారు. మున్సిపల్ ఘన వ్యర్థాల నిర్వహణకు సంబంధించి సస్టైనబుల్ వాల్యూ చైన్‌ను వివరించే 10 విభిన్న అంశాలను పరిగణలోకి తీసుకున్నారు. వ్యర్థ పదార్థాల నిర్వహణలో అత్యుత్తమ విధానాలు అనుసరిస్తున్న 28 నగరాల విషయానికి వస్తే.. లడఖ్‌లోని లేహ్, కేరళలోని అలప్పుజా, మధ్యప్రదేశ్‌లోని ఇండోర్, ఒడిశాలోని దెంకనల్, సిక్కింలోని గ్యాంగ్‌టక్, గుజరాత్‌లోని సూరత్.. నగరాలు ఉన్నాయి. అయితే ఈ జాబితాలో ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌లోని మూడు నగరాలు కూడా నిలిచాయి. బయోడిగ్రేడబుల్ వేస్ట్ మేనేజ్‌మెంట్‌‌ విభాగంలో విజయనగరం జిల్లాలోని బొబ్బలి (Bobbili), టెక్నాలాజికల్ ఇన్నోవేషన్ విభాగంలో తూర్పు గోదావరి జిల్లాలోని కాకినాడ (Kakinada), కృష్ణా జిల్లాలోని విజయవాడ‌లకు (Vijaywada) చోటుదక్కింది. ఈ సందర్బంగా డాక్టర్ రాజీవ్ కుమార్ (Dr Rajiv Kumar) మాట్లాడుతూ.. ‘భారత అభివృద్ధి భవిష్యత్తును పరిశీలిస్తే.. పట్టణీకరణ కీలకం కాబోతోంది. నగరాలు ఆర్థిక వృద్ధికి చోదక శక్తిగా మారతాయి. నగరాల్లో సమర్థవంతమైన వ్యర్థ పదార్థాల నిర్వహణ వ్యవస్థలను అమలు చేయడం చాలా ముఖ్యం. స్వచ్ఛత కోసం జన్ ఆందోళన్ చాలా అవసరం. ఇందులో పాల్గొనే ప్రజలు.. వ్యర్థాల నిర్వహణ కార్యకలాపాలకు సంబంధించిన ప్రాముఖ్యతను అర్థం చేసుకుంటారు. వ్యర్థాలను అత్యున్నత శక్తిగా మార్చడానికి సాంకేతిక పరిజ్ఞానాన్ని ఉపయోగించాలి’ అని అన్నారు. అమితాబ్ కాంత్ (Amitabh Kant) మాట్లాడుతూ.. ‘ఘన వ్యర్థాల సమర్ధవంతమైన నిర్వహణ.. వేగవంతమైన పట్టణీకరణ సాధిస్తున్న భారతదేశానికి ప్రధాన సవాలుగా ఉంటుంది. వ్యర్థాల నిర్వహణలో మూలాల విభజనను ప్రోత్సహించడంతో పాటు అవసరమైన నియమాలు, నిబంధనలతో పాటు సర్క్యులారిటీ ఆవశ్యకత అవసరం ఉంటుంది’ అని చెప్పారు. డాక్టర్‌ కె. రాజేశ్వరరావు (K Rajeswara Rao) మాట్లాడుతూ.. ‘దేశంలోని 28 నగరాల వ్యర్థాల నిర్వహణలో విశేషమైన పురోగతిని సాధించిన విజయగాథలను సంకలనం చేస్తూ ఈ పుస్తకం తీసుకొచ్చినట్టు చెప్పారు. ఇందులో చాలా విలువైన విషయాలు ఉన్నారు. దేశంలోని పట్టణ, స్థానిక సంస్థలు వ్యర్థ పదార్థాల నిర్వహణ సేవా గొలుసులోని వివిధ భాగాలకు సంబంధించిన వ్యూహాలను ప్రదర్శించే విజ్ఞాన వనరులకు ప్రాప్యత కలిగి ఉండాలి’ అని చెప్పారు. సునీతా నరైన్ మాట్లాడుతూ.. ‘సెప్టెంబర్ 1, 2021న ప్రారంభించబడిన స్వచ్ఛ్ భారత్ మిషన్ (SBM) 2.0.. ఇప్పుడు నగరాల్లో ఘన వ్యర్థ పదార్థాల నిర్వహణ కోసం ఒక స్పష్టమైన వ్యూహంపై ఆధారపడి ఉంది. ఇది మూలాన్ని కేంద్రీకరించే వ్యూహం. ఇందులో విభజన, మెటీరియల్ రీప్రాసెసింగ్ జీరో-ల్యాండ్‌ఫిల్‌లు ఉంటాయి. ఈ మార్పును గుర్తించి.. వ్యర్థాలు కలుషితం కాకుండా, ప్రజారోగ్యానికి ముప్పుగా మారకుండా ప్రచారం చేయాలి. వ్యర్థాలు తిరిగి వినియోగించుకునేలా, రీసైకిల్ చేయడానికి ఒక వనరుగా మారాలి’ అని తెలిపారు. ఇక, రాజేశ్వరరావుతో కలిసి సునీతా నరైన్ ఈ పరిశోధనను పర్యవేక్సించారు.

Niti Aayog and CSE release Waste-wise cities – a compendium of best practices in municipal solid waste management

The entire gamut of municipal solid waste management has been seen from a cross-section of 10 different aspects that explains a sustainable value chain. Niti Aayog and the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) today released “Waste-wise Cities: Best practices in municipal solid waste management,” a comprehensive knowledge repository of how Indian cities are managing their solid waste. India’s solid waste management sector has witnessed unparalleled growth in the last few years. The Swachh Bharat Mission Phase 2 is launched to further strengthen the efforts for a clean India. The report documents best practices from 28 cities in 15 states of India. The report is the result of a country-wide study and survey jointly conducted by the Aayog and CSE. The repository is the result of five months of extensive on-ground collective research that was initiated in July 2021. The entire gamut of municipal solid waste management has been seen from a cross-section of 10 different aspects that explains a sustainable value chain. The thematic aspects range from source segregation, material recovery, and technological innovations to the management of different kinds of wastes and systems such as biodegradables, plastics, e-waste, C&D waste, and landfills. Niti Aayog Vice-Chairman Rajiv Kumar said, “Looking at the future of Indian development where urbanisation is going to be the key and cities will be the driving force of economic growth, implementing efficient waste management systems in cities is extremely important.” He emphasised “Jan Andolan for Swachhta is very essential, where everybody is involved and understands the importance of source segregation and overall waste management operations. He said with extensive mass communication for behavioural change, every city can and must aspire to become Indore. It is also important that these best practices are referred to and adapted by tier 2 and tier 3 cities. He highlighted that “Frontier technologies have to be used in for converting waste to the highest form of energy,” and added, “the key to achieving zero waste cities is to strengthen governance capabilities especially in the municipalities and other urban local bodies.” CSE Director General Sunita Narain said: “The Swachh Bharat Mission (SBM) 2.0, launched on September 1, 2021, is now based on a clear strategy for solid waste management in cities – a strategy that focuses source segregation, material reprocessing, and zero-landfills.” “This change needs to be recognised and disseminated so that waste does not add to contamination and become a public health menace. Waste should become a resource to be reworked, reused, and upcycled,” she said.

