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Capital’s pollution woes | Over 1,500 polluting units shut in NCR: CAQM

In a step against polluting units across NCR, directions have been issued regarding the closure of 1,515 industries, and construction and demolition sites, said the Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM) in an affidavit filed on November 11. Following this, such units — including 264 in Delhi, 234 in Haryana, 637 in UP and 121 in Rajasthan — have been shut. From textile lines in Panipat and Sahibabad to food processing units and metal furnaces in Bawana and Bhiwadi — the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), meanwhile, has commissioned IIT Kanpur for a study to re-examine particulate matter (PM) standards for three of the most emission-intensive industrial sectors operating across Delhi-NCR. These clusters are part of a larger industrial region, which affects Delhi’s air quality. Delhi’s AQI remained in the ‘very poor’ category on Monday, with the 24-hour average settling at 351, a slight improvement from 377 recorded on Sunday, according to the CPCB. In the affidavit filed in the Supreme Court, the CAQM also stated that out of about 50,000 operational industries across the Delhi-NCR, nearly 11,000 fall under the air-polluting category. These are units whose manufacturing processes, fuel use or emissions place them under the highest levels of regulatory scrutiny. They range from large industrial boilers and metal furnaces to smaller combustion-based units operating inside densely packed clusters around the capital. The industrial sector’s share in Delhi’s PM2.5 appears modest when viewed within city limits. A Decision Support System (DSS) developed by the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology estimates that industry, construction and the energy sector together contribute around 10 per cent to Delhi’s particulate levels on most days. However, an assessment by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), based on DSS data for non-crop-burning periods, shows that emissions transported from the surrounding NCR districts — including major industrial belts — can contribute up to two-thirds of Delhi’s PM2.5. Under the national framework, the CPCB classifies every industrial sector using a pollution index — a score that combines its potential to pollute air, water and based on its generation of hazardous waste. Sectors with high scores are placed in the ‘Red’ category, which CPCB describes as “highly polluting” and subject to the strictest emission standards and regulatory control. Lower scores place sectors in the ‘Orange’ and ‘Green’ categories, while units falling under the ‘White’ category are considered practically non-polluting. An industrial unit is treated as polluting if it belongs to high-pollution category, runs fuel- or process-intensive operations, or fails to comply with the emission norms and consent conditions notified under the Air Act, the Water Act and the Environment (Protection) Act.

The unbearable uselessness of India’s Environment Minister

He wields exclamation points and emojis with ease! He reposts every video clip featuring Narendra Modi! He marks every festival and made-up holiday in India with an anodyne image, sometimes even a gif! No, this isn’t your neighbourhood WhatsApp uncle, passing the time online. This is India’s environment minister, a man who’s held this position the longest ever since India got independence – except you’d be hard-pressed to even remember his name. Meanwhile, climate change is currently one of the greatest threats facing the planet. We’re living through one of the warmest years on record. Global emissions are predicted to hit an all-time high, even as India is the fourth highest emitter of greenhouse gases. Coastal cities like Mumbai, Kolkata and Chennai are at high risk. Thousands are dying from heat but we’re not really tracking them. Delhi isn’t a city right now — it’s a gas chamber. And it’s not just the capital city, credible studies tie millions of deaths annually in India to air pollution. More than 63 percent of Indians live in areas that exceed the country’s own air quality standards. The man steering us through this crisis is Bhupender Yadav, fighting the good fight, not on the ground but through colourless social media posts tom-toming India’s – and Modi’s – many successes. For the last four years and 128-odd days, he’s been demonstrating a masterclass in uselessness and social media, of course, has noticed. A day before, when Delhi’s AQI was a dismal 361, he applauded the fact that a car was “sold every two seconds” thanks to the “festive fever” following GST cuts. We’ll note here that amid sources of Delhi’s pollution, vehicular emissions account for 51.1 percent of emissions from all local pollution sources, as per a study by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE).

Kerala observes WHO’s Antimicrobial Resistance Awareness Week

Kerala will observe the World Health Organization’s Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR) Awareness Week from November 18 to 24 with an intensive statewide campaign promoting the responsible use of antibiotics. This year’s theme, “Act Now: Protect Our Present, Secure Our Future,” highlights the urgent global call to curb antibiotic misuse and preserve their effectiveness for generations to come. Health Department officials urged the public to actively participate in the awareness programmes, noting that antibiotic misuse has become one of the most serious health threats worldwide. They stressed that timely corrective action is essential to safeguard both current and future health. Antimicrobial resistance occurs when bacteria evolve to withstand antibiotic treatment due to misuse or overuse, making infections harder to treat and increasing the risk of severe complications. Health Minister Veena George said Kerala has been at the forefront of AMR-control initiatives and has been recognised by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) for its systematic interventions. Under the Kerala Antimicrobial Resistance Strategic Action Plan (KARSAP), the state has implemented several landmark measures, including the publication of India’s first continuous four-year antibiogram, strict controls on the sale of antibiotics without prescriptions, and the transformation of hospitals into Antibiotic Smart Hospitals. These efforts have resulted in a 20–30 percent reduction in antibiotic consumption across Kerala. A QR-code-based 10-question survey will be launched at the state and district levels to assess public awareness on appropriate antibiotic use. The Health Department warned that irresponsible antibiotic use could have severe consequences. If antibiotics lose their potency, even minor infections could become life-threatening, while treatments for diseases such as tuberculosis, pneumonia, and cancer may fail. Surgeries and childbirth procedures could also become riskier. Officials reiterated that antibiotics are effective only against bacterial infections—not viral illnesses such as fever, cold, or flu. The public has been advised to avoid taking antibiotics without a doctor’s prescription, refrain from demanding them unnecessarily, and not use leftover or expired medicines. Sharing antibiotics prescribed for someone else could be dangerous, and improper disposal of unused medicines could harm the environment. In poultry, livestock, and aquaculture, antibiotics must be used strictly under veterinary supervision and never for growth promotion. The department also emphasised that preventing infections remains the most effective protection. Regular handwashing and timely vaccinations can significantly reduce the need for antibiotics. Kerala’s AMR Awareness Week aims to strengthen antibiotic literacy and promote a safer, healthier future for all.

