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Air quality monitoring stations unevenly distributed in Delhi-NCR

Delhi has 39 continuous air quality monitoring stations (CAAQMS), the most for an Indian city. However, their distribution across an area of 1,483 square kilometres is uneven, with very few stations in southwest, northwest and peripheral areas of Delhi. A report released by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has found that the monitoring network covers only 26% of the city's area within a 2-km radius, leaving a 74% data shadow. If we consider a 5-km radius, 25% of the city's area is beyond the network. Due to the same skewed distribution pattern in 29 other NCR cities, 21 have one station each, despite experts emphasising the need for multi-dimensional monitoring systems that integrate air quality sensors and satellite-based monitoring alongside such stations. Though there is no rule specifying how much the coverage radius of a station should be, official guidelines tie the number to the size of population. Towns with fewer than 1 lakh inhabitants require a minimum of four stations to monitor particulate matter (PM), three to keep a tab on sulphur dioxide (SO2), four to monitor nitrogen dioxide (NO2) and one for carbon monoxide (CO) and oxidants like surface ozone. A city with a population between 1 lakh and 1 million ideally needs 2,417 PM monitors, 1,863 SO2 monitors, 2,417 NO2 monitors, and 525 for CO and surface ozone each, according to CSE, which analysed the guidelines of ‘Indian Standard 5182', used to measure air pollution. Out of 39 stations in Delhi, most of them are in its south and central parts. A total of six stations have been proposed at JNU and IGNOU in south Delhi, Netaji Subhash University (west campus) in west Delhi, ISRO earth station in Central Ridge, Delhi cantonment and the Commonwealth Games Sports Complex in east Delhi. "Delhi is one of India's few regions meeting or exceeding its target number of stations, but the widening gap between demand and actual monitoring infrastructure underlines the urgent need to expand or redistribute them more equitably. The city's outer zones are home to rapidly expanding populations and carry high-exposure risks but remain largely invisible in the monitoring network," stated a CSE report titled ‘Air quality monitoring: addressing data shadow regions.' Among NCR cities, Noida, Gurgaon and Faridabad have the highest number of stations at four each, followed by Meerut at three. Greater Noida, Bhiwadi and Baghpat have two each. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director (research and advocacy) of Centre for Science and Environment, said the regulatory CAAQM network also needs to be representative of land-use patterns and background air quality to provide reliable data for risk assessment, policy making and compliance reporting. "But a high-density network can be very expensive. So, it's necessary to support regulatory monitoring with a multilayered system, including satellite-based pollution mapping and sensor-based local assessment of exposure," she said. Sunil Dahiya, founder and lead analyst of the think tank EnviroCatalysts, said the uneven distribution of the stations leaves most cities in NCR as blind spots. "Having only one station also makes it susceptible to practices like sprinkling of water to alter air quality reading. We need a robust network of regulator-grade stations coupled with low-cost sensors to give granular data for cities and rural areas," he added.

Why vast parts of Delhi still lack reliable pollution data - and how ‘data shadow’ leaves millions in city uncounted

A new analysis has exposed significant gaps in Delhi’s air quality monitoring network, revealing that despite having the most continuous monitoring stations of any Indian city, vast areas remain in a "data shadow," leaving pollution exposure for millions unaccounted for. The report, from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), underscores a critical challenge for effective pollution control policy across the National Capital Region (NCR). According to the CSE report, Delhi’s 39 Continuous Ambient Air Quality Monitoring Stations (CAAQMS) are concentrated in the city’s south and central parts. This skewed distribution means that within a 2-kilometre radius of the existing stations, only 26% of the city’s 1,483-square-kilometre area is effectively covered. The problem, as detailed in the CSE’s report ‘Air quality monitoring: addressing data shadow regions,’ extends beyond Delhi’s borders. An analysis of 29 other NCR cities found a similar pattern of uneven distribution. Twenty-one of these cities possess just a single monitoring station each, despite official guidelines recommending a multi-faceted monitoring system. "Delhi is one of India's few regions meeting or exceeding its target number of stations, but the widening gap between demand and actual monitoring infrastructure underlines the urgent need to expand or redistribute them more equitably," the CSE report stated. "The city's outer zones are home to rapidly expanding populations and carry high-exposure risks but remain largely invisible in the monitoring network." Official guidelines, based on the Indian Standard 5182, stipulate the number of monitors required based on population size. For a city with a population between 100,000 and one million, the ideal network would include thousands of monitors for various pollutants. The CSE analysis found that towns with fewer than 100,000 people require a minimum of four stations for particulate matter (PM) alone. Experts argue that the current sparse network is inadequate for reliable risk assessment and policy-making. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director of research and advocacy at CSE, emphasised that the regulatory network must be representative of diverse land-use patterns. "But a high-density network can be very expensive. So, it's necessary to support regulatory monitoring with a multilayered system, including satellite-based pollution mapping and sensor-based local assessment of exposure," Roychowdhury was quoted as saying by TOI. This vulnerability of a limited network was highlighted by Sunil Dahiya, founder of the think tank EnviroCatalysts. He pointed out that having only one station in many NCR cities leaves them as "blind spots" and makes readings susceptible to localised manipulation, such as the sprinkling of water to temporarily alter air quality data. "We need a robust network of regulator-grade stations coupled with low-cost sensors to give granular data for cities and rural areas," Dahiya added, as cited by TOI. While six new stations have been proposed for locations including JNU, IGNOU and the Delhi cantonment, the findings present a stark picture: the world’s most polluted capital city is still largely flying blind when it comes to understanding the full scope of the toxic air its residents breathe.