These 3 Indian cities have managed to solve the problem of landfills. Here’s how they did it

Garbage disposal sites have become a massive problem for most urban centres, but Ambikapur, Chandrapur and Taliparamba have adopted 'zero-landfill model', says NITI Aayog report. New Delhi: Three Indian cities, each located in a different state, have set a major benchmark for the rest of the country when it comes to ideal waste management practices, according to a new NITI Aayog report. At a time when garbage disposal sites have become a massive problem for most urban centres, Chhattisgarh’s Ambikapur, Maharashtra’s Chandrapur and Kerala’s Taliparamba have adopted a “zero-landfill model” of development, which seeks to phase out dependency on new landfills. This achievement has landed the three cities in a list of 28 with the best waste management practices, mentioned in the report released by NITI Aayog, in collaboration with the Centre for Science and Environment, Monday. The report was launched in the presence of NITI Aayog vice chairperson Dr Rajiv Kumar, CEO Amitabh Kant, special secretary Dr K Rajeswara Rao, and CSE director general Sunita Narain. “With rapid population growth in urban areas, capacities of local authorities often fall short of achieving the set goals of urban service delivery. Therefore, sector stakeholders must be equipped with adequate knowledge resources to plan efficient waste management systems,” said Kant at the launch. According to the report, a zero-landfill model “is based on resource recovery and principles of circular economy” that are socially, environmentally, and economically sound. It identifies a “zero-landfill city” as one that ensures maximum quantities of waste are subjected to scientific treatment and recycling, thus reducing the amount of residual solid waste and minimising the need to construct new landfills. VDO.AI “It is a holistic and multi-stakeholder approach that ensures that waste is segregated at the source itself, recyclables are extracted and channelized to the recycling industries for various gainful applications, and biodegradable waste is treated in a decentralised manner,” the report says. On Ambikapur, the report says that with the “intervention of the local administration and women self-help groups” and “inspired by the concept of the Garbage Clinic Model”, the city is now able to achieve 100 per cent segregation, collection and processing of waste. Titled ‘Waste-wise Cities: Best practices in municipal solid waste management’, the NITI Aayog report shortlists cities based on 10 parameters: source segregation, biodegradable waste management, material processing, plastic waste management, construction and demolition (C & D) waste management, sanitary waste management, landfill management, technological innovation and e-waste management. These aspects in particular were chosen because they are part of a “a sustainable value chain” and include practices that other cities can benefit from too. On source segregation, “a fundamental and non-negotiable condition for a sustainable waste management,” Allappuzha (Kerala), Indore (Madhya Pradesh) and Panaji (Goa) scored highest out of the 28 cities. The report calls Indore the “number one city in the waste management sector in India”, stating that it has “a robust communications strategy to bring about behavioural change at the mass level”. Its aim to motivate citizens to embrace segregation is backed up by “a robust monitoring system and enforcement through a series of by-laws”. Its success lies in a combination of “source segregation, participation of all stakeholders and good governance”, the report adds. When it comes to processing materials found in the waste, after it has been collected from the source, Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh), Surat (Gujarat), Jamshedpur (Jharkhand) and Dhenkanal (Odisha) imbibed the best practices, according to the report. The cities to perform best in plastic waste management were Bicholim (Goa), Gangtok (Sikkim) and Kumbakonam (Tamil Nadu), while North Delhi (Delhi) and Gurugram (Haryana) performed best when dealing with C&D waste. Sanitary waste: ‘Breaking the taboo’ “Breaking the taboo” around sanitary waste, the city of Karad in Maharashtra has managed to achieve a “100 per cent collection rate” in this category. Sanitary waste management has been “the least explored and debated of all the streams of solid waste that is generated at the household level”, the report says. Explaining the modus operandi behind Karad’s success, the NITI Aayog report says that the city administration ensures that sanitary waste “is transported and processed separately in the local Common Biomedical Waste Treatment Facility (CBWTF)”. “All this was achieved through “minimal investment on infrastructure and higher accountability amongst citizens and city government through a combination of communication and enforcement strategy,” it adds. Pune too did well in this regard, with the administration currently “in the process of exploring a state-of-the-art technology to make value added products from their sanitary waste”. The cities of Bobbili (Andhra Pradesh), Mysuru (Karnataka) and Vengurla (Maharashtra) found mention for handling biodegradable waste. Zero waste plants in Mysuru, in particular, scripted its success. Using tech to solve the problem Leh (Ladakh) installed a 30 tonne solar waste segregation plant, earning its spot among the cities that use technology to solve waste management. Kakinada (Andhra Pradesh) and Bengaluru (Karnataka) also find place in the list for using ‘Radio Frequency Identification’ for garbage collection. Keonjhar (Odisha) and Vijaywada (Andhra Pradesh) are also among the cities to use tech in waste management, incorporating real time tracking systems, according to the report. On innovation and e-waste, the cities to perform best were Paradeep (Odisha), Panchgani (Maharashtra), Thiruvananthapuram (Kerala) and Jamshedpur (Jharkhand).