98% processed is 100% lie: Investigating Gurugram’s broken waste system

On paper, Gurugram processes 98 percent of its waste. On the ground, that number dissolves into a mirage. On July 18, the Municipal Corporation of Gurugram (MCG) posted proud images of six geotagged “cleaned” locations on X as part of their cleanliness campaign. The images captured freshly cleared stretches, concrete paths flanked by empty carts, neatly stacked waste supposedly whisked away. When Newslaundry revisited these locations on two different days in July and October, the picture had changed. Five were already buried under new piles of garbage. Only one spot seemed truly clean, and even there, barely 500 metres away, a fresh mound of waste had begun to rise. Digital campaigns can’t disguise a broken system. Gurugram spends Rs 45 crore a year on waste management, yet manages little more than relocation – shifting garbage until someone else’s air, water, or forest pays the price. It’s every step that’s broken Gurugram, Haryana’s second-largest city, stretches over 232 square kilometres divided into 35 wards and four zones. Zones 1 and 2 – Old Gurugram – are cramped, unplanned, densely populated. Zones 3 and 4 – New Gurugram – glimmer with malls, high-rises, and corporate offices. Together, these zones generate roughly 1,200 tonnes of waste every day: 354.83 tonnes in Zone 1, 333.52 in Zone 2, 312.62 in Zone 3, and 199.03 in Zone 4. For a city whose population was estimated to be around 26 lakh as per a 2022 estimate. Each zone is supposed to follow a multi-layered waste management mechanism, with the Municipal Corporation of Gurugram as the nodal agency for collection, segregation, and processing. Gurugram’s process derives from the national Solid Waste Management Rules 2016, with additional operational details codified in its own municipal bylaws – both of which align closely with the guidelines and objectives of the Swachh Bharat Mission. The first step in this waste management machinery is door-to-door collection, with segregation at source: wet, dry and hazardous waste in separate bins. This is rarely followed. However, the Swachh Bharat Mission municipal solid waste management manual states that if unsegregated waste has not been sorted at the primary level, or at the door-to-door collective level, then it should be segregated “either at an intermediate stage or at the processing plant”. Waste collected from these homes is then moved to primary collection points, which are meant to consolidate and temporarily store waste before transporting it to secondary collection points. Secondary collection points are meant to be the logistical bridge between primary collection and processing or landfill sites. They’re designed to segregate and aggregate waste, with composting facilities. The MCG lists 14 secondary collection points across four zones. Newslaundry visited at least one in each zone and found they were functioning in violation of norms. Additionally, the 2023 environment district plan by the Haryana State Pollution Control Board had listed 20 such points, but only two of them continue to be in the 2025 list shared with Newslaundry by MCG officials. That should have meant the remaining 18 ceased to exist. However, Newslaundry visited five of those and found four of them existing as dumps. The next layer should be Material Recovery Facilities (MRFs). As per MCG, five exist. Newslaundry visited four and found them either locked, defunct, or functioning as open dumps. Swachh rankings are questionable. In the 2024–25 Swachh Survekshan rankings, Gurugram claimed a leap from 140th nationally to 41st, earning the title of Haryana’s seventh-cleanest city. Though the numbers tell a paradoxical story. Over three years, door-to-door collection dropped from 98 percent in 2022-23 to just 59 percent in 2024-25. Segregation fared even worse, plunging from 97 percent to a mere 10 percent over the same period. Yet the processing rate has surged from 59 percent to 98 percent. The result? A rising number of unofficial garbage dumps across Gurugram, and the aggregation of unsegregated waste at the Bandhwari landfill on the Gurugram-Faridabad highway near the ecologically sensitive Aravalli forests. A statistical illusion In the 2024–25 Swachh Survekshan rankings, Gurugram claimed a leap from 140th nationally to 41st, earning the title of Haryana’s seventh-cleanest city. Though the numbers tell a paradoxical story. Over three years, door-to-door collection dropped from 98 percent in 2022-23 to just 59 percent in 2024-25. Segregation fared even worse, plunging from 97 percent to a mere 10 percent over the same period. Yet the processing rate has surged from 59 percent to 98 percent. (More data on Dataful here.) Dr Arun Kumar, Program Manager at Envirocatalysts, cut through the fog. “The city’s claim of processing 98 percent of waste is misleading when nearly half of it never even enters the formal collection system. What happens to the rest? Without complete collection and segregation, the idea of near-total processing becomes a statistical illusion rather than an operational reality.” If nearly all the waste is being processed, how can over 200 unauthorised dumping points operate daily? And how can a city with barely functional waste-processing infrastructure claim to process almost everything it produces? The answer is in Gurugram’s streets. At the first mile, no segregation. At the second, defunct sites The Solid Waste Management Rules require door-to-door collection in at least three categories – wet, dry, and domestic hazardous – using compartmentalised and covered vehicles to prevent mixing. Newslaundry found the opposite. For example, near each of the six geotagged “cleaned” sites mentioned by the MCG, carts and trolleys overflowed with mixed waste: food scraps and plastic bottles, medical waste and construction debris dumped together. Many vehicles moving this waste lacked compartments for segregation. At several primary collection points, there were no dustbins for segregated waste. For example, near the Shri Radha Krishna Mandir in Chakkarpur, residents said mixed waste was collected by the civic body. “MCG has given us a direction not to segregate the waste and collect the mixed waste as it is,” claimed local councillor Kunal Yadav. Every time it rains, the toxic leachate – rich in poisonous substances – seeps into the surrounding Aravalli forest areas. Over the last few years, government agencies including the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) and National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI) have tested groundwater near the Bandhwari landfill and found high levels of iron, manganese, boron, calcium, chlorides, and nitrates far exceeding India's drinking water standards. Laboratory data dated February 9, 2022, from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) had revealed the extent of contamination.