Dip in farm fires in Punjab & Haryana, overall share to AQI below 5%, but air still very poor

The stubble burning season is almost over and satellite data shows that Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh have surpassed the cases recorded in Punjab this year. MP, UP and Rajasthan have actually logged their highest number of farm fires in the past six years. In contrast, Punjab, which witnessed floods, and Haryana recorded their lowest numbers in the same period, with 5,101 and 642 cases, respectively, reported between Sept 15 and Nov 26. MP reported 15,501 incidents, followed by UP at 6,284. Rajasthan recorded 2,867 cases, according to the satellite data compiled by Indian Agricultural Research Institute. Meanwhile, the contribution of stubble burning to Delhi's PM2.5 has been less this season. Its share surpassed 10% on just eight days and 20% on only one day. The contribution never surpassed 30% and, on most days, remained below 5%. The share of stubble burning was above 20% on 14 days last year, shows the Decision Support System data. From Sept 15 to Nov 26, MP recorded 15,501 cases in 2025, up from 15,261 in 2024 and 13,947 in 2022. UP followed a similar upward trend, with 3,737 cases in 2023, increasing to 5,248 in 2024 and 6,284 in 2025. Rajasthan also saw a rise — from 1,769 in 2023 to 2,709 in 2024 and now to 2,867. In contrast, Punjab has reported 5,101 cases — a sharp drop from 10,780 in 2024 and 36,614 in 2023. For Haryana, the number stood at 642, down from 1,358 in 2024 and 2,284 in 2023. The city's air quality is mainly impacted due to northwesterly winds, which bring pollutants from stubble burning sites in Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and west Uttar Pradesh to Delhi. In winter, northwesterly winds are predominant in Delhi. "The stubble burning in MP does not impact Delhi's air quality due to two reasons: wind direction and distance. As the aerial distance between MP and Delhi is huge, plumes cannot travel so far and die on the way. However, farm fires in MP would impact the air quality of neighbouring areas," said Gufran Beig, founder of System of Air Quality and Weather Forecasting and Research and chair professor at National Institute of Advanced Studies. However, the plumes from farm fires in eastern UP affect Delhi's air quality on some days. "When a western disturbance impacts the region, the wind direction changes to easterly, and on those days, some parts of east UP contribute to the capital's air quality," Beig clarified. Stubble intrusion also depends on the speed of transport-level and local winds. If the transport-level wind speed is slow, the emissions from burning sites will not be transferred to Delhi; if the local wind in the city is calm, it will further aggravate the impact of farm fires. However, if strong winds are blowing in Delhi, they can minimise the effect of stubble burning by dispersing the pollutants. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director of research and advocacy at Centre for Science and Environment, said, "Even when the contribution of farm fires to the overall air quality of Delhi-NCR has reduced, the pollution levels have spiked to the very poor to severe levels, indicating a high impact of local pollution sources. This region cannot hide behind the farm smoke any more."

‘Feels like Covid’: Kiran Bedi flags Delhi-NCR pollution crisis, urges PMO action; claims AQI hit 587 in Indirapuram

Former IPS officer Kiran Bedi has once again raised alarm over Delhi’s deteriorating air quality, sharing multiple posts on X (formerly Twitter) highlighting the city’s hazardous pollution levels. In her latest update, she revealed that the Delhi Air Quality Index (AQI) currently stands at 458, classifying the air as hazardous. The main pollutants recorded were PM10: 339.92, PM2.5: 378.56, NO2: 97.67, SO2: 22.23, O3: 9.95, and CO: 120.53. Bedi also reposted a cartoon from Down To Earth magazine, showing two patients in a hospital—one wearing an oxygen mask with AQI 700, the other injured after demanding clean air—underscoring the human impact of worsening pollution. She further described in a post on November 27 the conditions in her own area, Indirapuram, where the AQI has reached 587, explaining that she has kept her child home from school despite teachers’ requests and has written to the principal to protect her family. In previous posts, dated November 25, Bedi detailed how Delhi’s pollution has severely affected her health, causing sneezing, chest congestion, and restricted mobility, while preventing her from enjoying outdoor activities like walks in Lodhi Garden or Nehru Park. "It’s Agonising. And depressing. Sir please intervene proactively. I live in Indirapuram, and the AQI is 587 right now. I have not sent my child to school inspite of teachers messages. I have written a firm mail to the principal. Whatever is in my area of control I will do that." Asked about her social media post seeking the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) intervention to address Delhi’s air pollution crisis, former Puducherry Lt Governor and ex-IPS officer Kiran Bedi says," I have requested the honourable Prime Minister’s leadership because, at present, a retired civil servant is heading the commission and supervising the matter. Committees and groups have been formed, but the strong political weight that is needed at this moment is missing. This is essentially a coordination issue involving multiple states - Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, and Punjab. Since it is an inter-state matter, it cannot be left solely to a retired civil servant. Whether it is construction, sanitation, or developmental regulations, enforcement requires powerful, coordinated, and effective leadership." — PTI_News (@PTI_News) She adds,"This situation is similar to Covid. I personally witnessed how the Prime Minister guided, inspired, and united the country during that crisis. When coordination is required across states and regions, especially with existing political challenges, no one is better at it than him. If the Prime Minister does not wish to intervene directly, the commission can at least be placed under a Group of Ministers, because this issue concerns multiple states and impacts public health. Air pollution may appear to subside but keeps returning, and it is harming every Delhi resident, from children to the elderly. That is why strong leadership from the PMO is essential.”