Towards a Systems Approach to the Management of Grasslands in India

ntroduction Grasslands—or open regions dominated by grass and characterised by warm, dry climate—are one of the most widely distributed terrestrial biomes[a] globally.[1],[2] The proportion of the earth’s land area covered by grasslands varies between 20 and 40 percent.[3] Tropical and sub-tropical grassy ecosystems host a range of flora and fauna that have adapted to extreme weather conditions including droughts or wildfires. (For example, grasslands found in Africa, Australia, South America, and India, require seasonal droughts and wildfires to maintain biodiversity.)[4] As biodiversity hotspots, grassy ecosystems are home to a rich diversity of plant species, birds, and extant mammalian fauna.[5] They support vital ecosystem services such as water and climate regulation, forage for livestock production, biogeochemical cycling, and carbon storage, as well as cultural and recreational services. Tropical and sub-tropical grasslands store about 15 percent of the world’s carbon on land. Nearly 20 percent of the world’s population depends on tropical grasslands for their livelihoods. Being a source of fuel and food, grasslands are also prime grazing territory for many animals.[6] These grassy ecosystems, however, continue to remain under-appreciated in national and global policy discussions on Ecosystem Services.[7] Grasslands are highly degraded amidst manifold threats: excessive grazing by livestock; altered fire regimes; encroachment by invasive plant species; high rates of land clearance and increasing land-use intensity; encroachment by trees; and disruption of the disturbance regimes[b] that maintain ecosystem functions. Compounding their decline is lack of management and, often, complete abandonment.[8] In India, grassy ecosystems are spread across several biogeographic regions and occupy 24 percent of the overall geographical area.[9] Historically, these grasslands have been poorly understood and, consequently, undervalued.[10] Policymakers wrongly view them as ‘seasonally dry tropical forests’ or ‘degraded forests’,[11] or even ‘wastelands’. Such lack of understanding dates back to the British era, when the colonists’ policy treated grassy ecosystems as unproductive land with no economic value, classifying them as wastelands; forest and agricultural lands, meanwhile, were classified as productive lands because of the revenue they generated.[12] Consequently, communities that depended on these lands—nomadic pastoralists, artisans, and agro-pastoralists—became irrelevant in development policies.[13] Between 1880 and 2010, India lost some 20 million hectares (mha) (or 49.4 million acres) of grassland and shrub land, and 26 mha (64.2 million acres) of forests. The rate of loss was highest after the ‘green revolution’ of the 1960s that sought to ‘industrialise’ agriculture.[14] Absent a sound management plan for the development of pasture land and protection of existing grasslands, India lost 31 percent, or 5.65 mha (13.9 million acres) of grassland area in only the decade from 2005 to 2015. The total area under grasslands reduced to 12.3 mha (30.3 million acres) from 18 mha (44.4 million acres) between 2005 and 2015. The country also lost around 19 percent of its common lands[c] during the same period. The area under common lands decreased to 73.02 mha (180 million acres) from around 90.5 mha (223.5 million acres) between 2005 and 2015.[15] The declining common lands including grasslands have serious livelihoods implications for the large rural economy. For example, India has more than 500 million livestock and more than 50 percent of the fodder for this livestock comes from grasslands.[16] This brief aims to contribute to the existing global discussion on the importance of grasslands as highly productive, unique ecosystem supporting critical ecosystem services. It studies the case of the Amrit Mahal Kavals[d] in Challakere Taluk of Chitradurga District in Karnataka, where the livelihoods of local communities are deeply interlinked with the grasslands in the region. Like in other arid regions, Challakere, too, depends heavily on livestock-rearing to tide their families over long periods of drought and unpredictable rainfall. Considering the grassland area as ‘degraded’ land, the state government of Karnataka between 2009-2010 diverted nearly 10,000 acres of Challakere grassland (protected for centuries as Amrit Mahal Kavals) to construct what it calls a ‘Science City’—or a hub of military, scientific and commercial establishments. The land conversion is causing the destruction of not only the local socio-cultural institutions built on the principles of sustainability, resilience and integration, but also the ecosystem itself.[17] The ease with which these grasslands were converted to other uses, was made possible partly because of a crucial gap in the forestry policy of India. Current legislation does not accord any protection to savanna grasslands. Indeed, a report by the task force set up by the Planning Commission on Grasslands and Deserts (2006) noted that grasslands were the most neglected ecosystems by the Ministry of Environment and Forests.[18] More than a decade later, the Draft National Forest Policy 2018, while focusing on increasing forest and tree cover, still continues to undervalue the country’s grasslands.[19] Grasslands are integrated human-nature systems with interdependencies between the social and ecological components. This brief presents an appropriate framework to describe human-nature interactions in order to determine the drivers of change, causes of specific outcomes, and responses that can minimise the impact of change for sustaining grasslands. Taking the case of the Challakere grasslands, the brief illustrates the application of a Driver-Pressure-State-Impact-Response (DPSIR) framework in structuring and organising relevant indicators needed for making decisions on the state of the system and the impact of the decisions made in the past or to be made in the future.[20] The aim is to help policymakers identify options for managing and protecting grasslands in India. Tropical Grassy Ecosystems, Ecosystem Services, and Management Challenges Tropical grasslands and savannas cover approximately 20 percent of the global land surface in the tropics.[21] Grasslands often lie between forests and deserts.[22] Many factors, including the physical and chemical properties of soil, the frequency of fires, water availability, and livestock grazing and browsing animals are some of the important determinants of grassland distributions and dynamics.[23] The amount and seasonality of rainfall are key determinants of the distribution and structure of grassy ecosystems.[24] Grasslands (including all forage systems used by grazing livestock) occupy large areas of the world’s 117 million sq.km of vegetated lands[25] or 52.54 million sq.km (40.5 percent) of global land area [26] and 69 percent of the world’s agricultural land area.[27] The ecosystem provides forage for over 1,800 million livestock units and wildlife populations, and also supports more than 800 million people, globally by producing food, fibre, fuel and medicines.[28] In addition to contributing to the production of goods and services that have direct economic value, grasslands also provide important non-physical services. Tropical and sub-tropical grasslands store approximately 15 percent of the world’s carbon on land, account for an estimated 30 percent of total global terrestrial net primary productivity, and have a significant role in global carbon and energy cycles.[29] Indeed, grasslands perform multiple roles in producing food and rehabilitating crop lands, in environmental management and cultural heritage.[30] Table 1 provides a detailed description of distinct ecosystem services provided by grasslands. Table 1: Ecosystem Services from Grasslands Source: Zhao et al (2020)[31]; Bengtsson et al (2019)[32] Grasslands also affect ecological processes at landscape (e.g., pollination), regional (e.g., water regulation, recreation), and global scales (e.g., climate regulation). There are misconceptions about the origins and ecology of these systems.[33] They have been neglected, misclassified and misunderstood, as a result.[34] Ironically, the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries (REDD+) schemes that seek to reduce CO2 and protect biodiversity are extensively applied to grassy ecosystems. The CDM focuses on afforestation and reforestation, whereas REDD+ aims to prevent degradation and reduction in the extent of tropical forests. In response to both these programmes and following the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) vegetation classification system to define forests,[35] afforestation of grasslands has been put forward as a legitimate climate mitigation strategy.[36] These activities, however, continue to promote tree plantations in ecologically inappropriate sites and conditions. Considered either as a degraded form of forest created due to tree clearing, burning and grazing, or a subclimax or secondary successional stage—grassy ecosystems have been misclassified, causing them immense human-induced irreversible destruction. The disturbances are compounded by a policy focus on trees, rather than ground layer composition and function. A glaring example of human activity and institutional structures destroying tropical grassy ecosystems is the Brazilian cerrado—the second richest botanical savannah region on earth, which has been reduced to dysfunctional fragments over time.[37] In India, grasslands are the least protected ecosystems. Less than 1 percent of grasslands in the country lie in the protected area network. To secure legal protection, these areas have to be notified as Protected Areas under the Wild Life (Protection) Act, 1972 or notified as Protected or Reserve Forest under the Indian Forest Act,1927. As grasslands have spontaneous natural vegetative growth like forestland, their conversion must be restricted under the Forest Conservation Act, 1980.[38] However, there has been little effort on the part of the government to protect grasslands against conversions. The vast tracts of grasslands of Challakere, despite being declared as District Forests per Rule 33 of the Karnataka Forest Rules, 1969[39] have systematically been diverted for developmental projects. This has led to the degradation of this common grazing pasture and grassland ecosystem. Challakere Grasslands: History and Value The Challakere grasslands protected as Amrit Mahal Kavals are semi-arid grasslands in the Challakere Taluk of Chitradurga district in the Indian state of Karnataka (see Map 1).[40] Amrit Mahal Kavals are distributed across six districts and 62 places of Chikkamagaluru, Chitradurga, Hassan, Tumkur, Mandya and Davanagere of the state.[41] Kavals are common grazing pastures and grassland ecosystems that form a critical support system and habitat for the sustenance of livelihoods of agrarian and pastoral communities; they are also sites of rich biodiversity.[42] These kavals were originally set aside several centuries ago, during the Vijayanagara empire, and protected as grazing pastures for a strong, fast breed of indigenous cattle called Amrit Mahal that could tolerate harsh dry conditions and was once a military draft animal.[43],[44] This makes the Kaval area perhaps the only largest grassland in the world that is dedicated to the protection of a species of cattle.[45] The kaval grasslands have long provided ecological and livelihoods services to the local communities of this region. Apart from cattle and goats, sheep-rearing and allied activities of shearing, spinning and weaving woolen blankets and baskets from palm fronds are mainstays of the local economy. Because of dry conditions, groundnuts and millets are commonly grown which not only form a basis of an edible oil industry, but millets are also the staple diet of local communities. Over 250,000 people from about 70 villages who live around the Kaval sustain their livelihoods from these commons. The villagers collect fruits, greens, water, medicinal plants and firewood that are important for their food, nutritional and health security. The grasslands are also an integral part of local culture. People consider grasslands as sacred spaces and celebrate them through various festivals.[46] The Kavals form watersheds of irrigation tanks that capture surface water flow, and are also a source for groundwater recharge. Map 1: Challakere in Chitradurga District, Karnataka Source: http://164.100.238.9/images/hyr.jpg The Conversion of Challakere Amrit Mahal Kaval Post-Independence At the time of Independence, the state of Karnataka had about 400,000 acres of Amrit Mahal Kavals. After 1947, these kavals have been systematically diverted to different urban and industrial projects in addition to expansion of agriculture. Today only 60,000 acres of kaval land remain,[47] managed by the Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Science Departments of the state. Around 14,500 acres of protected grassland area, which also harbour vast biodiversity, were preserved over centuries for the Amrit Mahal cattle in Challakere in Chitradurga district. During 2007-2009, some 9,394 acres of this protected area were appropriated by the Union government and the state government of Karnataka for the ‘science city’ project, and another 21,976 acres were allotted to various institutions.[48] What remains now is a mere 30,000 acres of fragmented parcels across several districts of Karnataka. The following were the allocations of the kaval land: Defence Research Development Organisation/ Aeronautical Development Establishment (promoting a weaponised drone testing and manufacturing facility) – Land allocated: 4,290 acres Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (promoting a special materials and nuclear enrichment facility, for both civilian and defence purposes). A nuclear fuel enrichment and re-processing plant linked to India’s nuclear weapons and nuclear submarine project – Land Allocated: 1,810 acres Indian Institute of Science (promoting a Synchrotron and Advanced Aerospace Research Centre). Now used for a solar energy research centre and teacher training unit – Land Allocated: 1,500 acres Indian Space Research Organisation (setting up a centre for Spacecraft Technologies) – Land Allocated: 573 acres Karnataka Small Scale Industries Development Corporation (promoting various ancillary industrial units) – Land Allocated: 300 acres Sagitaur Ventures India Pvt. Ltd. (promoting a solar park along with Grid Connected 25MW solar PV power project) – Land Allocated: 1,250 acres. The appropriation did not involve any government body or even village panchayats whose consent is essential under the Panchyat Raj Act and revenue laws.[49] Moreover, issues concerning compensation, rehabilitation and resettlement were ignored. From common grazing lands to degraded parcels of grassland, this large-scale conversion of the Challakere grasslands was set mainly on the ground that these grasslands are unproductive wastelands which can have value with new plantations and construction of facilities of national importance. The plans ignored not only the ecological significance and constraints of a grassland ecosystem, but also the potential impacts of such activities. Indeed, over the years, the diversion of the grasslands has undermined the capacity of the ecosystem to deliver ecosystem services. After all, grasslands represent an integrated human-nature system where people live, work, and interact. Therefore, the management of such systems requires an understanding of the dynamics of an integrated human-nature system with reciprocal feedbacks and interdependencies. This lends such systems to analyses based on systems theory and complex systems science.[50] Frameworks that can explain and organise human-nature interactions are needed in order to determine the drivers of change, causes of specific outcomes, and responses that can minimise the impact of change.