Why tiger conservation in India needs democratic participation, not displacement

Antonio Gramsci, the Italian Marxist philosopher, argued that modern states rarely rely solely on coercion to secure obedience. Instead, they maintain dominance through hegemony, the subtle shaping of public consent by embedding state narratives within civil society. In India, Project Tiger exemplifies this hegemony. Through a vast network of conservation NGOs, bureaucracies, and media campaigns, the Indian state has successfully made tiger protection appear not only a national priority but a moral duty. The result is a conservation project that commands near-universal support, even as it extends the state’s control over forests and marginalised communities. Advertisement From its inception in 1973 to 2025, Project Tiger has enjoyed unwavering political backing. What began with nine reserves has now expanded to 58 tiger reserves across 18 states, covering roughly 2.57 per cent of India’s total land area. The country today holds over 70 per cent of the world’s remaining tigers, with 3,682 tigers counted in the 2022 census. These figures are routinely celebrated as evidence of India’s global leadership in conservation and as proof that strict protection works. Yet behind this success lies a troubling truth: The immense socioeconomic cost paid by forest-dwelling communities who have been relocated, dispossessed, or criminalised in the name of conservation. At the heart of Project Tiger lies the doctrine of the “inviolate space”, land free of human presence where tigers can breed undisturbed. Official guidelines like the National Tiger Conservation Authority’s (NTCA) 2008 guidelines codify this, stating that “a minimum inviolate area of 800–1,200 sq km is needed to support 20 breeding tigresses for a viable population,” along with a buffer zone of 1,000–3,000 sq km for dispersing or ageing tigers. But this vision of emptiness has come at a cost. A 2024 University of Arizona study estimated that 2,54,794 people were displaced from tiger reserves between 1973 and 2021. Despite decades of critique from affected communities, NGOs, and researchers, relocation remains central to India’s conservation model. As recently as 2024, the NTCA instructed all tiger-range states to accelerate relocations from core areas of 54 reserves. The circular listed 591 villages, home to 64,801 families, to be relocated as soon as possible. What makes this injustice more striking is that it persists despite robust constitutional safeguards and statutory legislations meant to protect and promote the interests of the forest-dwelling communities, especially the tribals. Before 2006, relocations occurred on an ad-hoc basis — through government orders, Five-Year Plans, or state policies. For instance, the village of Botezari in Tadoba–Andhari Tiger Reserve (TATR) was relocated under the Maharashtra Project Affected Persons Rehabilitation Act (MPAPR), 1999, amended in 2001, as the process began before national reforms took effect. Since then, a robust legal framework has evolved: The Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006, the NTCA guidelines, 2008, and the Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (LARR) Act, 2013. Together, these mandate that relocation be a last resort, allowed only when scientifically proven to be necessary, and that it follow free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC). Families are entitled either to monetary compensation — ₹10 lakh, later increased to ₹15 lakh — or to full resettlement, including land and basic amenities. Yet these provisions largely remain on paper. During our empirical research work on the relocation process in the Achanakmar Tiger Reserve in Chhattisgarh, villagers recalled signing papers they did not understand, while in Satkosia Tiger Reserve, Odisha, even after 7 years, “rehabilitation villages” lacked basic amenities. Why does this continue despite law and evidence? Because conservation in India has long been top-down and colonial in character, reproducing what Gramsci called hegemonic common sense: Ideas so normalised they appear natural. The notion that forest-dwellers are “encroachers” stems from British forest policy, which criminalised subsistence practices and claimed forests for the state. This ideology, popularly termed fortress conservation, has persisted in independent India, even though people have lived in and shaped these ecosystems for centuries. Project Tiger was born out of this worldview. Heavily influenced by international wildlife conservation organisations, the urban upper class, and a few selective conservation biologists, it mirrored Western notions of “pristine wilderness.” These groups continue to position humans as threats to wildlife, legitimising mass relocation. This logic has gone so far that tiger reserves have even been declared in areas without tigers, such as Dampa (Mizoram) and Satkosia (Odisha), relocating people to make space for an absence. When challenged, the so-called “tiger lobby”, a network of powerful conservationists and bureaucrats, has resisted reform. After the 2005 extinction of tigers in Sariska Tiger Reserve, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh commissioned the Tiger Task Force. Its landmark report, “Joining the Dots,” urged a more scientific and people-centred approach. But as its chair, Sunita Narain, later wrote, its recommendations were rejected by mainstream conservationists. The same lobby is claiming that the Forest Rights Act threatens wildlife. This worldview, rooted in deep ecology purism, casts forests as the exclusive domain of tigers. Public empathy is mobilised for the animal, not for the people. The 2018 outcry over the killing of the tigress Avni (T1) in Maharashtra revealed this double standard: Outrage for the tiger’s death eclipsed the suffering of villagers living in conflict. This exclusionary model is not only unjust but ecologically shortsighted. By evicting those who have coexisted with wildlife for generations, it erodes the very social systems that sustain conservation. Excluded communities grow alienated, seeing tigers as the forest department’s property rather than part of their own landscape. In contrast, inclusive, participatory models, where local people are treated as partners, tend to yield better outcomes for both humans and wildlife. In Nagaland, communities once known for hunting Amur falcons now celebrate their arrival, protecting tens of thousands of migratory birds through persuasion and pride, not punishment. In Karnataka’s Biligiri Rangaswamy Hills, the Soliga Adivasis continue to live alongside tigers, drawing on traditional knowledge to manage forests sustainably. Such cases show that conservation succeeds when rooted in relationship, when forests are seen not as fortresses, but as shared homes. Yet coexistence, too, requires nuance. It must not be romanticised. In some cases, forest-dwelling communities genuinely wish to relocate, seeking better access to education, healthcare, or employment. Our research in Tadoba–Andhari Tiger Reserve found that while many resisted relocations, others viewed relocation as an opportunity. The challenge lies in democratising the process of declaration of the Tiger Reserve and, more importantly, the relocation process, where communities, not bureaucracies, make the final choice. Conservation science itself should be open, transparent, and participatory. If hegemony depends on the consent of the governed, then India’s conservation future depends on restoring that consent — not through coercion or spectacle, but through equity, participation, and trust. Only by democratising conservation can India protect both its tigers and the people who have lived with them since time immemorial. Srivastava is a Policy Advocacy Officer, and Sahu is a Professor at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

Why most Indians blame global warming for extreme weather events

In 2024, India experienced extreme weather events on 322 days (Dowan to Earth) (https://www.downtoearth.org.in/climate-change/in-2024-india-experienced-extreme-weather-events-on-322-days-surpassing-records-of-previous-years) — almost 90% of the year. Home to over 1.4 billion people, India is the third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases and one of the most climate-vulnerable nations. In 2024, India experienced extreme weather events on 322 out of 366 days, almost 90% of the year. More than a third of India's districts reported excess rainfall this monsoon, which resulted in floods and landslides that killed over 1,500 people. To better understand this, we conducted phone interviews with over 19,000 people between 2022 and 2025. We combined these interviews with demographic and geographic population characteristics, such as gender, age, caste, urbanicity, education, and climate vulnerability from the 2011 Indian Census and other datasets to estimate public opinion across 634 districts in 34 of India’s 36 states and Union territories. MOST EXPERIENCED EXTREME WEATHER A majority of Indians have experienced severe heat waves (71 per cent), agricultural pests and diseases (59 per cent), electricity power outages (59 per cent), water pollution (53 per cent), droughts and water shortages (52 per cent), and severe air pollution (51 per cent) in the last 12 months. More than one-third of Indians have experienced severe storms (41 per cent), famines and food shortages (38 per cent), severe cyclones (35 per cent), and severe floods (34 per cent). However, people report different personal experiences with extreme weather across the country. In many northern Indian states, such as Rajasthan, Delhi, and Haryana, more than three-quarters of adults say they have experienced severe heat waves compared to just over half in Kerala and Tamil Nadu in the south. This is in line with research that has found these areas to be particularly prone to heat stress. Similarly, while only 35 per cent of Indians nationwide experienced a severe cyclone, this number was 64 per cent for Odisha, which was hit hard by Cyclone Dana in October 2024. More than two-thirds of people in the state also experienced droughts and water shortages. Odisha is particularly susceptible to both. By contrast, in coastal states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu, and mountainous and forested states like Chandigarh and Punjab, fewer than 40 per cent said they experienced droughts and water shortages in the past year. MOST THINK GLOBAL WARMING AT FAULT Many Indians blame global warming for extreme weather events and related impacts, including extinctions of plant and animal species (81 per cent), severe heat waves (78 per cent), agricultural pests and diseases (78 per cent), droughts and water shortages (77 per cent), severe air pollution (76 per cent), water pollution (74 per cent), famines and food shortages (74 per cent), severe cyclones (73 per cent), monsoons (71 per cent), severe floods (70 per cent), severe storms (70 per cent), and electricity power outages (65 per cent). Surprisingly, many held this opinion even when they didn’t personally experience extreme weather events. For example, 74 per cent of adults in Tamil Nadu think global warming is affecting severe storms, although only 21% say they personally experienced one in the past 12 months. In Rajasthan, 70 per cent of adults think global warming is causing severe floods, despite only 28% experiencing one. Research shows that personal experience is not the only factor that shapes public attribution of extreme weather events to global warming. Other factors like education and politics can sometimes play an important role. However, climate change beliefs in India are not politically polarised as they are in the US. About 96 per cent of Indians nationally — no fewer than 90 per cent in any district — think global warming is happening when provided a short definition. In comparison, this number ranges from 45 to 89 per cent across counties in the US.