Citizens Not Government Is Responsible For Pollution, Traffic And Garbage

Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director, Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), explained that urban transportation was the largest contributor of pollution in the capital. “The emission inventory studies for Delhi done by IIT Kanpur in 2015, TERI-ARAI in 2018, and Safar, also in 2018, have determined the transport sector’s contribution to PM2.5 to be, respectively, 20%, 39% and 41%. Every time the country faces a crisis, the blame goes to the government in power. Whether the topic is traffic violations or rising pollution, the first reaction goes towards questioning the ruling party. Do we, as citizens, ever take the blame for these hazards? A simple answer is no. Whenever the air becomes unbreathable, we blame the authorities; if there is a rise in accidents, we find fault in the enforcement of rules; the instances are too many, and the conclusion comes down to only one thing: shifting the blame towards the government alone. However, as uncomfortable as it may feel, the truth remains unchanged. A majority of these problems stem from everyday choices made by us as citizens, the ones we pretend we don’t hold accountability for. The Rise Of Crisis Every year, especially around winter, as Delhi drowns in dense grey, polluted air that makes it difficult to breathe, protests around the issue start to take place. Or, when Bengaluru or Mumbai sees a heavy traffic congestion, we witness jokes, tweets, and growing frustration across the country about how flawed the country’s urban planning is. However, data show a different story. A huge portion of the blame we impose on the centre is actually ours to bear. It is the citizens of the country who are equally responsible for the faltering systems we so religiously complain about. According to the Economic Survey Delhi 2023-24, almost 79 lakh vehicles, along with 6.5 lakh new vehicles, were registered in the year 2023-2024. This shows a growing trend in the possession of personal vehicles by the general public, leading to increased use and, gradually, more pollution. On top of that, about 1.1 million vehicles made their entries and exits in the city every day. These vehicles, growing at a rate of a whopping 15% contributed almost 81% of nitrogen oxide emissions into the environment. These emissions aren’t just from government vehicles, but from cars and other modes of transport owned and used by the common people.

GRAP III Revoked: How Delhi's ‘Daily Average AQI’ Masks Toxic Pollution Hotspots

"The AQI levels in the city will remain high and variable throughout winters. So you might see 'very poor' today, and then 'severe' two days later, and again it can come down to 'poor' if the wind speed improves," Anumita Roychowdary, Executive Director, Research and Advocacy, Centre for Science and Environment, tells The Quint. "Parents are more confused and angrier than ever," environmentalist Bhavreen Kandhari tells The Quint, a day after the Centre’s Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM) revoked the stringent Stage III restrictions under the Graded Response Action Plan (GRAP) across Delhi. "Parents have spent weeks seeking advisory to restrict outdoor activity to protect their children. Closing schools damaged their learning, but reopening or shifting rules without clarity has disrupted their lives and reopened the risk for health and pollution exposure," adds Kandhari, who's the co-founder of WarriorMoms, a collective of Indian mothers demanding clean air for children. GRAP, which was first introduced in 2017, is a graded and pre-determined emergency response mechanism based on AQI levels of Delhi. "The AQI levels in the city will remain high and variable throughout winters. So you might see 'very poor' today, and then 'severe' two days later, and again it can come down to 'poor' if the wind speed improves," Anumita Roychowdary, Executive Director, Research and Advocacy, Centre for Science and Environment, tells The Quint.

COP30 branded ‘COP of Talk’ as CSE raises alarm over weak outcomes and rising tensions