[51] In this context, a DPSIR framework can be considered as a way of structuring complex environmental problems by incorporating cause-and-effect relationships. The framework has proven to be vital in building a comprehensive understanding of the relationship between the state of the ecosystem and the drivers of threats leading to that state. It provides an organised method for analysing the causes, consequences, and responses to changes in the system. DPSIR: A Decision Support System for the Management of Grassland Ecosystems The nature of interactions between humans and their immediate environment is complex. This brief adopts a straightforward approach to organise and link the broad elements of the degradation of Challakere grassland in a Driver-Pressure-State-Impact-Response (DPSIR) model. DPSIR is a systems-thinking approach that assumes a cause-and-effect relationship between interacting components of an integrated human-nature system.[52] The DPSIR framework presents a causal chain of the driving forces originating from the underlying needs of society, economy and development, which exert increasing pressure on the environment. This in turn results in environmental changes that have cascading impacts on human well-being and the ecosystem. These undesired impacts generate responses to reduce or contain the pressures and improve the condition of the changing environment. The framework has been adopted by several international organisations, such as US Environmental Protection Agency, UN Environment Programme (UNEP), and the European Union for structuring environmental information and developing interaction indicators. It brings together and summarises information in a standard, logical, and hierarchical way.[53] Advancement to the DPSIR framework has come from the ecosystem-based model of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, which includes the ecosystem processes and functions along with ecosystem services supported by such processes and their impact on human well-being. Figure 1 offers an overview of an extended DPSIR framework that can be used to study the cause-and-effect relationship of disturbances to the ecosystem and their impact on the ecosystem itself and human well-being. Figure 1: An Extended DPSIR Framework for Studying the Cause-and-Effect Relationship of Disturbances to Grassland Ecosystem Note: Modified by the author Source: Zhao[54] The application of DPSIR illustrated here can contribute to the understanding of relationships between state and driver factors that can then facilitate the generation of indicators relevant for managing grassland ecosystems. The definitions in the framework’s information category are sufficiently general and subject to interpretation for them to be utilised in other contexts. A View of the Degradation of Challakere Using a DPSIR Framework The framework used in the present context of the Challakere grassland is presented in Figure 2. It is extended to include the connection between ecosystem services and human well-being, the recognition of which is crucial to the conservation of the ecosystem and sustenance of human life. The ecosystem services provided by grasslands are scale-dependent since the structure and function of grassland ecosystems, as well as human demands for ecosystem services, vary with spatial and temporal scales.[55] The impact of climate change on grassland modification is not considered, and the analysis is confined to local ecosystem scale. Figure 2: The DPSIR Framework in the Context of the Degradation of Challakere Grassland Source: Author’s own Adopting such a framework makes explanations more concrete and describes conceptual relationships that can be estimated. It is acknowledged that the actual relationship between two categories may be non-monotonic and indirect. Nevertheless, a description like this can serve as a basis for identifying relevant variables and models at a scale appropriate to the context of the study. The DPSIR categories are explained taking Challakere grassland as a case in point. The challenge is to understand better the multifunctionality of grasslands in order to enhance their conservation value in India. a. Driver category This category focuses on human activities that give rise to threats (pressure) on natural systems. Drivers can be categorised into “immediate drivers” (those proximate to Pressures) and “underlying drivers” that influence the level and nature of immediate threats. The underlying driver can be thought of as the “least protected ecosystem” status of grasslands in India. Immediate driver is identified as the search for location by the government of India to construct an establishment of national importance. b. Pressure category Pressures (or threats) connect drivers to environmental state. Ecological threats to grasslands can be defined as either proximate or ultimate. Ultimate threats are the vulnerability of grasslands to state change, the perception of grasslands as “wastelands or degraded forest land”, while proximate threats include climate change, land-use change, and invasive species that influence ecosystem structure and functioning. In the context of the Challakere grassland, pressures are defined by land-use change because of the unilateral decision of the Government of India to divert 9,394 acres of grassland area for the ‘science city’ project. The greatest threat to grasslands is the perception of grasslands as degraded landscapes or wastelands that require human intervention to acquire value. Such narratives and perceptions that lack scientific evidence, affect the way land-use and management decisions concerning this ecosystem are made. [56] c. State category This covers indicators against which the condition of the ecosystem that has undergone change in structure and functionality can be assessed. The information created under this category indicates the status at a given point in time, which refers both to the effects on the ecosystem and to stock of available resources. The diversion of the Challakere grassland has pushed the system toward critical thresholds. The grassland has been built over, replaced with plantations, or invaded by invasive species.[57] The adverse impacts of diversion of the Kavals have also affected highly threatened fauna. The populations of Black Bucks, the critically endangered Great Indian Bustard, and the Lesser Florican, for whom such grazed commons were a perfect habitat, have now nearly disappeared from the region. d. Impact category Impacts include both ecosystem and human well-being effects. The proposed projects are highly sensitive and hazardous, disrupting the watershed and the associated groundwater recharge and destroying the wildlife habitat and the self-sustained rural economic life of the region. Agriculture has declined as much of the area’s water has been diverted for the Science City. The development of a solar park has destroyed hundreds of check dams[e] built inside the grasslands by the village assemblies, resulting in the drying up of the lake in the area.[58] Polluting industries are widespread, such as stone crushers that provide construction material to the projects. Some of the groundwater sources are beginning to show contamination of toxic arsenic and fluorides.[59] With the establishment of military-nuclear-science-industrial complex, local communities have been denied physical access to commons by enclosing the grasslands with a 100-km-long security wall reinforced with barbed-wire fences. Locals are forced to migrate to cities in search of viable livelihoods as farming and related activities have become unfeasible with the deterioration of the commons.[60] With the destruction of the grassland, the population of Deccani sheep, whose wool is used to make blankets, for example, has also reduced drastically. This has deprived local artisans income-generating opportunity. e. Response category This includes the initiatives intended to reduce and mitigate at least one impact or contain the threats caused by the driving forces. The response may also be built around creating awareness about the social and ecological significance of grassy ecosystems and the need to sustainably protect this ecosystem. Challenged by civil society groups in the National Green Tribunal (South Zone), the initial response in 2013 was in the form of a stay order on the projects on grounds that the proposed projects have violated environmental and social justice norms. Later, in August 2014, the stay was lifted and the projects were accorded conditional clearance by the Ministry of Environment and Forests to proceed only after securing necessary environmental clearances. To be sure, the discussions on the diversion of kavals in the National Green Tribunal has helped draw attention to the extensive degradation of grassland ecosystem, and the recognition of the loss of traditional rights of access to kavals. In reality, however, the consequences of the diversion have been devastating for farming, pastoral and artisanal communities. The application of DPSIR presented here is a linear representation of complex real-world problems. Nevertheless, the strength of the DPSIR model is that it makes it easier to visualise and explain the interactions between changes in the biophysical environment and human systems. It is only when such interactions are captured, presented and explained, can a well-informed response be sought. Finally, the framework sets a basis for studying each component of the framework as a sub-system or a complete system with complex interlinkages. An exercise like this would then be closer to the processes on the ground. Policy Recommendations Globally, the fragmentation and degradation of grasslands is threatening progress towards multiple goals. These include the Biodiversity Targets of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) of 2020 and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, specifically SDG 15 (protecting, restoring and promoting sustainable use of terrestrial ecosystems) and SDG 13 (climate change mitigation). Arresting grassland degradation is also central to the UN Decade on Ecosystem Restoration (2021–2030) that stresses on the importance of adopting restoration strategies for degraded ecosystems.[61] The United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification considers grassland degradation to be broadly associated with two underlying drivers: climate change and human activities.[62] The conversion of grasslands to other uses such as farmlands, built infrastructure, and forestry, contributes significantly to their degradation not only in India but in many other parts of the world. Moreover, the lack of a national policy on grassland management also hampers grassland conservation in India, along with poor land use planning, invasive species, and inadequate coverage of grassland habitats under a protected area network. At present, management practices outside protected areas are designed to supply fodder, with a focus on livestock.[63] India has the highest livestock population in the world with high levels of dependence on grassy ecosystems. Yet, despite this visible dependence, the country does not have a comprehensive policy on management and conservation of this ecosystem. Grasslands in India have been historically undervalued in national policies, and continue to be considered as unproductive wastelands, making them vulnerable to land conversion.[64] These fragmented and human-dominated landscapes which are also home to endangered and endemic wildlife require management approaches that can incorporate multiple human uses of natural resources along with wildlife conservation. [65] This brief offers the following recommendations for developing an effective management plan for grassland conservation in India. Acknowledge and value the benefits provided by grasslands to humans on a par with other ecosystems such as forests. These benefits are in the form of ecosystem services such as food production, water supply and regulation, carbon storage and climate mitigation, soil erosion control, and a variety of cultural services. Efforts are required in integrating ecosystem and biodiversity value in national and local planning and change perceptions of grasslands as waste spaces. Misplaced narratives that have led to this perception need to be replaced with science-based evidence that conveys the complexity of grassy ecosystems. Classify grassy ecosystems as a major land use type alongside forestlands and wetlands. This is important given their high ecological and conservation value. Review and update current laws and policies on conservation of grassy ecosystems in India to provide them adequate legal protection. Take periodic stock of the extent, condition, and the capacity of grasslands to provide goods and services in the future.[66] Depending on the context of investigation, natural and socioeconomic factors can both lead to degradation by driving loss in biodiversity, ecosystem functions or services. Similarly, degradation can be defined both in terms of ecological and socioeconomic indicators wherein tradeoffs among combinations of ecosystem services may be prioritised. A social-ecological perspective of degradation can be adopted, following which degradation can be assessed in terms of the gap between supply and demand in ecosystem services. Formulate standardised indicators of grassland condition to facilitate effective decision-making on strategies related to conservation, restoration and sustainable use of grasslands. The indicators must consider the local environmental conditions, global and local drivers of change, and their social and ecological impacts, as well as broad management and restoration objectives and the cost-effectiveness of such strategies. Create mechanisms for the sharing of scientific knowledge underpinning grassland management within different biogeographic regions of the country and across different parts of the world. This can help advance the ecological understanding of grasslands and place discussions around grassy ecosystems on national and global platforms. Devise a National Grassland Development and Grazing Policy that will complement the grassland management efforts focused on sustainable use of grasslands and biodiversity conservation. Create institutional capacity which is multidisciplinary in its approach in order to understand the threat dynamics in grassy ecosystems, and subsequently direct management responses towards improving the resilience of these ecosystems against the impacts of threats. Conclusion Grasslands have significant ecological value, including acting as a carbon sink which is imperative for climate action. However, there is inadequate operational ecological knowledge for decision-making concerning grasslands,[67] partly because they are diverse and difficult to define since apart from grasses, other forms of plant life contribute to their species richness and diversity.[68] This brief has shown how a succession of policymakers have adopted a simplified view of grassland conservation—one that considers only the tree layer and leaving out grassy ground layer from any conservation efforts and policy discourses. These systems therefore continue to be lost to human settlements, agriculture, excessive grazing by livestock, altered fire regimes, and even large-scale conversions for development purposes. Conceptual frameworks are needed to capture, organise, visualise, explain and draw attention to the complex links between humans and nature, and in particular, as they apply to grassy ecosystems. The DPSIR framework suggested in this brief is one such conceptual framework that can explain the ecological significance of grasslands, and how intricately they are tied to human lives and local economies. The development at Challakere in Karnataka, studied in this brief, reinforces the forestry-centric bias that has existed since the colonial era: protect forests for the timber they provide, and neglect grasslands that have no productive or economic value. Most traditional institutions ensuring sustainable management of grasslands in the past have since broken down. Legal protection must be accorded to grassy ecosystems, which from hereon must be included in sustainable development strategies. This in turn requires a systems perspective that will arrest the degradation of grasslands. [15] Kiran Pandey, “India Lost 31% of Grasslands in A Decade,” Down To Earth, September 10, 2019, https://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/agriculture/india-lost-31-of-grasslands-in-a-decade-66643