Why Delhi’s Pollution Needs Year-Round Action, Not Winter Panic

Delhi and the National Capital Region (NCR) experienced the season’s first severe smog episode during Diwali in October this year. Since then, the air quality trend has remained consistently high in the poor to very poor category of the air quality index. Pollution is rising even when the contribution of seasonal farm fires to Delhi’s air quality has stayed below 1-2 per cent. This signals an overpowering influence of local and regional sources of pollution that require urgent control. Every winter, when cool and calm weather conditions trap dangerous levels of air pollution close to the ground, policy discourse shifts…

Minimum temperature in city above normal on over 40% of days

During the monsoon months of June to September 2025, the minimum temperature in Bengaluru remained above normal on more than 40% of the days. Out of the 121 days, 52 days recorded this anomaly, while eight days had temperatures lower than normal. This has been highlighted in an assessment of extreme weather events conducted this year by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a Delhi-based NGO. Experts say the rise in temperature during the monsoon is particularly concerning, as it disrupts the core dynamics of the monsoon system. This can trigger erratic and extreme weather events — from floods to droughts — while threatening agriculture, food security, and public health. As per the India Meteorological Department (IMD), the first 12 days in November have been warmer than normal for Bengaluru. However, the latter part of the month is likely to see cooler, cloudy days as the North East Monsoon becomes more active. The CSE assessment has also found that Karnataka has witnessed an increase in the number of days with extreme weather events in the first nine months of this year (January to September). The number of days with extreme weather events in Karnataka during 2022 was 83; in 2023, only 47 days with extreme weather events were recorded; in 2024, as many as 96 such days were recorded, and in 2025, this has gone up to 120. Karnataka experienced extreme weather events on 120 of the 273 days (nearly 44 per cent of the days from January 1 to September 30). They claimed at least 117 lives, affected 62,586 hectares of crop area, killed over 944 animals, and damaged 3,849 houses. The number of days with extreme weather events in Karnataka was second-highest in the South Peninsular region in India after Kerala (147 days). In April this year, Karnataka had 17 extreme event days, and in July, 29 extreme event days were recorded. In the first nine months of this year, the state also had at least 28 days of lightning and storms, leading to the loss of 54 lives and 106 days with heavy rain, flood, and landslides, leading to the loss of 63 lives.

Our air, their privilege: Delhi’s choking reality

The air is free but why is it such a privilege to breathe?’ read one of the several placards at a protest in New Delhi last week, as residents vented anger over the capital’s worsening air. For years, Delhi’s toxic smog has been a familiar dark cloud — but reports indicating that the government was manipulating data to hide the true extent of the crisis, combined with a recent photo showing two air purifiers flanking the prime minister, seem to have snapped public patience. That image captured the deep divide between those who could afford 'Made in China' air purifiers and sealed offices, and the millions who cannot. Reports that water sprinklers were being used around air quality monitors to suppress readings — and that several stations had been shut down altogether — brought citizens to the streets. The government forced the organisers to call off the protest at the last minute. Those who turned up at India Gate were taken into custody and left 50 km away at the Haryana border. Delhi Aam Aadmi Party president Saurabh Bharadwaj told reporters: “As soon as pollution increases, the government shuts down AQI monitoring stations. Wherever AQI is found to be high, spraying of water is being done… the fraud is happening openly... the intention is not to reduce pollution but to show lower figures”. On 10 November, the AQI was in the ‘very poor’ category in 26 of the 38 monitoring stations in the national capital. Bawana reported an AQI at 366, Jahangirpuri 348, Chandni Chowk 410, Burari 430 — and at Anand Vihar, despite three trucks spraying jets of water outside the monitoring system set up by the Central Pollution Control Board, the AQI read 400. In Delhi-NCR, studies show automobile emissions account for 47 per cent of PM 2.5 emission during the winter — contradicting the Delhi government narrative that blames Punjab’s stubble burning. According to the Air Quality Life Index (AQLI) 2025, of the world’s 100 most polluted cities, 93 are in India. Children growing up in Delhi are likely to lose up to ten years of life expectancy due to toxic air. The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) reports that only 12 per cent of Indian cities have monitoring stations capable of tracking all six key pollutants. Of the CPCB’s 966 operational stations across 419 cities, many are manual and fail to meet the minimum requirement of 104 monitoring days annually. “A large number of India’s 252 cities have already crossed critically polluted levels,” warns Anumita Roychowdhury, CSE’s deputy director-general. “The government must declare a national emergency and treat air pollution as a war-level crisis.”

Delhi’s Toxic Air Is Destroying Kids’ Futures. The Alarming Truth Politicians Don’t Want You to Know!

Delhi’s children are waking up to skies the colour of ash, but the real danger lurks in the invisible toxins they inhale every day. Experts warn that the city’s hazardous air pollution threatens an entire generation: kids in Delhi are not just at risk of dying earlier, they’re facing lower intelligence, chronic sickness, and poor academic performance, simply by breathing. Scientific research reveals a chilling pattern. Chronic exposure to fine particulate matter (PM) dramatically increases risks of premature death among children, causing fatal illnesses like pneumonia and lower respiratory infections. If you were born in Delhi five years ago, you’ve already spent 826 days breathing air that is “poor” or worse, almost half of your life spent gasping for clean oxygen. For 81 of those days, the air was deemed “severe,” meaning toxic. Back in 2019, the Centre for Science and Environment reported, “Air pollution has become a national emergency, killing one lakh children under five every year in India.” For 81 of those days, the air was deemed “severe,” meaning toxic. Back in 2019, the Centre for Science and Environment reported, “Air pollution has become a national emergency, killing one lakh children under five every year in India.”