Indian-Based Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has criticised COP30 — expected to be the “COP of Truth” — describing it instead as a “COP of Talk”, filled with promises but delivering very little beyond one unclear mechanism. CSE says that while the agreement on a new just transition mechanism is a victory for developing countries and civil society, the progress on adaptation finance remains weak and vague. Programme manager for Climate Change at CSE, Avantika Goswami, said the united front of the G77 and China was strong throughout the negotiations. But she explained that the behaviour of some developed countries — including attempts to divide developing blocs and blaming large developing countries as “blockers” — exposed a growing crisis in how COPs operate. “It is unclear who it serves and if it remains fit for purpose,” Goswami said. The Brazilian COP30 Presidency announced the final Belem Political Package on November 22. Its key decisions include a new international cooperation mechanism for just transition, language on tripling adaptation finance by 2035 and a work programme to examine climate finance flows under Article 9 of the Paris Agreement. But one major gap remains: no direct reference to fossil fuels. Instead, Brazil pushed separate, non-COP roadmaps covering fossil fuel transition and deforestation. CSE says this silence is worrying. They argue that the Paris Agreement’s shift from strict targets to voluntary pledges is now showing serious problems — mainly because developed countries continue expanding fossil fuel production while putting pressure on the Global South. CSE said in a statement that blaming developing countries for poor climate ambition is misleading, especially when “China is leading with the world’s largest clean technology programme, and India is adding large amounts of renewable energy as well.” The statement added that the “highly polarised and divisive atmosphere” is making cooperation harder, while rich countries continue promoting weak climate pledges. One of the few clear achievements of COP30 is a decision under the UAE Just Transition Work Programme to create a mechanism for international cooperation, technical support, and capacity building. Programme officer at CSE, Rudrath Avinashi, said this is an important step. “However, with timelines still uncertain, technical functions undefined, and no guaranteed finance for implementation, concerns remain that the mechanism could be empty and meaningless,” he said. Parties agreed on a set of indicators for the Global Goal on Adaptation, but CSE warns that the deal is weak because developing countries still lack financial support to implement the indicators. Key changes were introduced late, leaving little room for review. As a result, many countries believe the package is not strong enough and will need deeper discussions at future sessions. Deputy programme manager at CSE, Trishant Dev, said, “The indicators may be adopted, but without means of implementation for developing countries, the Global Goal on Adaptation sets expectations without the means to meet them.” Adaptation finance — expected to be tripled — was also weakened. The new deadline is now 2035, but there is no clear baseline and no clarity on which countries will pay. Developing countries arrived at COP30 hoping to fix the failure on climate finance from COP29. But their efforts to get a formal agenda item on Article 9.1 were blocked. Instead, they were given a watered-down two-year programme on the broader Article 9. CSE says accountability suffered again. Developed countries resisted key transparency tools and avoided changes that would strengthen the Standing Committee on Finance. Programme officer at CSE, Sehr Raheja, said: “Across tracks, developing countries pushed for stronger accountability, shorter timelines on finance delivery, and a focus on public finance, but saw little convergence.” In the second week, a surprise Roadmap to Transition Away from Fossil Fuels (TAFF) appeared. Supported by some developed and developing countries, it quickly drew attention — overshadowing discussions on adaptation and just transition. However, developing countries argued that a roadmap with no finance provisions and no negotiation process was unacceptable. It was eventually removed from the final COP text. Tensions peaked when Colombia protested the weak ambition on the fossil fuel phaseout. Brazil later announced a separate, non-negotiated roadmap process linked to a Colombia-led conference in April 2026. Goswami said this revealed deeper problems in the talks: “TAFF is critical, but its tactical use to sideline formal adaptation and just transition negotiations exposed a bad-faith effort to undermine months of G77 work on these issues.” Unilateral trade measures such as the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) were also heavily discussed. Countries like India warned that these policies are not about climate ambition, but about protecting industries in the Global North. The issue will now feature in COP dialogues over the next three years, a significant step forward. Goswami indicated that, “while the dialogues on UTM could be mere talk shops, it is significant to see the trade and climate issue being elevated in the COP process… and it is not going away anytime soon.”

Voices of Tomorrow bagi Jurnalis Muda, Nuansa Baru Hubungan Indonesia – India di Era ‘Internet of Everything