Ecostani | In NCR’s bleak winter, the SC must rise to fight bad air

Delhi’s environment minister, Gopal Rai, quoted a Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) study claiming that 60% of Delhi’s air pollution comes from outside the Capita Sources of air pollution aside, the Capital’s bad air is a reflection of an overall governance failure. People in the NCR are looking to the SC for some relief On December 2, Chief Justice of India (CJI) NV Ramana suggested that the Supreme Court (SC) appoint an administrator for Delhi to handle the national Capital’s toxic air. He directed his exasperation at the political class, which has shown little interest to take “harsh” decisions to ensure better air for residents.

Waste burning banned in Kolkata for years, no sensitisation programmes for KMC cleaners

Kolkata Municipal Corporation officials said there had rarely been any sensitisation programmes for cleaners An order mentioning a ban is all that Kolkata Municipal Corporation has done to stop the burning of waste in the open. The message often does not percolate down to waste cleaners who pick up daily waste from houses and clean streets. KMC officials said there had rarely been any sensitisation programmes for cleaners. Nor has the civic body organised any mass campaign to tell people about the harmful impacts of waste burning. The result is that waste cleaners as well as residents burn waste in the open across the city, especially during winter. Besides, several government agencies at times flout rules and burn waste in the open. The Telegraph reported on Friday that a heap of garbage containing mostly dry leaves was found burning on the Rabindra Sarobar premises the day before. Earlier this year, fire tenders had to rush to Sarobar to douse flames in a heap of garbage. As winter sets in, such small fires are common on the Maidan, the lungs for much of the city. The burning of waste releases toxic fumes, said Anumita Roy Chowdhury, an air quality management expert. “The quantum of pollution is enormous in the immediate vicinity of where waste is burnt. But we have to go to the root of waste burning,” she said. “The reason why either waste cleaners or residents burn waste is because of inadequate municipal service. It is mostly horticultural waste like dry leaves that are burnt. If municipal bodies are able to create adequate composting facilities, the burning will be reduced,” said Roy Chowdhury, executive director of the New Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment. Roy Chowdhury felt that besides sensitising waste cleaners of the civic body, there was also a need to run sensitisation campaigns in the community. If the waste contains items such as cloth and plastic, the toxicity of the emission is more harmful, said air quality management specialists. “Ordinary people burn waste. They need to be made aware of why waste burning is harmful,” said Roy Chowdhury. “There are orders and circulars issued from time to time mentioning that waste should not be burnt. But there has never been any sensitisation programme for waste cleaners on why waste burning is harmful,” said an overseer of the solid waste management department of the KMC. An overseer is in charge of the department’s operations in a ward. “The orders come from the headquarters. We pass them on to sub-overseers, who are then supposed to pass on the message to waste cleaners.” An official of the KMC admitted that whether the message reached cleaners depended solely on the seriousness with which overseers and sub-overseers view the issue. “There are hardly any sensitisation programmes for waste cleaners where they are explained about the harmful effects of waste burning,” said the official. The KMC’s bylaws for solid waste management has a provision for a fine for burning waste. But officials admitted that it was not possible to identify and fine those who fire to waste. “The only way is to create awareness among people against waste burning,” said an official. Last updated on 06.12.21, 12:52 PM