दिल्ली में प्रदूषण का कहर: कम उम्र में मौत और मंदबुद्धि रहने का खतरा

दिल्ली में प्रदूषण का स्तर इतना खराब हो चुका है कि यहां के बच्चे आसमान का रंग 'राख' जैसा देखकर जाग रहे हैं। उनकी क्रेयॉन बॉक्स में भले ही 'स्काई ब्लू' रंग हो, लेकिन उन्हें यह नहीं पता कि नीला आसमान कैसा दिखता है। दिल्ली-एनसीआर में, बच्चे केवल बड़े नहीं हो रहे हैं वे सांस लेने के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे हैं। जिस हवा से उन्हें जीना, सीखना और खेलना चाहिए, वही हवा उनका जीवन छोटा कर रही है। विशेषज्ञों ने निष्कर्ष निकाला है कि दिल्ली में पैदा हुए और रह रहे Gen Alpha (1990 के दशक के अंत और 2010 के शुरुआती वर्षों में जन्मे युवा) के बच्चे, केवल सांस लेने के कारण, जल्दी मर सकते हैं, कम बुद्धिमान हो सकते हैं, अधिक बीमार पड़ सकते हैं और स्कूल में खराब प्रदर्शन कर सकते हैं। आइए जानते हैं कैसे। ये वे गंभीर चेतावनियाँ हैं जो डॉक्टर 2017 से लगातार दे रहे हैं और इंडिया टुडे उन्हें निरंतर रिपोर्ट कर रहा है: 1. कम उम्र में मृत्यु वैज्ञानिक प्रमाण लंबे समय से दिखाते रहे हैं कि सूक्ष्म कण पदार्थ (PM 2.5) के संपर्क में रहने से बच्चों में समय से पहले मौत का खतरा बढ़ जाता है, खासकर निचले श्वसन संक्रमण और निमोनिया से। दक्षिण एशिया और उप-सहारा अफ्रीका में किए गए मेटा-विश्लेषण इस बात की पुष्टि करते हैं कि शिशु और पाँच साल से कम उम्र के बच्चों की मृत्यु दर सीधे परिवेशी वायु प्रदूषण से जुड़ी हुई है। चौंकाने वाला आंकड़ा: अगर आप पाँच साल पहले दिल्ली में पैदा हुए थे, तो आपने पहले ही 826 दिन 'खराब' या उससे भी बदतर हवा में बिता दिए हैं जो आपके जीवन का लगभग आधा हिस्सा है। इनमें से 81 दिन तो हवा की गुणवत्ता 'अति गंभीर' थी। CSE की चेतावनी (2019): सेंटर फॉर साइंस एंड एनवायरनमेंट ने 2019 में ही चेतावनी दी थी कि "वायु प्रदूषण एक राष्ट्रीय आपातकाल बन गया है, जो भारत में हर साल पाँच साल से कम उम्र के एक लाख बच्चों को मार रहा है।" डॉक्टर वास्तविक समय में रुके हुए फेफड़े, सूजन वाले वायुमार्ग, निमोनिया के उच्च जोखिम और समय से पहले मौत के रूप में इसे देख रहे हैं। हर साल हम कहते हैं, "कुछ करना चाहिए।" और हर सर्दी में, हम कुछ नहीं करते। 2. कम बुद्धिमान अब यह स्पष्ट प्रमाण है कि गंदी हवा मस्तिष्क के विकास को नुकसान पहुँचाती है। बचपन में PM 2.5 और NO2 के दीर्घकालिक संपर्क को मस्तिष्क में संरचनात्मक परिवर्तनों और मापने योग्य संज्ञानात्मक गिरावट से जोड़ा गया है। यहाँ तक कि जन्म से पहले का प्रदूषण भी बाद में IQ स्कोर और मेमोरी फंक्शन को कम कर सकता है। नवीनतम शोध (2024): इंडिया टुडे द्वारा कवर किए गए 2024 के एक अमेरिकी अध्ययन में पाया गया कि लंबे समय तक प्रदूषित हवा के संपर्क में रहने से बच्चों की सीखने की क्षमता, याददाश्त और ध्यान केंद्रित करने की अवधि बाधित हो सकती है। यूनिसेफ की चेतावनी (2017): 2017 में यूनिसेफ ने चेतावनी दी थी कि "1.7 करोड़ बच्चे उन क्षेत्रों में रहते हैं जहाँ वायु प्रदूषण वैश्विक सीमा से छह गुना अधिक है, जिससे उनके मस्तिष्क के विकास पर खतरा हो सकता है।" हम जानते थे कि धुंध हमारे बच्चों की क्षमता को खा रही है। फिर भी हमने उन्हें इसे साँस लेने दिया। 3. अधिक बीमार चिकित्सा अनुसंधान ने दिखाया है कि PM 2.5 में प्रत्येक 10μg/m 3 की वृद्धि के साथ बच्चों में अस्थमा, ब्रोंकाइटिस और निमोनिया के लिए अस्पताल के दौरे में महत्वपूर्ण वृद्धि होती है। चूँकि बच्चे तेजी से साँस लेते हैं और उनके वायुमार्ग छोटे होते हैं, प्रदूषक अधिक गहराई तक प्रवेश करते हैं और अधिक सूजन पैदा करते हैं। अस्पतालों का हाल: दिल्ली के अस्पताल बाल चिकित्सा संकट वार्ड में बदल गए हैं। प्रतीक्षा कक्ष खाँसते हुए बच्चों से भरे रहते हैं, जो धुंध में साँस लेने के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे हैं। डॉक्टर की राय (2019): डॉ. विवेक नांगिया ने 2019 में कहा था, "बच्चों पर अब 5-7 दिन की दवाओं का असर नहीं हो रहा है। अब न्यूनतम दो सप्ताह के कोर्स की आवश्यकता है। एक साल तक के बच्चे श्वसन समस्याओं के साथ आ रहे हैं।" ताज़ा अपडेट (2025): AIIMS के डॉक्टरों ने रिपोर्ट किया है कि जब भी हवा की गुणवत्ता गिरती है, श्वसन मामलों में 15-20 प्रतिशत की वृद्धि होती है। हम एक ऐसी पीढ़ी पाल रहे हैं जिसकी सर्दी की पहली याद इन्हेलर की आवाज़ है, न कि कोहरा। 4. स्कूल में खराब प्रदर्शन बड़े पैमाने के अध्ययनों में पाया गया है कि दीर्घकालिक वायु प्रदूषण जोखिम से स्कूल के टेस्ट स्कोर और संज्ञानात्मक प्रदर्शन में कमी आती है। यहाँ तक कि परीक्षा के दिनों में PM 2.5 में थोड़ी सी वृद्धि भी छात्र के प्रदर्शन में मापने योग्य गिरावट से जुड़ी होती है। शिक्षकों का अनुभव: पूर्वी दिल्ली की एक शिक्षिका ने बताया कि उनके आधे छात्र सुबह की प्रार्थना खाँसते हुए शुरू करते हैं। एक बच्चा गुणन कैसे सीख सकता है जब वह अपनी साँसें गिन रहा हो? गुरुग्राम, नोएडा, लखनऊ, कानपुर सभी जगह 'बहुत खराब से गंभीर' AQI स्तर की रिपोर्ट आ रही है। इस साल, दुनिया के 15 सबसे प्रदूषित शहरों में से 10 भारत में थे। यह दिल्ली का संकट नहीं है। यह एक राष्ट्रीय आपातकाल है, जिसका केंद्र हमारे खेल के मैदान हैं। प्रदूषण पर बहानों से नहीं चलेगा काम लगभग एक दशक से, डॉक्टर, वैज्ञानिक और माता-पिता कार्रवाई की गुहार लगा रहे हैं। इसके बजाय, हमने इस धुंध को 'सामान्य' बना दिया है। हमने अपने बच्चों को सिखाया है कि यह "बस धुंध का मौसम है।" स्वच्छ हवा विलासिता नहीं है। यह एक मौलिक अधिकार है।