Kedutaan Besar India di Jakarta, bekerja sama dengan India News Desk membangun jembatan diplomatik berbasis media antara dua negara antara India dan Indonesia. “Pelaksanaanya kini memasuki babak akhir untuk memilih sejumlah peserta untuk diikutsertakan melakukan kunjungan ke India,” kata Konsul Jenderal India Medan Mr. Ravi Shankar Goel dalam kesempatan media interaction di Hotel Aryaduta Medan, Selasa (25/11/2025). Program “Voices of Tomorrow: Where Young Journalists Meet Editorial Wisdom” diluncurkan di Lothal Conference Hall Gedung Kedutaan Besar India, Jakarta pada 29 Juli 2025 lalu. Melalui program ini, kata Mr. Ravi, diharapkan lahir jurnalis berkompeten dalam menyampaikan informasi dengan integritas tinggi. Memahami konteks global, khususnya hubungan strategis Indonesia–India. “Sekaligus siap menjadi pemimpin redaksi masa depan yang berorientasi pada kualitas, inovasi, dan kerja sama lintas negara,” ungkap Ravi.. Saat peluncuran hadir Duta Besar India untuk Indonesia, Sandeep Chakravorty, Duta Besar Indonesia untuk India, Ina Hagniningtyas Krishnamurthi. Hadir pula CEO India News Desk Sachin Gopalan. Program menjadi upaya dalam memperkuat hubungan kedua negara, ditambah India dan Indonesia sudah terhubung sejak Presiden RI pertama Soekarno. India dan Indonesia menjalin hubungan diplomatik pada 1949. Setahun kemudian, Presiden RI Soekarno didapuk menjadi tamu utama pada Hari Republik India yang pertama pada 1950. Demikian pula, Perdana Menteri pertama India, Jawaharlal Nehru ke Bandung, untuk menghadiri Konferensi Asia Afrika pada 1955. Dalam kepemimpinan Presiden Prabowo Subianto memiliki langkah diplomasi yang kuat menjadi sinyal penting perubahan pendekatan luar negeri Indonesia. Apalagi hubungan Indonesia dan India semakin menguat di tengah pergeseran geopolitik global. Bahkan Presiden Prabowo Subianto ke India sebagai Tamu Kehormatan pada perayaan Hari Republik India yang disambut oleh Presiden India Droupadi Murmu dan Perdana Menteri (PM) Shri Narendra Modi dari tanggal 24 hingga 26 Januari 2025. Kunjungan Prabowo Indonesia ke India menegaskan penguatan serta perluasan kerja sama strategis antara Indonesia dan India, khususnya di sektor ekonomi, pertahanan, maritim, sejak kedua negara telah sepakat untuk menjadi mitra komprehensif strategis pada 2018. Sebelumnya juga Presiden Joko Widodo menjadi tamu kehormatan peringatan Hari Republik Ke-69 di New Delhi, India pada Tahun 2018, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) pada Tahun 2011 dan Presiden Sukarno kala itu jadi tamu untuk peringatan Hari Republik Pertama pada Tahun 1950. Voices of Tomorrow dirancang sebagai inkubator intensif selama tiga bulan, terdiri dari 12 sesi pelatihan daring yang digelar setiap hari Sabtu mulai Agustus hingga Oktober 2025. Dimana dalam setiap sesi berdurasi tiga jam, dengan struktur mencakup paparan materi dari jurnalis senior India dan Indonesia, serta sesi interaktif berupa diskusi atau studi kasus. Dalam sesi pertama Voices of Tomorrow tema “Human Rights Reporting” dengan dua mentor berpengalaman berbagi wawasan yakni Peneliti Human Rights Watch & Jurnalis Senior Andreas Harsono dan Chief Correspondent Reuters untuk Thailand & Myanmar Devjyot Ghoshal. Sesi 2 dari Voices of Tomorrow menghadirkan tema “Gender Reporting” dengan dua mentor jurnalis inspiratif yakni Pemimpin Redaksi & COO Solopos Media Group (SMG) Rini Yustiningsih serta Reporter, Ignites Asia Financial Times Amy Sood. Sesi ketiga dari Voices of Tomorrow bertemakan “Element of Strong Feature Writing” dengan menghadirkan Indonesia Economic Forum Shoeb Kagda, Strails Times Ravi Vellor dan Jurnalis Senior Harian Waspada Dian Warastuti. Dalam sesi keempat, membahas seputar “Digital Journalism & Multimedia Storytelling” yakni First Post dari Palki Sharma dan Narasi TV dari Laban Laisila. Untuk sesi kelima dengan mengambil tema “Data Journalism: Finding Stories in Numbers” dan dihadiri langsung oleh Sandeep Chakravorty (Duta Besar India untuk Indonesia) dan Sachin Gopalan (CEO India News Desk). Dua mentor hebat yang mengisi sesi ini, Nitin Jaiswal (Bloomberg) dan Primus Dorimulu (Investor Trust). Sesi keenam dari Voices of Tomorrow telah dilaksanakan dengan mengambil tema “Political Reporting”. Sesi ini dihadiri oleh Bijay Selvaraj (Deputy Chief of Missions at the Embassy of India in Jakarta), Sachin Gopalan (CEO India News Desk). Dua mentor hebat yang mengisi sesi ini, Sandeep Unnithan (Chakranews) dan Uslimin (Kabar Bursa/ex Komisioner KPU SulSel). Sesi ketujuh dari Voices of Tomorrow telah dilaksanakan dengan tema “Strategic Studies”. Hadirkan dua mentor hebat, Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury (The Economic Times) dan Taufiq Rahman (The Jakarta Post). Sesi kedelapan bertemakan “Strategic Stuides” menghadirkan dua mentor berpengalaman di bidang jurnalisme lingkungan, yaitu Anumita Roychowdhury, Executive Director di Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), dan Harry Surjadi, jurnalis lingkungan senior dari Indonesia. Sesi ke-9 dari program Voices of Tomorrow bertemakan “TV Journalism & On Camera Presence” menghadirkan dua mentor jurnalis terkemuka, Srinjoy Chowdhury dari Times Now dan Brigita Manohara dari TvOne. Dalam sesi tersebut, mereka berbagi pengalaman dan wawasan mendalam tentang dunia jurnalisme televisi, termasuk bagaimana membangun kehadiran di depan kamera, menjaga kredibilitas saat siaran langsung, serta menghadapi tantangan di ruang redaksi TV modern. Sesi 10 sebagai penutup dari program Voices of Tomorrow bertemakan “Locak Journalism & Community Engagement” menghadirkan dua mentor inspiratif: Swati Bhattacharjee, Asisten Editor Senior Anandabazar Patrika, dan Elin Kristanti, Direktur Eksekutif AMSI. Dalam sesi itu, para mentor berbagi pandangan tentang peran jurnalisme lokal dalam memperkuat keterlibatan masyarakat, membangun kepercayaan publik, dan menjaga relevansi media di tengah perubahan digital. Inisiatif internasional perdana ini menjadi momentum bersejarah dalam peradaban yang saling menguntungkan kedua negara. Program itu dirancang khusus untuk membekali jurnalis muda Indonesia dengan wawasan, keterampilan, dan jejaring internasional dalam dunia jurnalistik modern. Lebih dari sekadar peluncuran, program ini mempertemukan para pemimpin redaksi, jurnalis senior, dan diplomat ternama dari kedua negara, serta ratusan peserta dari berbagai provinsi di Indonesia, baik secara langsung maupun daring. Duta Besar India untuk Indonesia, Sandeep Chakravorty, menegaskan pentingnya kolaborasi media dalam melawan disinformasi dan membentuk narasi yang otentik. “Hari ini, narasi tentang India seringkali didominasi oleh sumber-sumber dari Barat. Melalui program ini, kita ingin membangun kapasitas dan koneksi lintas batas yang mampu menghadirkan pemberitaan yang lebih otentik dan seimbang antara India dan Indonesia,” sebutnya. Sementara Duta Besar Indonesia untuk India, Ina Hagniningtyas Krishnamurthi, menggarisbawahi peran penting media dalam membangun jembatan antargenerasi dan antarbangsa. “Media bukan sekadar pengantar informasi, tetapi agen pembentuk persepsi dan pemersatu masyarakat. Program ini akan menjadi wahana yang menghubungkan dua peradaban besar yang telah bertaut selama lebih dari dua milenium,” tutur Ina dalam sambutan daringnya. Sedangjan Ekonom Jro Gde Sudibya yang juga Pengamat Kecenderungan Masa Depan menilai Voices of Tomorrow sebagai nuansa baru hubungan Indonesia – India di era “Internet of Everything (IoE)”. Hal itu selalu menarik dalam mengulas hubungan Indonesia-India yang telah menyejarah, terlebih-lebih ada hubungan emosional yang mendalam antara negarawan pendiri India Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru dengan Soekarno dan Soetan Sjahrir. “Soekarno dalam berbagai kesempatan menyebut dirinya belajar politik dari Mahatma Gandhi,” kata Sudibya. Sedangkan Soetan Sjahrir dalam sebuah tulisannya sebelum kemerdekaan 17 Agustus 1945, menyatakan spirit perjuangannya terinspirasi oleh spirit politik sebagai kekuatan moral (moral force) yang ditelandankan oleh Gandhi dalam perjuangan politiknya. Hubungan Presiden Soekarno dengan PM Nehru begitu dekatnya, dokumentasi hubungan bersejarah di antara ke dua negara menjadi buktinya. Pelatihan jurnalistik kepada wartawan muda Indonesia yang diinisiatifi pemerintah India, semestinya dilihat dalam konteks hubungan bersejarah tersebut. India di bawah kepemimpinan PM Narendra Moodi mengalami kemajuan pesat di berbagai bidang industri, pertanian, farmasi, manufaktur, teknologi IT dan “high technology”. Semestinya wartawan muda yang berkesempatan mengikuti pelatihan itu memperbanyak liputan tentang “success story” yang dicapai India, tidak sebatas berita tentang keagamaan. Sedangkan, Akademisi Prof. I Gede Sutarya yang juga mantan wartawan menyambut baik pelatihan meningkatkan hubungan Indonesia-India. “Ya bagus untuk meningkatkan hubungan Indonesia-India, sebab jurnalisme adalah hal yang sangat penting untuk membangun pemahaman yang baik antara Indomesia dengan India,” bebernya. Menurutnya, jurnalis sebagai garda terdepan untuk memberikan informasi yang bertanggungjawab kepada masyarakat. “Terutama untuk melawan berbagai hoax yang bertebaran di media sosial,” ujarnya. Selain itu, momen itu dapat meretas kembali aliansi Sriwijaya, sebuah persemakmuran Indonesia dan India di masa lalu dari abad ke-7 Masehi sampai dengan abad ke 12 Masehi. Disamping itu, Budayawan Putu Suasta yang juga Alumni UGM dan Cornell University turut memuji pelatihan itu dalam menyiapkan generasi emas Indonesia 2045 danViksit Bharat 2047.