सेंटर फार साइंस एंड एन्वायरमेंट के अध्ययन में सामने आए ये तथ्य, इनसे दिल्ली-एनसीआर में बढ़ता है वायु प्रदूषण

नई दिल्ली [संजीव गुप्ता]। कम तापमान और पराली का धुआं तो सर्दियों के सीजन में वायु प्रदूषण बढ़ाता ही है, स्थानीय कारक भी आग में घी का काम करते हैं। यह स्थिति भी अकेले दिल्ली-एनसीआर में नहीं बल्कि देशभर में देखने को मिल रही है। लचर सार्वजनिक परिवहन, खुले में कचरा जलाना और निर्माण कार्यों व सड़क किनारे से उड़ने वाली धूल प्रदूषण में इजाफे के सबसे बड़े कारण हैं। यह निष्कर्ष है सेंटर फार साइंस एंड एन्वायरमेंट (सीएसई) के उस अध्ययन का, जो पिछले छह-सात सालों के आंकड़ों को आधार बनाकर किया गया है। 2015 में पहली बार एयर इंडेक्स की गणना शुरू हुई। 2017 में ग्रेडेड रिस्पांस एक्शन प्लान (ग्रेप) लागू किया गया। सही तस्वीर सामने आने लगी तो प्रदूषण की रोकथाम के कदम भी उठाए जाने लगे। 2015 के बाद से बहुत खराब और गंभीर श्रेणी की हवा वाले दिन साल दर साल कम हुए हैं, जबकि तय मानकों (60 माइक्रोग्राम प्रति घन मीटर ) के अनुरूप पीएम 2.5 वाले दिनों की संख्या में इजाफा हुआ है। -पीएम 2.5 के स्तर वाले दिन 2015 में 83 थे, जो 2021 में 151 रह गए हालांकि, 2020 में यह संख्या 174 थी -2017 में गंभीर श्रेणी वाले दिन 155 थे, जो 2021 में घटकर 91 रह गए-2015 से 2017 के दौरान पीएम 2.5 का औसत स्तर 103 माइक्रोग्राम प्रति घन मीटर था, जो 2019 से 2021 के दौरान 98 माइक्रोग्राम प्रति घन मीटर पहुंच गया। अध्ययन के निष्कर्ष 15 से 20 प्रतिशत लोग ही ज्यादातर शहर में कार चलाते हैं90 प्रतिशत क्षेत्र ये लोग सड़क का घेर लेते हैं80 प्रतिशत लोगों के लिए सड़कों पर जगह ही नहीं बचती। 26 प्रतिशत क्षेत्र शहरों का सड़कें कवर करती हैं दिल्ली की ऐसी है स्थिति 10 हजार बसों की जरूरत है 6,261 बसें ही चल रही हैं ये है सलाह प्रदूषण कम करने के लिए सार्वजनिक परिवहन को मजबूत करना चाहिए। इसके लिए मेट्रो और बसों में एक ही स्मार्ट कार्ड से टिकट लेने तथा सीसीटीवी लगाकर बस सेवा को बेहतर बनाया जा सकता है। लास्ट माइल कनेक्टिविटी को प्राथमिकता देने की जरूरत है। महानिदेशक, सीएसई औद्योगिक इकाइयों को हर हाल में स्वच्छ ईंधन पर शिफ्ट किया जाए, इलेक्टि्रक वाहनों को बढ़ावा दिया जाए। प्रदूषण के हाट स्पाट की पहचान कर उनकी बेहतरी के प्रयास करने के साथ ही खुले में कचरा जलाने, पराली जलाने की घटनाओं पर अंकुश लगाने के लिए जरूरी उपाय किए जाएं। -सुनीता नारायण, महानिदेशक, सीएसई कार्यकारी निदेशक, सीएसई

Analysing Delhi’s AQI last week: Why AAP, Centre need long-term solutions, not stopgap measures

Diwali is long gone, and farm fires have dissipated. But the air quality index in several parts of Delhi remained ‘severe’ through last week. On December 3, during a Supreme Court hearing on Delhi’s worsening air quality, the Uttar Pradesh government claimed the polluted air was “mostly coming from Pakistan”. “So, you want to ban industries in Pakistan?” retorted Chief Justice of India NV Ramana. This exchange, though tongue in cheek, encapsulates the annual blame game between the governments in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana and the centre over the air pollution crisis in the national capital. In November, the conversation was largely around how Delhi’s air pollution stemmed from bursting crackers during Diwali and farm fires in neighbouring states. But Diwali is long gone and the farm fires have dissipated. Yet, last week, the air quality index, or AQI, in several spots in Delhi remained in the “severe” category. On December 2, while hearing a writ petition on steps taken to control the situation, the Supreme Court had also given a 24-hour ultimatum to the centre, Delhi, and neighbouring states to submit suggestions on how to act against industrial and vehicular pollution in the national capital region. “When hearings on the issue started, there was a certain AQI. If as many efforts as you are claiming have been made, then why is pollution increasing?” the chief justice asked solicitor general Tushar Mehta. “That is the simple question a layman will ask. So many arguments by lawyers and so many government claims. But why is pollution increasing?” Newslaundry analysed Delhi’s air quality between November 28 and December 4, during which Delhi’s AQI oscillated between “very poor” and “severe”. Did emergency measures, such as the Graded Response Action Plan introduced in 2017, help mitigate the problem? Not really. Interventions, but not adequate An AQI between zero and 50 is considered “good”; 51-100 “satisfactory”; 101-200 “moderate”; 201-300 “poor”; 301-400 “very poor”; and 401-500 “severe”. On November 29, for instance, the AQI in Delhi was 389, falling in the “very poor” category, based on data from 30 monitoring stations. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director (research and advocacy) at Delhi’s Centre for Science and Environment, told Newslaundry that air pollution in the capital is a multi-layered problem with no easy fixes. “It is important to mention that Delhi has done quite a lot in this regard and it has shown results as well,” Roychowdhury said. “This is the only city to have shut down all coal power plants, banned dirty fuels so only notified clean fuels can be used here. Legal industrial areas in Delhi are only using natural gas. Most of our public transport, including auto rickshaws and buses, run on CNG. Ten-year-old trucks cannot enter Delhi without paying an environmental cess.” These interventions helped Delhi “bend the longer-term pollution curve”, she said. “The annual average of PM2.5” – meaning fine particulate matter – “isn’t increasing,” Roychowdhury added. “However, Delhi still requires a 59 percent reduction in its PM2.5 levels to meet the clean air standards.” Notably, there are significant gaps in the city’s infrastructure, hampering its ability to mitigate air pollution. Delhi has not been able to adequately scale up its public transport infrastructure. It requires 10,000 buses but has around 6,000, even while the hike in Delhi Metro fares has made it unaffordable for a large section of the population. The capital also lacks pathways for walking and cycling, increasing the public’s reliance on public transport. To tackle issues of air pollution, the Graded Response Action Plan was notified in 2017 for Delhi-NCR. The plan, which kicks in whenever Delhi-NCR’s particulate matter concentration crosses a certain threshold, works as an emergency measure. It imposes temporary curbs such as pollution control in thermal power plants, mechanised sweeping of roads, stoppage of construction activities, and introducing the odd-even vehicle scheme. However, as Roychowdhury explained, the emergency measures outlined in the plan are only meant to ensure that no further fuel is added to a fire that’s already raging. “What is needed is round the year implementation of the Comprehensive Action Plan notified by the centre in 2018,” she said, “which is a multi-sector, region-wide exercise to bring down air pollution over the long term. It includes traffic management, use of cleaner fuels, and increased electrification of vehicles. That’s where the progress has been slow.” For instance, she said, Delhi shut its coal power plants but there are still 11 such plants functioning in the NCR within a 300-km radius of Delhi. “If air pollution is a crisis today for the entire Indo-Gangetic plain, then the strategy needs to be tweaked accordingly,” she said. “One of the affected cities can’t expect blue skies by taking a few emergency measures.” ‘Popularity slogans’ So, did the Supreme Court’s 24-hour ultimatum lead to results? The centre told the apex court it had set up an “enforcement task force” that was empowered to take punitive and preventive action against persons and entities that do not comply with stipulated rules. It also said 17 flying squads – to be increased to 40 “in the next 24 hours” – were constituted to inspect air pollution norms. Meanwhile, the Delhi government, after being pulled up by the Supreme Court for reopening schools, announced on December 3 that all educational institutions would be shut till further notice. It wasn’t the first time the apex court came down heavily on the Aam Aadmi Party government. In November, the Supreme Court threatened the Delhi government with a “proper audit of the revenues you are earning and spending on popularity slogans” and accused it of “passing the buck” on air pollution to Delhi’s municipal corporations. Last week too, the court reprimanded the Delhi government over its ubiquitous “Red Light On, Gaadi Off” campaign to curb vehicular pollution. “Poor young boys standing in the middle of the road with banners, who is taking care of their health?” the bench was quoted as saying. “Again, we've to say, other than the popularity slogan, what else is it?”