Developing countries risk missing fruits on new green economy: CSE

CENTRE for Science and Environment (CSE) says developing countries risk missing out on a green economy unless they make economic resilience and green industrialisation central to their climate agenda. Speaking recently before the COP30 commenced. CSE reports focussed on three strategic fronts of the green transition: agriculture and forest commodities, critical minerals, and clean technology and manufacturing The report says while countries of the Global South hold huge reserves of raw commodities and resources, their share of the value generated from these sectors, the countries remains miniscule The series offers a Southern perspective on how the Global South can participate and stay afloat in the new, green economy. The report calls for a new global order where green industrialisation and localisation and equity will replace the old model of extraction and dependency In a report released from New Delhi, India before the COP30 in Belem, Brazil, the report gives the insight of how developing countries are likely to be left behind in the race towards a new, green economy. The report describes the likely development as the emerging threat amidst a turbulent geopolitical landscape in which climate ambition is struggling to stay afloat. Towards a new green world as the CSE paper series is called was released on the eve of COP30. It calls for centering economic resilience, value addition and green industrialisation in the climate agenda for developing countries. Releasing the series, CSE director general Sunita Narain said: “Inclusive and affordable development is critical for economic resilience and will help combat climate change.” She added that: “Countries need an economic stake in the green transition, which requires domestic manufacturing and job creation. For this, we must also reset global trade and finance rules for localisation and value addition. There is an opportunity to rethink these rules so that distributed local-led production systems can become the basis of green industrialisation,” Focusing on three strategic fronts of the green transition focusing on agriculture and forest commodities, critical minerals, and clean technology and manufacturing, the series presents a Southern perspective on how the Global South can participate and stay afloat in the new, green economy. Across commodities, minerals and manufacturing, developing countries face a common dilemma: they supply the world’s resources but capture too little of the value. From raw cocoa and copper to lithium and solar cells, the green transition is repeating old patterns of extraction and dependence. CSE Programme Manager Avantika Goswami said: “The global green transition risks reproducing old inequities under a new climate-friendly banner, unless the Global South is empowered to capture greater value, diversify its economies, and shape the governance of emerging green industries.’’ She said there is a need to reinvent the climate agenda for the Global South. Calling for decarbonisation without economic resilience is no longer viable. On Agriculture and forest commodities, the paper states that developing countries are trapped in a low-value export cycle as they sell raw agricultural and forest commodities, and end up with almost nothing.. For instance, Ivory Coast and Ghana produce over 50 per cent of the world’s cocoa beans; but, they account for a mere 6.2 per cent of the total export revenue from value added products like chocolate and cocoa powder. In contrast, manufacturers and retailers located in Global North countries capture almost 80 to 90 per cent of the total profit margin of a chocolate bar. The paper argues that “a shift from raw exports to processing and diversification is critical. Under segment two on critical minerals, the paper states that the Global South holds most of the world’s reserves of critical minerals crucial for energy transition; but it captures little of the value generated from refining and manufacturing. These countries remain exposed to commodity price volatility, balance of payments instability, and geopolitical risk. Taking the cases of three countries, Chile, Indonesia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, the paper has analysed the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT) of their critical minerals policies and strategic plans and offers a list of principles for paving the way forward through centering equity and justice for the Global South in the climate-trade-development nexus. Under stage three or the final segment on clean technology manufaructing,the report says the Global clean tech manufacturing is concentrated in China, the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). Developing countries in Latin America, Africa and Southeast Asia together account for less than 5 (five) percent of production value. Meanwhile, the Global South faces a dual challenge of de-carbonising while industrialising to meet the demands of a growing economy. Structural asymmetries persist: developing nations assemble goods but import value-heavy inputs. The paper explores how countries can pursue green industrialisation by building clean-tech manufacturing capacity amid China’s dominance, limited domestic capacities, and unequal participation in global trade. Using case studies from China, India, Indonesia, and Mexico, it outlines key takeaways from country experiences in the clean technology sector, calling for renewed industrial policy, South-South cooperation, and global rule reform to build resilient economies. The three papers present preliminary pathways for how developing countries can capture more value, earn more revenue and emerge as strong players in the new green economy for combating climate change. Dr Narain says: “The future green economy must not mirror the inequalities of the old one. The Global South needs not just a greener world but a fairer one, with economic resilience at its core, in hand with climate action.”

‘Cloud seeding is just cosmetic’