COP30 branded ‘COP of Talk’ as CSE raises alarm over weak outcomes and rising tensions

Indian-Based Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has criticised COP30 — expected to be the “COP of Truth” — describing it instead as a “COP of Talk”, filled with promises but delivering very little beyond one unclear mechanism. CSE says that while the agreement on a new just transition mechanism is a victory for developing countries and civil society, the progress on adaptation finance remains weak and vague. Programme manager for Climate Change at CSE, Avantika Goswami, said the united front of the G77 and China was strong throughout the negotiations. But she explained that the behaviour of some developed countries — including attempts to divide developing blocs and blaming large developing countries as “blockers” — exposed a growing crisis in how COPs operate. “It is unclear who it serves and if it remains fit for purpose,” Goswami said. The Brazilian COP30 Presidency announced the final Belem Political Package on November 22. Its key decisions include a new international cooperation mechanism for just transition, language on tripling adaptation finance by 2035 and a work programme to examine climate finance flows under Article 9 of the Paris Agreement. But one major gap remains: no direct reference to fossil fuels. Instead, Brazil pushed separate, non-COP roadmaps covering fossil fuel transition and deforestation. CSE says this silence is worrying. They argue that the Paris Agreement’s shift from strict targets to voluntary pledges is now showing serious problems — mainly because developed countries continue expanding fossil fuel production while putting pressure on the Global South. CSE said in a statement that blaming developing countries for poor climate ambition is misleading, especially when “China is leading with the world’s largest clean technology programme, and India is adding large amounts of renewable energy as well.” The statement added that the “highly polarised and divisive atmosphere” is making cooperation harder, while rich countries continue promoting weak climate pledges. One of the few clear achievements of COP30 is a decision under the UAE Just Transition Work Programme to create a mechanism for international cooperation, technical support, and capacity building. Programme officer at CSE, Rudrath Avinashi, said this is an important step. “However, with timelines still uncertain, technical functions undefined, and no guaranteed finance for implementation, concerns remain that the mechanism could be empty and meaningless,” he said. Parties agreed on a set of indicators for the Global Goal on Adaptation, but CSE warns that the deal is weak because developing countries still lack financial support to implement the indicators. Key changes were introduced late, leaving little room for review. As a result, many countries believe the package is not strong enough and will need deeper discussions at future sessions. Deputy programme manager at CSE, Trishant Dev, said, “The indicators may be adopted, but without means of implementation for developing countries, the Global Goal on Adaptation sets expectations without the means to meet them.” Adaptation finance — expected to be tripled — was also weakened. The new deadline is now 2035, but there is no clear baseline and no clarity on which countries will pay. Developing countries arrived at COP30 hoping to fix the failure on climate finance from COP29. But their efforts to get a formal agenda item on Article 9.1 were blocked. Instead, they were given a watered-down two-year programme on the broader Article 9. CSE says accountability suffered again. Developed countries resisted key transparency tools and avoided changes that would strengthen the Standing Committee on Finance. Programme officer at CSE, Sehr Raheja, said: “Across tracks, developing countries pushed for stronger accountability, shorter timelines on finance delivery, and a focus on public finance, but saw little convergence.” In the second week, a surprise Roadmap to Transition Away from Fossil Fuels (TAFF) appeared. Supported by some developed and developing countries, it quickly drew attention — overshadowing discussions on adaptation and just transition. However, developing countries argued that a roadmap with no finance provisions and no negotiation process was unacceptable. It was eventually removed from the final COP text. Tensions peaked when Colombia protested the weak ambition on the fossil fuel phaseout. Brazil later announced a separate, non-negotiated roadmap process linked to a Colombia-led conference in April 2026. Goswami said this revealed deeper problems in the talks: “TAFF is critical, but its tactical use to sideline formal adaptation and just transition negotiations exposed a bad-faith effort to undermine months of G77 work on these issues.” Unilateral trade measures such as the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) were also heavily discussed. Countries like India warned that these policies are not about climate ambition, but about protecting industries in the Global North. The issue will now feature in COP dialogues over the next three years, a significant step forward. Goswami indicated that, “while the dialogues on UTM could be mere talk shops, it is significant to see the trade and climate issue being elevated in the COP process… and it is not going away anytime soon.”