Want a lasting solution? Tackle pollution sources in Delhi over the year

NEW DELHI: Every year, confronting the pollution means inconvenience of all sorts — closing down school, stopping construction work, regulating industries, arguing about stubble burning and halting diesel generator use, etc. These are temporary measures. What must Delhi and neighbouring cities do year round to render the air breathable at all times? The answer involves all the 29 sources of pollution, but at present, the pollution alleviation narrative is centred on just a few of them. Experts point out the loopholes in this approach, mainly related to inadequate public transport and end-mile connectivity, management of dust, construction and waste, outdated vehicular pollution monitoring system and the absence of a joint action plan. 54 Calling out the ‘very poor monitoring and enforcement mechanism’, Karthik Ganesan of Council on Energy, Environment and Water said, “Had there been a central monitoring and implementation system on pollution, then someone would have looked at IIT data to realise that emissions from Jhajjar in Haryana are abnormally high and sent a ground team to fix it. But there is no central approach.” Congratulations! You have successfully cast your vote Track the pollution level in your city Ganesan added that central agencies like CAQM had to build capacity and do more groundwork. He also argued against construction activity in the winter. “Just as mining work halts in the monsoon, why can’t construction be regulated in the winter months?” Ganesan asked. According to Anumita Roy Chowdhury, executive director, Centre for Science and Environment, it was crucial to fix the city’s public transport system. She recommended an integrated transport system where buses and Delhi Metro shared a single payment mechanism. Pointing out that transport contributed at least 30% to the local emissions, she said, “Around 16% of Delhiites travel in personal cars and two-wheelers but occupy a major portion of the roads. The city needs 11,000 buses, but has only 6,000. The end-mile connectivity is also poor and cannot be relied upon.” Chowdhury added, “There is also a need to update the pollution under control certification system because there are vehicles plying under different emission norms. PUC monitoring could be made remote sensed as in Kolkata.” Experts said that a better system than water sprinkling in a water stressed city was needed to manage road dust. They suggested vegetation along the roads and large green covers like Aravalis and Ridge areas to act as natural barriers against dust. They also urged policies to decongest many city areas. “We need policies to manage the pollution load of many areas by giving them time to breathe before they become polluted again,” said Professor Sewa Ram, School of Planning and Architecture. “Banning traffic from some areas on certain days, creating bypasses and imposing congestion cess like in London and New York are some ways to do this. But these presuppose a robust public transport system.” To these, Dr S Velmurgan, chief scientist, CRRI, added, “The city needs better landscaping and dust-control mechanisms, especially use of dust covers at construction sites. There are no rules on how such covers should be installed and at what height.” He also pointed out that Delhi had 33,000km of road, of which only 1500km were dedicated footpaths and asked, “How will last-mile connectivity improve when there is no space to walk?” Meanwhile, burning — be it coal, garbage, biomass or domestic fuels — is a major source of pollutants. Chandra Bhushan, CEO, iForest, described this as the elephant in the room. “The pollution situation is not going to improve until we address coal and biomass burning. Also cooking, heating, conventional fuels, garbage burning by unsensitised sanitation staff,” declared Bhushan. A policy is required to address this burning."

In rush to tackle pollution in Delhi, do not forget small towns and villages, say experts

Delhi gets all the attention, but the national ambient air quality report shows that pollution is an all-India issue and not just a rural or urban problem. Every winter, there is a rush to tackle the alarming surge in pollution levels in Delhi-NCR. But pollution is a pan-India problem and not a Delhi-specific issue and calls for a wider, national-level action to get some fresh air across the country, suggest experts and various studies conducted over the years. A random check of the Air Quality Index (AQI) bulletin at 4pm on December 3 showed poor to severe air quality in different cities across the northern plains. Delhi had ‘very poor’ category air that day with the AQI at 346. On the same day, the AQI at Bettiah in Bihar was very poor at 387, Bihar Sharif 407, Buxar 427 and Sasaram 394. Cities in Madhya Pradesh fared no better: Damoh had an AQI of 312, Jabalpur 302 and Singrauli 364. In Uttar Pradesh, Meerut had an AQI of 328, Moradabad 299, Muzaffarnagar 334, Bulandshahr 258 and Hapur 301. Just a week ago, Muzaffarnagar’s AQI stood at 423, making it the most polluted city in UP and the second-most polluted city in the country. Far away, Kolkata recorded poor air quality (202) and Durgapur 219. In Punjab, Ambala recorded an AQI of 258, Jalandhar 213 and Chandigarh 244. In Haryana, Charkhi Dadri recorded very poor air quality with an AQI of 306, Bahadurgarh 324, Ballabgarh 282, Hisar 370 and Siwan 406. Related stories Planted forests can tackle flood and erosion impacts along the Brahmaputra Difficult for India to achieve climate goals without compromising economic targets: Oxford Economics National Pollution Control Day 2021: Here's how you can reduce pollution even if you skip taking a b... An AQI of 51-100 is considered satisfactory, 101-200 moderate, 201-300 poor, 301-400 very poor, and anything above 400 severe. These are just a few places on the radar of the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), which has 804 operating stations covering 344 cities and towns in 28 states and six Union territories. SMALL TOWNS, VILLAGES GO UNDER THE RADAR Despite this wide network, a vast number of small towns and rural areas across India go unmonitored for air pollution. Many polluted places with favourable weather and wind conditions also do not get due attention. The CPCB is executing a nation-wide programme of ambient air quality monitoring known as the National Air Quality Monitoring Programme (NAMP) in coordination with state pollution control boards. “Across the country, barring some coastal or high-altitude Himalayan areas, majority (of the) people live in areas that do not meet air quality standards,” said Chandra Bhushan, an environmental expert and the CEO of the International Forum for Environment, Sustainability and Technology. Many rural areas, Bhushan said, do not have air quality monitors but satellite data shows that villages even 100 km or more from Delhi are as polluted. “And it is not a surprise.” Satellite images of aerosol optical thickness (AOD) for the month of November released by NASA show a thick layer of particles across the northern plains and parts of central India. Tiny solid and liquid particles suspended in the atmosphere are called aerosols, which include windblown dust, sea salts, volcanic ash, smoke from fires, and pollution from factories. An air quality report released by Swiss organisation IQAir earlier this year had said 22 of the 30 most polluted cities in the world, including 14 in the top 15, are in India. The causes of pollution range from stubble burning, vehicular pollution, the burning of biomass, waste and solid fuel, industrial emissions and dust from construction sites, roads and degraded land, brick kilns, transport vehicles, and diesel generators. In winter, the problem gets worse as falling temperatures and moisture in the air trap pollutants and slow wind speeds make their dispersal difficult. On Friday, after severe criticism from the Supreme Court, the government went into action mode, forming flying squads to conduct surprise checks at 25 sites in NCR. It said five out of the 11 thermal power plants within 300 km of Delhi will remain operational till at least December 15. Following in Delhi’s footsteps, the Haryana government ordered the closure of schools in Gurgaon, Faridabad, Sonepat and Jhajjar districts, which share borders with the capital. Construction has been banned in 14 NCR districts. But most of focus is generally limited to air quality in Delhi and nearby NCR areas, leaving other regions unattended and ignored. Delhi, by the virtue of being the capital, gets all the attention, but a look at the national ambient air quality report shows that pollution is an all-India issue and not just a rural or urban problem, or even an Indo-Gangetic plain phenomenon, explains Bhushan. According to Bhushan, the problem with NAMP is that it is mostly urban-centric, with most of the funds going to the municipalities and not district authorities. “One should not forget that many cities are bigger than municipal limits. Thermal plants and other polluting industries located outside municipal boundaries negate all efforts inside cities as bad air knows no boundaries.” Lancet data attributed 89,184 deaths in Karnataka to air pollution in 2019, 84,587 in Tamil Nadu and 62,808 in Andhra Pradesh. Lancet data attributed 89,184 deaths in Karnataka to air pollution in 2019, 84,587 in Tamil Nadu and 62,808 in Andhra Pradesh. CHOKED BEYOND DELHI'S BORDERS So while there is strict action on the ground in Delhi and in the nearby cities of Ghaziabad, Gurugram and Noida; a little further down, every possible rule is flouted. Over the past week, this writer travelled through the highways of western UP, Haryana and parts of Uttarakhand for a first-hand experience. Across the region, black smoke-spewing diesel trucks, old tractors and other vehicles – which are presently not allowed inside Delhi – were a common sight, farm waste was being openly burnt in agricultural fields and black smoke emanated from many brick kilns and other factories. The thick haze that enveloped Delhi continued past Muzaffarnagar, some 160 km from the capital, and even in parts of Haridwar district of Uttarakhand, 200 km away. Diesel tempos, both old and new, were seen plying in Haridwar, Rishikesh and nearby areas. Though e-rickshaws were also present, the polluting diesel tempos visibly outnumbered the e-ricks. A local resident said only cycle rickshaws used to ply in old Haridwar earlier but over the years, diesel tempos took over. “We never used to feel this burning sensation in the eyes,” said the resident, who runs a small shop. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director in charge of research and advocacy, Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), said the National Clean Air Programme has to urgently move beyond focusing only on a few cities to taking a larger regional approach to air pollution mitigation. “We need to meet the national ambient clean air standards everywhere. Only then it is possible to remove the asymmetry in action and scale up multi-sector strategy across all regions,” she said.