Amid the ongoing debate over air quality data manipulation, Delhi once again lies shrouded in toxic smog as winter sets in. With citizens, environmentalists, and political leaders taking to the streets to demand their fundamental right to clean air, questions arise: can pollution data really be tampered with, and are temporary fixes, such as anti-smog guns, mist sprays, and artificial rain, enough to clear the city’s foul air? In conversation with MUSKAN BHATIA of The Statesman, Anumita Roychowdhury, Executive Director (Research and Advocacy) at the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), explains why credible data is essential and why long-term, multi-sector action is the only real solution. Over the past two decades, she has led major policy campaigns on air pollution – especially vehicular emissions – and helped design clean air action plans in Indian and African cities, including the pioneering Right to Clean Air campaign. Edited excerpts: Q. In a recent interview, it was mentioned that air quality data can be manipulated by using water sprinklers around monitoring stations. What makes you say that? A: Claims about the potential manipulation of air quality data through water sprinkling near monitoring stations have been reported in the media and are worrying. The key question, however, is whether such actions can actually alter the readings. As of now, we have not conducted any independent assessment to determine the extent to which water sprinkling near monitoring stations might influence air quality data. It is an aspect that certainly needs examination. That is why we have emphasized the importance of regular audits of air quality monitoring stations – to ensure that proper monitoring protocols are followed and to identify any external factors or activities around the stations that could affect the readings. Q. There were reports of missing air quality data on the night of Diwali . If data manipulation or gaps do occur, why is it important to address them? A: When such large investments are made in real-time air quality monitoring systems, it is crucial to ensure that protocols are strictly followed so the data remain reliable, credible and continuous. There should be no missing information – monitoring stations must operate to deliver authentic, validated data at all times. Accurate data is essential not only for policy decisions but also for informing the public so that people can take appropriate precautions when pollution levels rise. Q. Do you think the current Winter Action Plan is effective enough to tackle Delhi’s toxic air? If not, why? A: Our position is clear – Delhi’s air pollution problem can only be solved through year-round and sector-specific action. Consistent efforts across the year help build the infrastructure, systems, and services needed to cut emissions at the source. In contrast, the Winter Action Plan is more of an emergency response, activated only when pollution spikes due to seasonal changes. These measures are temporary by design and cannot bring sustained improvement in air quality. Q. When you talk about t temporary measures, does that also include action against stubble burning in Delhi and neighbouring states? A: Stubble burning is an episodic issue, but it is different from the temporary emergency measures we refer to – such as using smog guns, sprinkling water to control dust, halting construction for a few days, or restricting truck entry into Delhi. Crop burning happens only during a short period when farmers switch from one crop to another. To address that, we need systemic, long-term solutions – not short-term fixes. This includes providing farmers with machines to mix crop residue into the soil instead of burning it, and developing infrastructure to convert stubble into materials or biofuels for industry. That way, the residue becomes an economic resource rather than waste, giving farmers a real incentive not to burn it. The solutions are already known – the challenge now is how quickly we can scale them up to eliminate stubble burning altogether. Q. While CAQM highlights its field inspections and penalties against farmers, do you think this focus shifts the attention away from other more significant sources of pollution in Delhi? A: We must not confuse the two issues. Tackling stubble burning requires its own set of in-situ and ex-situ strategies. In-situ measures involve providing farmers with subsidized machines to mix crop residue into the soil instead of burning it. Ex-situ solutions mean collecting stubble and converting it into biomass pellets, bio-CNG, or other fuels that industries can use. These strategies must be implemented properly – but they should not be mixed up with the broader pollution control measures needed for other sectors. Crop burning is a seasonal issue, whereas Delhi’s air pollution persists year-round due to vehicles, industries, power plants, construction, and waste burning. Since vehicles are now the top contributor, Delhi must push for an ambitious zero-emission electric vehicle programme, expand public transport, and create better walking and cycling infrastr ucture to reduce dependence on private vehicles. Similarly, to stop waste burning , municipalities must ensure 100 per cent waste collection, segregation, and remediation of legacy dumpsites. All this demands continuous, year-round investment in infrastructure and systems to control emissions from every source – not just seasonal ones like stubble burning. Q. What is your take on artificial cloud seeding – the solution that the Delhi government is exploring to curb the city’s air pollution crisis? A: That is only a temporary and a cosmetic measure with no effective durable impact. It is also very expensive. Moreover, there is no guarantee it will even work – artificial rain requires several specific conditions to align. And even if those conditions are met and rainfall does occur, the relief will be short-lived. After the initial washout effect that lasts a few hours or at most in a couple of days, pollution levels will rise again. So why should we spend such a huge amount of money on a stopgap measure that offers no lasting impact? Q. How does Delhi’s air pollution problem compare with that of a historically polluted city like Beijing? What lessons can Delhi learn from it? A: To begin with, it is not that Delhi has not made efforts to tackle its pollution problem. The city has already shut down all its coal-based power plants. Polluting fuels such as coal, pet coke, furnace oil, and tyre oil have been banned in industries across the city, which have largely transitioned to cleaner natural gas. On the transport front, both public and commercial vehicles have shifted from diesel to CNG. The city has also begun electrifying its vehicle fleet and enforcing Bharat Stage VI emission standards. These are no small achievements. Thanks to such measures, Delhi’s long-term pollution trend is, in fact, on a decline. However, despite this progress, pollution levels remain alarmingly high. Delhi still needs another 60 per cent reduction in pollution to meet the clean air standard. To bring about the kind of drastic improvement seen in Beijing and other global cities, Delhi will have to act with far greater scale, speed, and strictness – and across all pollution-causing sectors, not just a select few. Like Beijing, Delhi also cannot fight this battle alone. Air pollution does not respect state boundaries. For Delhi’s efforts to yield real results, similar measures must be implemented across the entire Indo-Gangetic Plain. Beijing gained only after extending stringent anti-pollution actions beyond the city to 26 surrounding provinces. That kind of coordinated, regional approach is exactly what Delhi now needs.