How Delhi’s Air Quality Monitors Work: Methods, Errors & CAG Findings Explained

Air Quality Latest News The Supreme Court has asked authorities to justify whether Delhi’s air-quality monitoring equipment is appropriate for the city’s conditions.  Delhi currently operates 40 Continuous Ambient Air Quality Monitoring Stations (CAAQMS), each functioning as a compact, automated laboratory housed in a temperature-controlled cabin.  These stations, positioned across the city for representative measurement, monitor eight key pollutants — PM2.5, PM10, NO₂, SO₂, CO, O₃, ammonia and lead — as mandated by CPCB’s 2012 guidelines.  Inside each dust-proof, air-conditioned unit, racks of analysers, pumps and data loggers process samples drawn through inlets mounted on masts above the station roof. How Delhi’s AQI Stations Measure Pollutants Delhi’s air-quality monitors use specialised, CPCB-approved techniques to measure each pollutant.  Particulate matter (PM2.5 and PM10) is tracked using Beta Attenuation Monitors, which gauge how dust collected on filter tape reduces beta-ray transmission.  Gaseous pollutants are measured through optical and chemical methods:  sulphur dioxide via UV fluorescence,  ozone by UV photometry, and  carbon monoxide with Non-dispersive infrared (NDIR) absorption.  NDIR absorption is a gas sensing technology that measures the concentration of a specific gas by analyzing how much infrared light it absorbs. Nitrogen oxides are detected through chemiluminescence, while ammonia is measured using optical spectroscopy.  Chemiluminescence is the emission of light as a result of a chemical reaction. Optical spectroscopy is a scientific technique that studies the interaction of light with matter to determine a sample’s physical and chemical properties. These instrument-based techniques comply with the National Ambient Air Quality Standards to ensure uniform, reliable data nationwide. Factors That Distort Air-Quality Readings AQI accuracy depends on equipment reliability and the volume of validated data recorded daily.  Stations often miss CPCB’s 16-hour data requirement due to shutdowns caused by calibration, power cuts, extreme weather or transmission failures.  A recent CAG report found many Delhi stations failed to log complete data or measure key pollutants like lead, weakening daily AQI assessments.  Technical issues also distort readings: high humidity inflates particulate measurements, instruments drift without frequent calibration, and poor station siting near buildings or vents skews airflow.  Together, these operational and environmental challenges reduce the precision of Delhi’s air-quality readings. What Research Reveals About PM Measurement Errors Multiple studies show that Delhi’s particulate readings — especially from Beta Attenuation Monitors (BAM) — can significantly overestimate pollution under certain weather and loading conditions.  A 2021 CSIR–NPL and AcSIR study found that beta gauge accuracy declines sharply when relative humidity (RH) exceeds 60%, causing particles to absorb moisture and appear heavier.  The study reported more than 30% overestimation, with bias rising up to fivefold during high-pollution events when particle mass loading is high.  Seasonal effects worsen errors, particularly in winter and post-monsoon months. Researchers advised using site-specific correction factors, which lowered biases from 46% to below 2%.  The U.S. EPA similarly warns that heavy particle accumulation can disrupt airflow and destabilise readings.  These issues help explain why Delhi’s stations experienced data dropouts on Diwali night, when sudden pollution spikes overloaded the instruments. Ensuring Reliable Air-Quality Data: Calibration, Compliance & Oversight Calibration and Maintenance Are Crucial Continuous Ambient Air Quality Monitoring Stations (CAAQMS) must follow strict calibration schedules. CPCB’s 2012 guidelines mandate maintaining detailed calibration records for every particulate monitor. Regular checks are essential because even minor instrument drift affects readings — especially for gases measured through sensitive optical methods. Major Gaps in Data Reporting The CAG audit exposed serious shortcomings in Delhi’s monitoring network: None of DPCC’s 24 stations measured lead (Pb), despite its mandatory inclusion in AQI calculations. Monthly AQI data was incomplete for 12% of months (2014–2021), meaning many stations failed to produce the minimum required valid data. Need to Upgrade and Reposition Stations CAG recommendations include: Relocating stations obstructed by buildings, trees or improper siting. Upgrading or replacing equipment unable to measure all mandated pollutants. Ensuring daily data availability for all pollutants to provide a complete air-quality picture. Third-Party Audits for Accountability Experts, including Anumita Roychowdhury (CSE), stress the need for regular independent audits to verify: Whether stations follow CPCB protocols, Equipment calibration accuracy, Data generation and reporting standards.... Read more at: https://vajiramandravi.com/current-affairs/how-delhis-air-quality-monitors-work-methods-errors-cag-findings-explained/