City’s air quality improves to ‘very poor’ level

Rai urges Centre for a meeting with neighbouring States to create joint action plan Delhi Environment Minister Gopal Rai on Friday wrote to Union Minister Bhupender Yadav, urging him to call a meeting of Environment Ministers of States in the NCR in view of the “serious situation” caused by pollution. Mr. Rai said the Government is doing everything in its capacity to curb the pollution level, but joint efforts are needed to have a greater impact. The city’s air quality on Friday improved to the “very poor” category from the “severe” level a day earlier. The AQI at 4 p.m., which is an average reading of 37 stations, was 346. The forecast shows that the AQI is likely to remain in the “very poor” category on December 4 and 5, with the winds likely to be relatively stronger thereafter with a possibility of rain on December 6, which is favourable for dispersion/removal of pollutants. Mr. Rai said that Delhi’s internal pollution is largely under control due to several measures but there is an urgent need for the Centre’s and other State Governments’ involvement to control the remaining 69% of pollution, which is external, contributing to Delhi’s poor air quality. “A report released by the Centre for Science and Environment on the basis of data presented by Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology says that Delhi’s internal pollution accounts for 31% of the total pollution in the city, while 69% is sourced from outside the city, of the NCR region. Hence, despite all our efforts to check the internal pollution, the overall pollution level is still evident,” Mr. Rai said. The Minister said that in his letter to the Union Minister for Environment, he also requested him to create a joint action plan with the Environment Departments and Ministers of various States so that the level of pollution can be reduced.

Why Coimbatore, Indore & Surat will decide success of India’s urbanisation. Not Mumbai & Delhi

The big metros don’t do well in city rankings, in India or internationally. Mumbai and Delhi rarely rank high, and the biggest European, American, and Chinese cities are not the most liveable either. City rankings are a flourishing business. The Economist Intelligence Unit has put out its latest this week, on the most expensive cities and the cheapest ones. Ahmedabad figures in the Top 10 of the latter, in the undistinguished company of places like battered Damascus and Tripoli. Earlier the government put out its update on India’s cleanest cities, with Indore once again claiming top honours. The government also puts out its list of cities ranked on ease of living — Bengaluru tops, followed by Pune, while Srinagar and Dhanbad are the worst. A similar listing by the Centre for Science and Environment also puts Bengaluru at the top, followed by Chennai (which is fourth in the government ranking). A smart city ranking may soon be on its way, if one has not already been done, since a complicated set of criteria has been spelt out. Some trends are easy to spot. The big metros don’t rank well — in India or internationally. Mumbai and Delhi (and Kolkata for that matter) rarely rank high, while internationally the most liveable cities have been mid-range ones like Vienna, Auckland, and Vancouver — though Melbourne did very well for a long stretch. The biggest European, American, and Chinese cities are not the most liveable, partly because they usually have the most expensive real estate. In addition, there are the usual problems of commuting time and pollution. Japan maintains the trend, in that Osaka outscores Tokyo. A second trend is that cities south of the Vindhyas do well (no surprise there!), plus the big three of Gujarat. For cost of living as well as healthcare, two of the seven metrics used for a global ranking on Quality of Life, places like Mangaluru, Coimbatore, Chennai, and Thiruvananthapuram score well. That is within the larger context of Indian cities mostly tending to figure in the third quartile from the top. This unimpressive showing is influenced by poor income levels and the hot weather. Many of India’s best cities are therefore on the Deccan plateau, giving them an elevation that makes for a less forbidding summer. Indore is at the edge of the Malwa plateau (elevation: 1,800 feet) while Coimbatore (1,350 feet) gives easy access to the Nilgiris. If India is to urbanise successfully, it has to focus on these Tier 2 cities with a population of 10-50 lakh. Some of them are getting attention in the government’s Smart Cities programme, which is fine but inadequate without structural changes like directly elected mayors, a sensible property tax system, designs for being made citizen- and bicycle-friendly, and rules for floor-area ratios to enable high-rise office towers, required to create a central business district and avoid urban sprawl.

No need to see and check, it's pure says Dabur Honey in an endearing ad

Made for the International Day of Persons with Disabilities, the ad features a blind couple who enjoy dessert with a dash of Dabur Honey. Dabur Honey’s new ad says “achaai ki parakh sirf aakhon se nahi hoti”. It’s apt because the brand features a blind couple in its ad where the lady is preparing a delicious dessert and a dazzle of Dabur Honey is the icing on the cake. The brand wanted to stress that you are assured of Dabur Honey’s superior quality without even looking at it. “With this campaign, we want to honour the fact that people with disabilities are no different than people without disabilities, except for their impairment. The video depicts how Dabur Honey brings sweetness into the lives of a couple who, in the face of adversity, make every moment special for each other,” said Kunal Sharma, Category Head, Dabur India. KINTEL is the agency behind this campaign idea and execution and poet, writer and actor Swanand Kirkire lent his voice to it. Ashay Sahasrabuddhe, Founder CEO of KINTEL said, “People with disabilities not only live life like all of us but also use products that we all use. I have seen my friends, who are blind, living lives just like us. They like to party like us, they love to cook like us, they celebrate their anniversaries just like us. How to accept the circumstances and still remain cheerful and joyous towards life is what I have learnt from them. I believe these films gave me the opportunity to thank them for teaching me nuances of happy life. They are the inspiration behind these stereotype-breaking characters.” Around this time last year (2020), major honey brands like Dabur Patanjali, and Emami (Zandu Pure Honey) had failed a purity test conducted by a German laboratory as per the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), Delhi-based public interest research and advocacy organisation. “Our research has found that most of the honey sold in the market is adulterated with sugar syrup. Therefore, instead of honey, people are eating more sugar, which will add to the risk of COVID-19,” said Sunita Narain, director general, CSE.