Capital continues to breathe ‘toxic’ air

The average AQI of the city keeps fluctuating every day, but the situation at 13 of its pollution hotspots remains severe. Delhi woke up to another morning of heavy smog on Friday, with the city’s air quality staying in the ‘very poor’ category. According to the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), the average AQI stood at 387 at 4 pm, showing a slight improvement from Thursday’s 404, which fell under ‘severe’. Since Diwali, the Capital has been oscillating between ‘very poor’ and ‘severe’ air quality levels. Capital continues to breathe ‘toxic’ air Pollution hotspots remain choked even as average AQI fluctuates article_Author Sneha Richhariya Tribune News Service New Delhi, Updated At : 04:45 AM Nov 15, 2025 IST fb twitter whatsapp Follow us 0 Follow us Connect with us 1 Connect with us featured-imgfeatured-img An anti-smog gun sprays water to curb air pollution in New Delhi on Friday. Mukesh Aggarwal Advertisement The average AQI of the city keeps fluctuating every day, but the situation at 13 of its pollution hotspots remains severe. Delhi woke up to another morning of heavy smog on Friday, with the city’s air quality staying in the ‘very poor’ category. Advertisement According to the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), the average AQI stood at 387 at 4 pm, showing a slight improvement from Thursday’s 404, which fell under ‘severe’. Since Diwali, the Capital has been oscillating between ‘very poor’ and ‘severe’ air quality levels. Advertisement On Wednesday, the AQI had touched 418. While the city-level index continues to shift daily, data from the designated hotspots shows no improvement. Identified in 2018 by the Environment Pollution (Prevention and Control) Authority (EPCA) and the CPCB, these 13 hotspots include Rohini, Vivek Vihar, RK Puram, Narela, Punjabi Bagh, Okhla, Mundka, Wazirpur, Jahangirpuri, Dwarka, Ashok Vihar, Bawana and Anand Vihar. They continue to register some of the highest pollution levels in Delhi. A review of their daily readings shows AQI levels consistently staying above 400 in most of these locations, even on days when the city average dips. Capital continues to breathe ‘toxic’ air Pollution hotspots remain choked even as average AQI fluctuates article_Author Sneha Richhariya Tribune News Service New Delhi, Updated At : 04:45 AM Nov 15, 2025 IST fb twitter whatsapp Follow us 0 Follow us Connect with us 1 Connect with us featured-imgfeatured-img An anti-smog gun sprays water to curb air pollution in New Delhi on Friday. Mukesh Aggarwal Advertisement The average AQI of the city keeps fluctuating every day, but the situation at 13 of its pollution hotspots remains severe. Delhi woke up to another morning of heavy smog on Friday, with the city’s air quality staying in the ‘very poor’ category. Advertisement According to the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), the average AQI stood at 387 at 4 pm, showing a slight improvement from Thursday’s 404, which fell under ‘severe’. Since Diwali, the Capital has been oscillating between ‘very poor’ and ‘severe’ air quality levels. Advertisement On Wednesday, the AQI had touched 418. While the city-level index continues to shift daily, data from the designated hotspots shows no improvement. Advertisement Identified in 2018 by the Environment Pollution (Prevention and Control) Authority (EPCA) and the CPCB, these 13 hotspots include Rohini, Vivek Vihar, RK Puram, Narela, Punjabi Bagh, Okhla, Mundka, Wazirpur, Jahangirpuri, Dwarka, Ashok Vihar, Bawana and Anand Vihar. They continue to register some of the highest pollution levels in Delhi. A review of their daily readings shows AQI levels consistently staying above 400 in most of these locations, even on days when the city average dips. Read More Flowers Delhi My university fees not paid for 2 months, Karisma Kapoor's daughter tells Delhi HC' View More right-arrow Advertisement While average AQI on Friday stayed at 387, it was 428 at Bawana, 414 in Mundka and Rohini, 410 in Vivek Vihar and 432 in Wazirpur. Early this month, Delhi Environment Minister Manjinder Singh Sirsa chaired a high-level review meeting at the Delhi Secretariat with the Environment Secretary, DPCC, Divisional Commissioners (MCD) and senior officials from other departments. The Minister reviewed the progress of on-ground enforcement teams and directed officials to accelerate anti-pollution drives across all 13 hotspots. He directed on-ground teams to ensure strict enforcement of anti-pollution measures, including pothole repairs, paving of roads, water sprinkling to mitigate dust, proper disposal of industrial waste and prevention of open burning. However, localised emissions from waste burning, industrial clusters, construction activities and high vehicular movement continue to keep pollution levels elevated in these zones. Long-term analysis reinforces this trend. An assessment of annual PM2.5 concentrations at these hotspots shows that 11 of the 13 locations recorded higher average levels in 2024 compared to 2023. Data from the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) also points to the emergence of new high-pollution clusters. Shadipur, Nehru Nagar, Siri Fort, Alipur, ITO and Patparganj are among 11 additional areas that have consistently recorded elevated PM2.5 concentrations, signalling the spread of pollution beyond traditionally recognised hotspots.

गोरखपुर में पर्यावरण संरक्षण के अभियान को विचारों का खाद-पानी दे गईं डॉ.सुनीता नरायण, बोलीं- हर छोटे‑छोटे कदम से होते हैं बड़े बदलाव

गोरखपुर एनवायरन्मेंटल एक्शन ग्रुप के स्वर्ण जयंती समारोह के पहले दिन शनिवार को मुख्य अतिथि के रूप में सेंटर फार साइंस एंड एनवायरन्मेंट की महानिदेशक पर्यावरणविद् पद्मश्री डा. सुनीता नरायण ने शिरकत की। समूह की पांच दशकों की पर्यावरणीय उपलब्धियों को सराहते हुए उन्होंने अपने संबोधन में कहा कि हर छोटे‑छोटे कदम से ही बड़े बदलाव की शुरुआत होती है। गोरखपुर की इस हरियाली को आगे बढ़ाते रहना हम सभी की जिम्मेदारी है। मीडियाकर्मियों से बातचीत के दौरान डाॅ. सुनीता नरायण ने कहा कि दिल्ली की तुलना में गोरखपुर बहुत साफ-सुथरा है। इसे हमें ऐसे ही बनाए रखना होगा। इसके लिए उन्होंने कचरा निस्तारण की व्यवस्था प्राथमिक स्तर पर व्यवस्थित करने पर जोर दिया। बताया कि एक अध्ययन के मुताबिक गोरखपुर के लोग 60 प्रतिशत गीला कचरा पैदा करते हैं। ऐसे में शुरू से ही इसका उचित प्रबंधन किया जाए, तो कूडा निस्तारण चुनौती नहीं बनेगा। घरों में ही गीला और सूखा कचरा अलग किया जाए। गीले कचरे का उपयोग बायो सीएनजी या खाद निर्माण में हो।

How Delhi is caught in a poisonous loop

NEW DELHI: The capital's overall air quality index (AQI) fluctuates from day to day, but for its 13 pollution hotspots, the story rarely changes — thick smog and dangerously high pollution levels showing little sign of relief. An analysis of annual PM2.5 concentrations at these hotspots shows that 11 of them recorded a rise in average PM2.5 levels last year compared to 2023. All 13 had levels higher than the annual standard till Oct 31 in 2025, according to Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). Anand Vihar, one of the hotspots, recorded an average level of 124 µg/m³ in 2022, rising to 126 in 2023 and further to 136 the next year. It has already hit 95 by Oct 31, this year, which is more than two times the national annual standard. Both Wazirpur and Bawana have recorded PM2.5 levels of 94µg/m³ in 2025. With an average level of 102µg/m³ this year, Jahangirpuri is currently the most polluted area in the city. The figure dipped from 127 in 2022 to 123 in 2023 before going up to 129 the next year. In comparison to 2023, two hotspots, RK Puram and Dwarka Sector 8, recorded lower levels of PM2.5 in 2024. The remaining 11 hotspots witnessed a rise in annual concentration in 2024 as opposed to a year before. Of all the hotspots, Okhla Phase-2 has had the lowest PM2.5 level in 2025 so far — 72µg/m³. However, it is still 1.8 times higher than the annual national standard. Since Nov and Dec are the most polluted months in Delhi, the annual PM2.5 concentration is likely to rise further by the year-end. Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director, Research and Advocacy, Centre for Science and Environment, said, "In 2018, Supreme Court directed the implementation of ‘pollution hotspot plans' — hyperlocal action across different neighbourhoods to reduce high exposure to pollutants. Air-quality analysis showed that while the overall ambient concentration of PM2.5 in the city was much higher than the national ambient air quality standards, the levels in some locations were higher than even the city's average." A systematic approach is required to reduce pollution in these hotspots, she added. Activist Bhavreen Kandhari said the hotspots remain polluted because local sources of pollution are unchecked throughout the year. Seasonal smog makes things worse, he added. "Inter-departmental coordination and cooperation are essential. Traffic police, municipal agencies, industry and pollution control boards must act in sync to clean up dumps, implement and enforce standards, control dust and maintain continuous monitoring. When the departments pull in the same direction, the number of hotspots will finally begin to fall," said Kandhari.