Centre flags Delhi-NCR’s vehicle burden as key pollution driver, calls for rapid EV transition

Air quality data underscores why transport remains in focus. Between October 15 and November 25, average PM10 levels hovered around 295 µg/m³ and PM2.5 at 171 µg/m³, far above WHO’s safe limits of 45 µg/m³ and 15 µg/m³ respectively. According to the Decision Support System of IITM, vehicles contributed 14–20 percent of pollution between November 1 and 22. Analyses by the Centre for Science and Environment suggest that in winter, vehicular emissions alone can account for nearly half of Delhi’s particulate pollution.

Emerging Opportunities in the Climate Tech Ecosystem

In an interaction with Asia Business Outlook, Akshay Joshi, Program Manager, NSRCEL, sheds light on emerging opportunities and trends defining the climate tech ecosystem in India. Akshay brings years of experience across financial services segments, having held senior roles at companies including Godrej Capital, HDFC Bank, and Tata Capital. His expertise spans market expansion, business development, and alliance management in high-growth markets. Akshay holds an MMS degree from Jamnalal Bajaj Institute of Management Studies and is passionate about leveraging fintech partnerships to drive inclusive growth. The State of India’s Environment Report 2025, released by the Centre for Science and Environment, states, “For the first generation of the 21st century — Generation Alpha — it is an inheritance of profound loss. For their predecessors, climate change has been an unfolding planetary emergency.

ஒரே ஆண்டில் 4,064 உயிர்களைப் பறித்த அசாதாரண வானிலை

2025ல் நாடு முழுவதும் பெருமழை, வெள்ளம், வெப்ப அலை உள்ளிட்ட தீவிர வானிலை காரணமாக இதுவரை 4,064 பேர் உயிரிழந்துள்ளதாக தரவு வெளியாகியுள்ளது. ஆண்டின் முதல் 275 நாட்களில் 270 நாட்கள் (99%) கடுமையான வானிலை பதிவாகியுள்ளன. மாநிலங்களிலேயே அதிகமாக ஹிமாசலப் பிரதேசத்தில் 217 நாட்கள் தீவிர வானிலை ஏற்பட்டதாக Centre for Science and Environment அறிக்கை கூறுகிறது.

Workshop on “Pathways for Vehicle Electrification for Zero Emissions Mobility in West Bengal”- A great initiative by CSE

Recently Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), New Delhi, conducted an effective workshop in collaboration with the West Bengal State Electricity Distribution Company Limited to discuss the regulatory pathways, innovative financial mechanisms, and public-private collaboration to advance the next phase of transport electrification. The state of West Bengal has an opportunity to incorporate electrification as one of its key strategies to deliver on energy transition, climate and clean air action. To strengthen thistrajectory, it is necessary to tap the learning curve from the ongoing first phase of electrification in the state and to provide valuable insights for further strengthening of the implementation framework to deliver on the intended objectives. Dr.Anumita Roychowdhury is the Executive Director of Research and Advocacy at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), the New Delhi-based think tank. She has had a distinguished career in research, communication, and advocacy on sustainable urbanisation, encompassing clean air action, clean and low carbon mobility, and sustainable buildings and habitat. “Our primarily interest was in the strategies that go beyond the direct demand incentives to more effective regulatory tools and instruments including supply side ZEV sales mandate for the manufacturers, procurement mandate for fleet operators, support for public charging and residential home charging that can catalyse the market to make the transition more cost effective and revenue neutral.” The growing interest in such a pathway that is less dependent on direct fiscal subsidies for consumers but more on strategic support for infrastructure development for a self-propelling market nudged by the strong regulatory tools, builds confidence. In fact, the West Bengal market is an opportunity as the EV market is already adapting to limited fiscal support and higher costs of electricity (even after incentive) and higher charging installation costs compared to several other states. Even though the overall market is small and motorisation rate in West Bengal is lower than several other states, the EV penetration in the annual sales of the top OEMs (2W and cars) is increasing. This is the inflexion point where strategic intervention can be a game changer”. – Roychowdhury added. It can be helpful to assess how regulatory targets, targeted fiscal measures, supply side mandate, well-designed procurement models, and robust public–private partnerships can effectively drive the expansion of charging infrastructure and grid interface, deployment of urban and freight fleets including electric buses. A combination of national demand incentive programmes including FAME, PM e-bus sewa, PM e-drive and the state level electric vehicle policy including the tax measures have already catalysed the initial transition. But for the longer-term sustainability it is also necessary to go beyond the demand incentive strategies to assess the potential and opportunity in deploying other regulatory levers including targets and mandates, non-fiscal measures and private participation to drive the change and also to make the transition more revenue neutral. Nationally and globally, there is a growing interest in shaping such regulatory strategies,supply side mandates, and non-fiscal measures to catalyse private investments for the EV ecosystem readiness. Several global experiences have demonstrated the effectiveness of these strategies to enable this shift. Capturing and sharing the global and national learning curve will provide valuable insights for the detailed implementation and operational framework in the state. This workshop brought together the key stakeholders including planning and implementing agencies in the state, industry representatives, service providers and experts including fiscal experts, to discuss the regulatory pathways, innovative financial mechanisms, and public-private collaboration to advance the next phase of transport electrification.